A Discourse on pirates By Henry Mainwaring Edited with an Introduction and Notes By G. E. Mainwaring and W. E. Perrin Bibliographic note by the Ex-Classics Project Henry Mainwaring's Discourse on Pirates was not printed in his lifetime or for many years afterwards, but several manuscript copies circulated, including on which he presented to King James I. This Ex-Classics version is taken from The Life and Works of Sir Henry Mainwaring, edited by G. E. Mainwaring and W. E. Perrin, published by the Naval Records Society, 1922. Spelling has been modernised. Introduction and Bibliography. The copy of Sir Henry Mainwaring's discourse which was presented to James I is now among the Royal Manuscripts in the British Museum. The manuscript, which is not holograph, is a small quarto of forty-eight pages. The handwriting is a particularly good specimen of the Italian script of the period, and the first words in each chapter are illuminated in gold. There is no title-page, but following the dedication to James I, is, "Of the Beginnings, Practices, and Suppression of Pirates." The date of its composition has been assigned to 1617,<1> but from a statement in the dedication it may be assumed that it was partly written in 1616. Before presentation to the King it was evidently circulated among some of the leading personages of the day, and at the suggestion of one of them, possibly the Lord Admiral, Nottingham, it was presented to James I by Mainwaring in 1618 as a thank-offering for his own pardon. The information it contained was valuable and unique, and it is not improbable that Mainwaring's plans for the suppression of piracy on the Barbary Coast may have persuaded James to despatch the expedition to Algiers in 1620. At any rate the information was opportune, for during the years 1618-20 English spies were busy surveying and contriving to bring back plans of the harbours and forts of Algiers and Tunis.<2> In accordance with the rules of the Society, the spelling of the original manuscript has been modernized, the contractions extended, and where necessary the punctuation has been altered. Besides the copy in the Royal Manuscripts, several other manuscript copies are in existence, and a bibliography of them is here given. Some of these lack the dedication to the King, and others substitute for the title the following description of the contents: "A Treatise of Piracy, discovering in what Ports, Havens, and Creeks, all alongst the Turkish and Spanish coasts pirates may sell their goods safely, have victuals, good refreshing and watering, and in what not; with the manner of their sailing and usual places of abode at all seasons of the year, with advice how to prevent and surprise them." List of other MS. copies, with their various repositories. British Museum, Sloane MSS. 1010. 'A Treatise of Pyracie, discoveringe in what Ports, Havens, and Creeks alongst the Turkish and Spanish Coasts Pyrates may sell theire goods safely, have victualls, good refreshinge and wateringe, and in what not; with the manner of theire Saylinge and usuall places of aboad at all seasons of the yeare; with advise how to prevent and surprise them: written by Sir Henrie Mainwaringe, Knight, and by him presented unto King James.' This copy, which is in splendid preservation, consists of twenty folios (i.e., forty pages), but has not the dedication. Begins: 'Daielie experience' etc. and ends: 'Deliberare lente, quod decreveris, constanter urge.'<3> British Museum, Cottonian MSS. Otho E. viii. In folio, bound up with other manuscripts, and slightly damaged by fire, each folio being remounted.<4> Folios 299-316 comprise the 'Discourse of Pirats.' It is in a contemporary hand, not unlike that of Mainwaring, and has the dedication to James I, but is unsigned. All that remains of the title is the word 'Piratts.' Then follows: 'The purpose of this discourse,' and the contents of the chapters, which are unnumbered. Begins: 'Dailie experience' etc. and ends: 'calle anything past in question.' British Museum, Harleian MSS. 2204, ff. 148-166. 'A Treatise of Piracie; discoveringe in what Ports, Havens, & Creeks, all alonge the Turkishe & Spanische Coasts, pirates maie sell their Goods safelie: have Victualls, good Refreshinge & Wateringe; and, in what not. With the manner of their saylinge, & usuall Places of aboad at all Seasons of the Yeare; and advise how to prevent & surprise them. Written by Sir Henerie Mainwaringe, Kt., & by him presented unto King James.' In folio, evidently a contemporary transcript. It has not the dedication, and after the title, commences: 'Daylie experience' etc. MSS. in the Library of the University of Cambridge.<5> 'A Discourse written by Sir Henrie Manwairing; and by him presented to the King's Majestie, A° 1618: wherein are discovered the beginnings and proceedings of the Pyrats, who nowe so much infest the Seas: Together with his advise and direction how to surprise and suppress them.' This copy consists of 26 folios, the 'Discourse' occupying folios 1-19, the rest blank. Begins: 'Dailie experience' etc., and ends: 'Deliberare lente; quod decreveris, constanter urge.'<3> This copy belonged to John Moore, Bishop of Norwich, and afterwards of Ely. The library which he collected was famous throughout Europe, and at his death (1714) the books (29,000), and manuscripts (1790), were sold to George I for 6000 guineas; his Majesty afterwards presenting them to Cambridge University.