I no sooner remember this famous and worthy prelate,<510> but I think I see him in the chapel at Whitehall, Queen Elizabeth at the window in the closet, all the lords of the parliament, spiritual and temporal, about them, and then (after his three curtsies) that I hear him out of the pulpit thundering this text: "The kingdoms of the earth are mine, and I do give them to whom I will, and I have given them to Nebuchadnezzar, and his son, and his son's son;"<511> which text, when he had thus produced, taking the sense rather than words of the prophet, there followed first, so general a murmur of one friend whispering to another; then, such an erected countenance in those that had none to speak to; lastly, so quiet a silence and attention, in expectance of some strange doctrine, where text itself gave away kingdoms and sceptres, as I have never observed either before or since. But he, as if he had been a Jeremiah himself, and not an expounder of him, showed how there were two special causes of translating of kingdoms; the fullness of time, and the ripeness of sin; that by either of these, and sometime by both, God in secret and just judgments transferred sceptres from kindred to kindred, from nation to nation, at his good will and pleasure; and running historically over the great monarchies of the world, as the kingdom of Egypt, and after of Israel, swallowed up by the Assyrians, and the golden head of Nebuchadnezzar, the same head cut off by the silver breast and arms of the Medes and Persians, Cyrus and Darius; this silver consumed by the brazen belly and thighs of the Grecians and Alexander, and the brasse stamped to powder by the iron legs of the Romans and Cæsar. Then coming nearer home, he showed how oft our nation had been a prey to foreigners, as first when we were all Britons subdued by these Romans; then, (when the fulness of time and ripeness of our sin required it,) subdued by the Saxons; after this a long lime persecuted and spoiled by the Danes; finally, conquered and reduced to perfect subjection by the Normans; whose posterity continued in great prosperity till the days of her Majesty, who, for peace, for plenty, for glory, for continuance, had exceeded them all; that had lived to change all her counsellors but one, all officers twice or thrice, some bishops four times; only the uncertainty of succession gave hopes to foreigners to attempt fresh invasions, and breed fears in many of her subjects, of a new conquest: "The only way then, (said he) that is in policy left to quell those hopes, and to assuage these fears, were to establish the succession." He noted that Nero was specially hated for wishing to have no successor; that even Augustus was the worse beloved for appointing an ill man to his successor, and at last, insinuating as far as he durst the nearness of blood of our present sovereign, he said plainly, that the expectations and presages of all writers went northward, naming, without any circumlocution, Scotland "which," (said he) "if it prove an error, it will be found a learned error."

            When he had finished this sermon, there was no man that knew Queen Elizabeth's disposition, but imagined that such a speech was as welcome as salt to the eyes, or, to use her own word, "to pin up her winding sheet before her face, so to point out her successor, and urge her to declare him:"—wherefore, we all expected that she would not only have been highly offended, but in some present speech have showed her displeasure. It is a principle not to be despised, qui nescit dissimulare nescit regnare.<512> She considered, perhaps, the extraordinary auditory, she supposed many of them were of his opinion, she might suspect some of them had persuaded him to this motion; finally, she ascribed so much to his years, to his place, to his learning, that when she opened the window, we found ourselves all deceived; for very kindly and calmly, without show of offence (as if she had but waked out of some sleep) she gave him thanks for his very learned sermon. Yet when she had better considered the matter; and recollected herself in private, she sent two councillors to him with a sharp message; to which he was glad to give a patient answer. But, in this time that the lords and knights of parliament and others were full of this sermon, a great peer<513> of the realm, that was then newly recovered of an impediment in his hearing, (I would he did hear no worse now,) being in great liking of the archbishop for this sermon, prayed me to prove my credit with his Grace to get a copy thereof, and to use his name if need were, alleging<27> that impediment which caused, though he were present, that he carried away little of it. I did so; and withal told, how myself had stood so incommodiously by means of the great press as I heard it not well, but was fain to take much of it on trust on other men's report, who varied so, as some (I was sure) did him wrong. The archbishop welcomed me very kindly, and made me sit with him a pretty while in his lodging, but (in fine) told me plainly, he durst give no copy, for that Sir John Fortescue<514> and Sir John Wolley<515> (as I remember) had been with him from the Queen, with such a greeting as he scant knew if he were a prisoner or a free man, and that the speech being already ill taken, the writing might exasperate that which was already exulcerate; so denied my suit, but in so loving a fashion, as from that time to his end I did greatly honour him, and laid up in my heart many good lessons I learned of him: and it was not long ere the Queen was so well pacified, that he went down with the presidentship of York, in the vacancies (half against his will) committed to him; till afterward the Lord Burleigh (now Earl of Exeter,<516>) of whose courage, fidelity, and religious heart, the Queen had great assurance, was made the Lord President.

            But to return to this archbishop; as he was in place but second, so was he in learning, and specially in reading, not second to any in his time; insomuch, as in Cambridge, long since, he was one of the chosen disputers before the Queen; and a Jesuit, 26 years since, disgracing our English students, as neglecting and not reading the fathers, excepts this Matthew Hutton, and one famous Matthew<517> more; and of this Hutton he saith, qui unus in paucis versares patres dicitur; "who is one of those few that search the fathers." For matters of the world I can say but that that is known to the world; his eldest son is a knight of fair living, and now or lately Sheriff of Yorkshire, and a man of very good reputation. One other son he had, that an ill life brought to a worse end; his name was Luke Hutton, so valiant that he feared not men nor laws, and for a robbery done on St. Luke's day, for name's sake, he died as bad a death,<518> I hope with a better mind, than the thief of whom St. Luke writes, that he had our Saviour, if he were Christ, to save himself and him. The archbishop showed herein the constancy and severity worthy of his place; for he would not endeavour to save him (as the world thought he easily might) deserving herein the praise of justice, which Eli wanted, that was too indulgent of his son's vices; and having hereby no blot but such as may sort him with the great monarch of this last age, King Phillip, with two famous warriors of the old Romans, Manlius and Brutus, and with the highest priest, even Aaron. His own death was more happy than his life, to die satur annorum, "full of years," and to see and leave "peace upon Israel."

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