<6> Bodleian Library, Tanner MSS. 121, ff. 107-17. 'A treatise of piracy, discovering in what ports, havens and creeks, along the Turkish and Spanish coasts, pirates may sell their goods safely etc., with the manner of their sailing and usual places of abode, with advice how to prevent and surprise them, written by Sir Hen. Manweringe and by him presented to King James.' (In Folio.) Hatton MSS. belonging to The Rt. Hon. The Earl of Winchilsea and Nottingham. 'Sir Henry Manwayring's discourse on pirates.'<7> Trinity College, Dublin.<8> 'Capt. Manwaring, his Discourse on Piracy.' Manuscripts of Sir Harry Mainwaring, Bart. ' A discourse written by Sir Henry Manwaringe, and by him presented to the Kinges Matie Ano Dni. 1618, wherein are discovered the beginnings, practises and Proceedings of the Pyrates, who now so much infest the Seas, together with his Advice and direction how to surprise and suppress them.' In folio, bound in a parchment cover with two other manuscripts. This transcript, which is early seventeenth century, is badly done and imperfect. The dedication to the King ends at Pulchrum Scelus.<9> Hodgkin MSS. A copy was formerly in the possession of the late J. Eliot Hodgkin, and was afterwards sold at Sothebys.<10> It was found by Mr. Hodgkin among some odds and ends of fishing tackle in a shop in the Waterloo Road, and he records that in the ordinary course it would have probably gone to the mills.<10> It is entitled:-'A Discourse written by Sr Henrie Mainwaringe Knight, and by him presented unto Kinge James Ano dni 1618, wherein are discovered the beginninges and proceedings of Pyrats, wth theire usuall places of aboad at all tymes of the yeare, together with advise and direction for surprisinge and suppressing of them.' Contemporary manuscript on paper (48 pp.), small folio, and neatly written. Begins: 'Dailie experience' and ends: 'constanter urge.'<3> Dedication. To my most Gracious Sovereign, that represents the King of Heaven, whose mercy is above all his works. Give leave I humbly beseech your Grace to me your own creature (being newly recreated and restored by your gracious pardon to that life which was forfeited to the law) humbly to offer with a faithful, loyal, obedient and a thankful heart to your Majesty's favour, this, as some oblation for my offences, and a perfect sign of the true and hearty acknowledgment I make of your Highness' grace unto me. I am so far from justifying my own errors, that I can scarce afford them those reasonable excuses, which might be perhaps allowable in any other man. As that I fell not purposely but by mischance into those courses; being in them, ever strove to do all the service I could to this State, and the merchants. As that, where there were 30 sail of pirates in Mamora,<12> I suffered none to go in or out, but with condition not to disturb any of your Majesty's subjects. I made peace with Sallee,<13> which took many small ships, and bought out the prisoners: Have cut off three Turks' men of war, the one of them had been as high in Thames as Leigh:<14> Set free the slaves and captives, and taken Englishmen's ships and goods from the Turks, and re-delivered them to the true owners: Have wafted<15> them from other men-of- war: Made peace with Tunis for all your Highness' subjects; and at the same time bought as many English slaves as cost me near 5000 ducats: Disheartened the Flemings from venturing to Newfoundland, by which they would quickly have overthrown the west of England:<16> Been the occasion that all English ships throughout all Christendom have been better freighted than before: Lastly, I have abstained from doing hurt to any of your Majesty's subjects, where by it I might have enriched myself more than £100,000, being that most of the best ships that trade for the Straits, and the coast of Spain and Barbary, as also divers others have come through my fingers. All these things the merchants of London, had justified under their hands with purpose to have shown it to your Highness in favour of me, but I feared I should rather have been troublesome than accepted. These truths though they cannot expiate yet they might extenuate the offence in another man, and may be called Pulchrum Scelus,<9> but in me so little, that did not the laws of Christianity and Nature interdict me I could easily be evidence, jury, judge, and executioner to myself. I trust your Majesty will not undervalue, but rather esteem me the more for having refused the free and voluntary pardons with proffers of good entertainment from other Princes, as namely the Duke of Medina<17> sent to me, that if I would deliver up Mamora <18> to the King of Spain, that I should have a great sum of money for me and my company, with a free pardon to enjoy all our ships and goods, and good entertainment if I would command in the King's ships. The Duke of Savoy sent me my pardon. The Duke of Florence sent me my pardon, and gave leave to the ship to wait on me till I was willing to come in, which did so for a great while. The Dey of Tunis eat bread and salt and swore by his head (which is the greatest asseveration they use) that if I would stay with him he would divide his estate equally with me, and never urge me to turn Turk, but give me leave to depart whensoever it should please your Majesty to be so gracious as to pardon me. These I know of mine own knowledge and so do many more. And since my coming home I have heard that the Conde of Porto Legro<19> after I had put off 5 sail of the King of Spain's men of war<20> (being in fight with them all midsummer day last) myself having but 2 he offered that if any would go out and advertise me he would get me my pardon, and give me 20,000 ducats a year, to go General of that Squadron. Monsieur Manti<21> was met in the Straits with my protection from the Duke of Guise. I forbear to speak how willing the Spanish Ambassador<22> seemed to my brother,<23> to have me serve his Master at that time when he moved him for his consent to my pardon. By these it may appear to your Majesty that I did not labour my pardon as one being banished from all Christian Princes, but as a dutiful subject preferring the service of my country and my particular obedience to your Royal person before my own ends. In this respect I doubt not but your Majesty hath many malicious informations of me from other States, who being themselves refused would by disgracing me in your Majesty's favour, make me incapable of it. But let me humbly beseech your Majesty, that since life and honour are Individui Comites<24> in every honestly resolved spirit, and that your gracious favour hath restored the one, so likewise to do the other, by your favourable acceptance of me, and that they may either live or die together by your Majesty's command. Though my course I confess were not honourable, yet since it was ordained to be unfortunate I am glad 'twas in a way which hath somewhat enabled me to do your Majesty service if occasion were given.<25> This small discourse, of a boisterous argument, and as roughly handled (as also so unworthy your Majesty's eye) of myself I durst not have presented but at the commandment of one of your Majesty's most worthy servants. Your Majesty's new Creature, HENRY MAINWARING. Cap. I -- Their beginnings, and how they relieve themselves within your Majesty's Dominions. Daily experience proves it to be undoubtedly true, that English pirates do first arm and horse themselves within your Highness' dominions, as well England as Ireland, which the easier happens by reason that there are divers places (and chiefly such as are not capable of great shipping), that have no command,<26> as also by the negligence of the owners of such small ships, that having no force to defend them keep ill watch, and leave their sails aboard; wherein those officers cannot be excused, that do not discreetly look into the disposition and resorts of such seamen as either are within, or near their harbours. So that it is commonly seen, that a very few, though but to the number of 10 or 12, do easily get out, and being assured of more company wheresoever they shall touch upon the coast, (by reason that the common sort of seamen are so generally necessitous and discontented) they make no doubt but when they have somewhat increased their number, to better their ship by going into the Trade of Brittany<27> where they meet continually with small Frenchmen, pinks,<28> and brawmes<29> of Hoorn,<30> which being slightly manned are easily surprised. These Commonly go well, and are of good burden, as between 180 and 200 ton; and then by the countenance of such a ship well manned they quickly overbear any small ship with a few great ordnance, and so by little and little reinforce themselves, to be able to encounter with a good ship.<31> But if they chance to put out of the North part of these coasts, then they fit themselves in the North Seas. And to give your Highness a particular instance and taste how these men may and do easily embark themselves: When small pinks and little vessels do stop below Gravesend, in Tilbury Hope, or against Queenborough, the wind being westerly, they may, with one or two wherries in the night, go aboard and enter them, and put to sea before a wind, so that they cannot be stayed or prevented. In this manner, or the like, for the most part they begin both in England and Ireland; and although these things happen more often in England than Ireland, by reason there is more plenty of ports and shipping, as also more abundance of seamen, yet in proportion Ireland doth much exceed it, for it may be well called the nursery and storehouse of pirates,<32> in regard of the general good entertainment they receive there; supply of victuals and men which continually repair thither out of England to meet with pirates.<33> As also, for that they have as good or rather better intelligence where your Majesty's ships are, than contrariwise they shall have of the pirates. In regard of the benefit the country receives by the one, and the prejudice, or encumber as they count it, of the other. Unto which must also be added the conveniency of the place, being that the South, the West, and the North Coasts, are so full of places and harbours without command, that a pirate being of any reasonable force, may do what he listeth. Besides that, many of that nation are scarce so well reduced to any civil jurisdiction, as to make a conscience of trading with them. Myself saw the experience of these things, for being in the North-west [of Ireland,] where few pirates come, and not understanding but hoping of your Highness' gracious pardon, being for my safety bound to stand off to Sea, till I might hear a happy answer from my friends, to whom I then sent into England, I had near 60 new men come into me, and received letters from the southwards that here were divers expected, that I would touch in those parts to take them in. And generally a pirate may in all those parts trim his ships, without affront from the country, although it be in such places as they may well, either surprise or disappoint them, as also victual themselves in this manner<34>: The country people will not openly bring their victuals, nor in audience of any seem to harken to any such motion, yet privately with the captain will appoint where he shall in the night find so many beeves<35> or other refreshments as he shall need, who (that he may seem to take this away perforce) must land some small shot, and fetch them; with like cleanly conveyance, and secrecy, he must land the goods or money in exchange, which by custom, they expect must be 2 or 3 times the value. In the same sort shall he have all kind of munition, or ship's provision, if it be there to be had. I say not that this is done by open allowance, or toleration of the chief governors and commanders, yet I may well imagine by proportion of other things in these days there may be some connivance where there is a fellow- feeling. Cap. II. -- The ground of opinion which encourages men in this course of Piracy; and of those are called perforced men. The common sort of seamen, even those that willingly and wilfully put themselves into these courses, are greatly emboldened by reason of a received opinion and custom that is here for the most part used, that none but the Captain, Master, and it may be some few of the principal of the company shall be put to death.<36> Now since ordinarily there is not any mean used betwixt death and liberty, to punish them, unless it be a little lazy imprisonment, which is rather a charge to your Highness, than any affliction to them, since their whole life for the most part is spent but in a running prison, and for that it may be thought too much effusion of blood, to take away the lives of so many, as may perchance be found together in such an action, as also for that the State may hereafter want such men, who commonly are the most daring and serviceable in war of all those kind of people<37>: and on the contrary, to set them at liberty is but licensing them to enter into the same way again, for that the most part of them will never be reclaimed, as appears plainly by those who have been heretofore pardoned me thinketh (under correction of your Majesty's better judgement) it were no ill policy for this State, to make them slaves, in the nature of galley-slaves;<38> whereof though now we have no use, yet for guarding of the coast, there might be vessels of great force contrived, far more serviceable than any we have, especially for the summer-time, to go with sail and oars: and in the meantime, they might be employed to the advancement of many good works, with small charge to your Majesty, as about the Navy; scouring of barred havens, which especially on the East coast are choked up, to the great prejudice of the whole Kingdom, and almost the utter impoverishing of the particular places, and inhabitants there; repairing of your Highness' castles and forts on the sea-coast, which myself have since my coming, seen and perceived to be miserably ruined and decayed and divers such like, which men of better judgement and design than myself would easily invent. And this course, as it may be a means to save many their souls, by giving them a long time of repentance, so would it terrify and deter them, more than the assurance of death itself. Myself have seen them in fight, more willingly expose themselves to a present and certain death, than to a doubtful and long slavery. Other Christian princes use this kind of punishment and so convert it to a public profit, amongst whom it is observable, that as many as make slaves of offenders, have not any pirates of their nation.<39> Many pirates, especially those who are in small ships, a few in number, and that have been out but a while, so that little notice is had of them, having gotten some purchase, do use to clear themselves, by running their ships ashore, or else by sinking them; and so saving themselves in boats, whereby they are the less noted, and that (is) in some parts far from the places of their abodes, as also most distant from the coast where they made purchase. In this course their opinion is that either they go clear, and then they have what they desire, or if they be taken it is but compounding with the Vice-Admirals or some under-officers who (because there is no man to give evidence against them, being that the parties injured may have no notice of their apprehending) may very colourably discharge them. And although this be many times used and that chiefly in Ireland, yet I know there are sufficient laws, and institutions to prohibit and punish them. And therefore the error of this is nothing but abuse by the officers, which by a strict and severe course taken by your Highness for the execution of justice might easily be reformed. By reason that your Highness did grant a pardon to one Peter Cason<40> who betrayed the Concord of London, and one other to a Dutchman named Peeters,<41> who took another ship of London, with condition that they should give satisfaction to the English; they do generally assure themselves of a pardon, if they can but take a good English ship and be able to return or satisfy their losses. And to this they usually add, that if they can get 1000 or two, they doubt not but to find friends to get their pardons for them. They have also a conceit that there must needs be wars with Spain within a few years, and then they think they shall have a general pardon. Lastly they say, that if there be no hope of pardon here, yet Leghorn,<42> and Villefranche<43> are free for them, and thither they go. How to reform the abuse of those privileges so contrary to civil society and common comers betwixt Christian states I know not, except either by treaty with them to abolish such ill customs, or by making the cause equal, by granting free ports for offenders against them in like nature, or by granting Letters of Reprisal to such as by the protection of those places, have their goods unlawfully detained from them. One thing I have not found to be well observed by any man, and yet is a great occasion to encourage men both to continue, and enter into those actions, is the misunderstanding of such as are called perforced-men, by which is commonly meant, such as are taken out of ships at sea, so that it is intended that they are taken away against their wills. But that your Highness may the better understand and judge of such men, I must report truly that when I have had near six or seven hundred men at one time, and for the most part all taken out of ships, I know not that I had three perforced-men, in all my Company, neither of all that I had at sea, was any taken, but in this or the like sort. Having fetched up and commanded a ship, some of the merchants' men would come to me, or to some of my captains and officers, to tell me they were desirous to serve me, but they durst not seem willing, least they should lose their wages, which they had contracted for with their merchants; as also that if by any occasion they should come home to their country, or be taken by any other princes, it would be a benefit to them, and no hurt to me, to have them esteemed perforced-men. In which respect I being desirous to have men serve me willingly and cheerfully, would give them a note under my hand to that purpose, and send men aboard to seem to take them away perforce. These men by such slender attestations are rather welcomed home, than any way molested or troubled, unless by mischance some under officer of the admiralty light upon them, and pillage them of their goods. The inconvenience and mischief whereof is this that such men knowing themselves to be privileged are more violent, head- strong, and mutinous, than any of the old crew, either to commit any outrage upon their own countrymen, or exercise cruelty upon others, as also the most unwilling men to be reduced home, till they have struck up a hand, and then they apprehend the first occasion they can to get ashore in any your Majesty's Dominions, where concealing their wealth they offer themselves to the next officers or justices, complaining of the injury they have received in being so long detained by force, and so they are commonly not molested but relieved. The way in this case neither to punish the innocent, nor to let the guilty escape, is (in my conceit) to have all such committed, till a just proof may be made whether they have received shares or pillage of the goods or not, more than to supply their necessary wants and wearing clothes; if they have, they are then absolutely as willing and as guilty as is the commander. For I never knew seamen so violently liberal, as to force men to receive money, nor any so courteous and so conscionable as to refuse what was offered them. Cap. III. -- How they use to work at Sea. In their working they usually do thus: a little before day they take in all their sails, and lie a-hull, till they can make what ships are about them; and accordingly direct their course, so as they may seem to such ships as they see to be merchantmen bound upon their course. If they be a fleet, then they disperse themselves a little before day, some league or thereabouts asunder, and seeing no ships do most commonly clap close by a wind to seem as plyers.<44> If any ships stand in after them, they heave out all the sail they can make, and hang out drags to hinder their going, that so the other that stand with them might imagine they were afraid and yet they shall fetch them up.<45> They keep their tops continually manned, and have signs to each other when to chase, when to give over, where to meet, and how to know each other, if they see each other afar off. In chase they seldom use any ordnance, but desire as soon as they can, to come a-board-and-board;<46> by which course he shall more dishearten the merchant and spare his own men. They commonly show such colours as are most proper to their ships, which are for the most part Flemish bottoms, if they can get them, in regard that generally they go well, are roomy ships, floaty,<47> and of small charge. Cap. IV. -- Where and what times they use to be where they must water, ballast, wood, trim their ships, and sell their goods. This part may seem somewhat tedious to your Highness in regard that I imagine your Majesty hath not been much used to the sea, but I thought good to set it down, that it might serve a little to advise your Majesty (according to my small understanding) what directions to give in commissions, if there should be any purpose to employ for the suppressing of pirates. Within the Straits of Gibraltar, there is not any place for pirates to resort to, but only Algiers and Tunis, where they may be fitted with all manner of provisions and to ride safely from the Christian forces; yet at Algiers their ships are commonly betrayed from them and manned out by the Turks, after the proportion of 150 Turks to 20 English, yet the English in their persons are well used and duly paid their shares.<48> But at Tunis they are better people and hold their words more justly, especially since Uzuff Dye<49> commanded, who is now there, and a very just man of his word. Those of Algiers do for the most part come without the Straits,<50> or if they stay in the Straits, they lie either off Cape de Gata, Cape de Palos or Cape San Martin,<51> and seldom go lower towards the bottom. Going in of the Straits, they keep close a-board the Barbary shore; but going out on the Christian. At Tetouan, the first town on the Barbary side going in, a pirate may water well, have good refreshing, buy store of powder (which is for the most part brought in by English and Flemish merchants) and sell their goods well, which is quickly landed and dispatched by reason of the boats of the town, but here is no command<26> but to ride upon their guard; they ride also in foul ground and must perforce put to sea if the Levant<52> come here: the people are very just and trusty. At Tlemçen they may water, and ballast, sell goods, and have some refreshing, but the town is 30 miles into the country, so that things are long a-coming and the road very dangerous, being in the bottom of a deep bay; Cape Falcon, bearing North-east; and Cape Tres Forcas<53> bearing West-North-West; the people here are very treacherous. At Formentera by Ibiza is water, wood, and ballast, but nothing else, being no inhabitants. They must shift roads as the winds are either Easterly or Westerly, which they must do by putting through betwixt the Islands wherein the best of the channel is 3 fathom water, and they ride in 5 or 6. At Cape De Gata<51> on the Christian shore they may water, but if they be discovered for pirates they will be put off. At Bona and Bougie<54> which are under the command of those of Algiers, pirates may be very well refreshed with victual, water, and bread, and also sell goods well, and these are good roads for pirates, but they dare not trade with any unless they bring with them the Letters of Algiers; here they may ride under command of the Fort, and the people are very just. Those of Tunis seldom come out of the Straits, but for the most part do lie off of St. Peters by Sardinia, or Cape Passaro in Sicily, or betwixt Cape Angelo,<55> and Xante, yet here they are somewhat fearful of the Venetian Galli-grosses,<56> or else betwixt Cape Salamon in Candy and Scarponto, for ships bound from the bottom, or Gozo<57> by Candy and seldom go any lower. At St. Peters they may water and at Lampedusa,<58> and generally in all the Greek Islands they shall have good quarter, and great store of hogs, and they are good people especially at Milo.<59> At Rhodes and Cyprus if they bring the letters of Tunis or Algiers they shall be well used, but generally in all these places it is not safe trusting them. At Tripoli in Barbary they shall be entertained and refreshed, and ride in command; but these are dangerous people, and the entrance bad for ships of any burden, so that few dare come thither. Sowsey<60> is under the command of Tunis, and a good harbour there. Men shall be well dealt withal that have the Letters of Tunis, and there they ride safe under a castle. Porto Farina<61> is 7 leagues from Cape Carthage, and there is very good watering, and a good place to careen in, being land- locked, yet the North-West winds are dangerous, coming in perries<62> down the high hills; they can have nothing here without leave from Tunis but water. Tunis is but an open road, and the castle cannot warrant the ships; it is a good road all over the bay in 5, 6, and 7 fathom, so that one or two ships of force may keep them all in, where it is easy to fire all the Turks shipping in regard that when any Christian force comes in, they will all forsake their ships and run ashore. Algiers hath a mole<63> within which ships ride; and great store of singular good ordnance, which commands the whole road, which is very dangerous if the wind come Northerly, so that ships cannot or dare not ride to keep them in. In Velez Malaga there is no command, nor in Javia Roads, and therefore they may take ships at an Anchor. In Alicante good ships ride out far in the road, and therefore there they may, the wind being landerly, take out a ship, and in Cullera<64> they ride out of command. Generally not any pirates do stir in the Straits from the beginning or midst of May till towards the last of September, unless it be with their galleys or frigates, yet towards the midst of August those of Algiers will go out of the Straits, if they meet with a set Levant.<52> I purpose not to trouble your Highness with the business of these seas much, or the means to suppress pirates here, for that they lie more commodious for the bordering princes to defend and suppress; yet before I come out of the Straits I think it fit to acquaint your Highness what unequal terms we hold with those of Tunis and Algiers, for although we have merchants, factors, ledgers,<65> there, and a free trade with them, yet at sea they will take our merchants only if they do not fight, they will not make slaves of them, nor keep their ships, but their goods they will. But I think that is rather in favour of themselves than in good will to us; for by that means the common sort of mariners are not so willing to fight for the merchant goods. Though this be a great injustice, yet I think it is necessary to hold quarter with them, for if we should have wars with Spain, there is no place for our merchants that trade that way to relieve themselves in any distress betwixt Sicily and Gibraltar so convenient as those places.<66> In all the Straits there is not any place to ground a ship of any reasonable burden, but they careen all, which is a mighty inconvenience to pirates. Without the Straits for the most part, all pirates do resort to the coast of Spain and Portugal for purchase, and there according to the times of the year do lie off of one place or other; from the midst of February to the last of March, they commonly lie South and South-south-west of Cape St. Maries,<67> some 20 or 30 leagues off, for Indies men outward bound. And generally February, March, April, and May, they keep the coast of Spain, in which months those that look for Straits men homeward bound, lie 20 Leagues off Cape St. Vincent West. Others that want victuals, lie some 15 leagues off the Rock, or the Burlings for Easterlings,<68> which come full of victuals for the Spanish fleet, and bring also good store of copper, linen, and wearing stuffs; and betwixt that height<69> being 39 and 44 they are still in the way of Brazil men<70> both outward and homeward bound, which commonly are going and coming all the year long. When they lie off this coast they use commonly to stand in all night, and off all day, if the wind be to the Northwards of the North-west, as for the most part on those coasts it is in those months either Northerly, or Easterly, and then they come within 3 or 4 Leagues of the shore, but if the wind be westerly, then they stand further off. Some will bring Cape St. Vincent south-east and east-south-east, somewhat betwixt 8 and 16 Leagues, for men bound about the Cape for San Lucar, Cadiz, or the Straits, but generally all those must be good ships, and stout men-of-war, in regard that they lie in the common routes of the King of Spain's men-of-war. Other small men will it may be lie about the North Cape, for small Gallego boats, and Burtons,<71> which hall the shore<72> close aboard, especially if the wind be Easterly; some who have the occasion to trim in Ireland in January and February will go to the Sound<73> by the first of March, but there they cannot stay long by reason of the King of Denmark's ships, but presently they return for Ireland, and trim, and so come for the Coast of Spain. From the midst of May, till the midst of August, they are seldom on the coast, as well for that in those months there is least trading, as for that, in those fair seasons, the Spanish and Flemish men of war do more diligently keep the seas than in winter weather; and these times they commonly spend amongst the South or West Islands, and from thence either to the Banks of Newfoundland, where they may easily be fitted with all necessaries, and so into the Main to trim, or as they do for the most part into Ireland, still casting to be with the coast of Spain by the midst of August, and then they lie no nearer than betwixt 20 and 30 leagues west of, in 37½ and 38½ , in which height<69> the Indies men come in, and there they lie till they understand<74> of the Indies men, which if they understand to be gone in (because the King's men-of-war goes in with them) they then come close aboard the shore, lying for the most part betwixt Cape St. Vincent, and Cape St. Marks, and sometimes chase men over the bar of San Lucar. In this month comes out the Malaga fleet, and many are bound into the Straits. Generally they stay no longer than their ships are clean to go well, as well to fetch up purchase, as to go away from others that may chase them. A good voyage may be made upon the coast of Guinea, but because pirates are seldom so well victualled as is requisite for so long a course, and for that the place is infectious, and the course long to fetch up to windward again, they seldom or never go to the South of the Canaries. At the Isles of Sall, Donis, and Bayon in Galicia, they do use often to water, and ballast, but no other fresh victuals than horses; and at Pontevedra<75> up the River of Vigo, in the same bay, a ship of 8 or 9 foot water may sew<76> dry, and trim in spite of the country, if there be two ships together, the one to ride afloat whilst the other trims; and there is not any other place alongst the coast of Portugal, or Spain, to water in, saving that at the Burlings<68> a small quantity of water may be had, and in the winter time a small man may water in the Bay of Lagos.<77> At Arzilla, betwixt Cape Spartel and El Araish <78> being on the coast of Barbary, they may sell goods well, and have fresh victuals. At Sallee if it be fair weather, they may ride before the bar, and have victuals and water, and sell goods well, but for the most part the sea breaks so on the bar that they can hardly water. At Fidallah they may sell goods very well, have store of victuals, good ballast, and ground a ship that draws nine foot, but here is no water; besides if the wind comes to the North- west, it is a most dangerous road, yet here they use much. At Taffny<79> a small man that dares ride near the shore may water well. At Safi<80> a man may sell goods well, have fresh water and victuals, but the road is dangerous, if the wind comes to the Southward of the Southeast, so that then they must put out, yet the sea will give them warning<81> of any foul weather; besides the Castle cannot defend them, in which respects they seldom stay though they stop there, and here ships may chance to take good purchase in the road, of English, Dutch, and French. At Mogador<82> they sell goods well, and have fresh victuals, but no water. On the [Canary] Islands at the time of the year, there is great store of young hawks and pigeons, which they use to eat, and here they use much. At Santa Cruz<83> they may water, wood, ballast, have fresh victuals, sell their goods, and ride safe under the Castle; the road is very good also, so that there they stay long and use much. At Massa 5 leagues to the Southward of Santa Cruz they sell goods very well, and have fresh victuals, and water, but they ride far off, and the road dangerous, so that they must be beholding to the Moors for their necessaries; else they can do nothing, and this is the farthest Southward that they use on the Barbary coast, unless very rarely some go to Rio d' Oro<84> where they can have nothing but water. At the Desertas by the Madeiras they water and perchance get some beeves<35> there. In the Canary Islands they may water at Lanzarote<85> and in the calms, but if they dispatch not in one day there the islanders will entrench themselves in the sand and cut them off. At Lupo<86> they may get goats but nothing else. In the Western Islands they may water, on St. George's, on that side toward the Peak.<87> At Flores, round about the island, they may water, wood, and ballast, and the inhabitants will not offer to molest them, but now they dare not trade with pirates as they were wont, by reason that the Governor of the Terceiras hath punished them severely for it; yet at Corvo they will trade by stealth, and there they use very much.<88> On the Banks of Newfoundland they easily get bread, wine, cider, and fish enough, with all necessaries for shipping. In Newfoundland, if they be of good force, they will command all the land, in regard that the fishermen will not stand to each other, and so may a small man fit himself in divers places of the land, where there be but a few small ships, yet there are not many pretenders thither, in regard that the course is very long, and the wind so very apt to be betwixt the west and north- west, that unless they come by the midst of June, they may (if they be not well fitted) be starved in the traverse.<89> It hath been moved to the state many times to send wafters<90> to safeguard the fishermen, but the best and cheapest way were to command those of every harbour to fortify the place, and to mount some few ordnance, which might easily be done amongst so many men, especially in the beginning of the year when they have little or nothing to do; yet I must confess that 2 or 3 ships would do much good, though they cannot absolutely perform the service, in regard that the current sets so strongly to the southward, and the wind for the most part betwixt the West and Northwest, so that those that sail to the Northward shall be to windward, and besides there are so many ships coming and going that they shall not know which to chase, and the fog so great that they can have no long chase. In the Out-Isles of Scotland<91> and in divers places of the Main, they may trim well, and in the Isles have any provision they have; but because we have little trade into those places, there be few that know them, and so for want of Pilots they seldom come thither. Within St. George's Channel at Milford and the coast of Wales, they may trim, but because the coast and channel are dangerous and that for the most part one of your Highness' ships is either at Milford or at Dublin, they use seldom thither unless it be some small nimble ship. I never was at Iceland or Friesland, and therefore can say nothing on my own knowledge what they may there do; yet I have heard and judge it may be true, that there amongst the fishermen, they may fit themselves with men and victuals. Yet this I know by experience of divers that I have met, who have been there, and by the necessity of their voyage, that all those that go for Iceland or Friesland must and do stop in Ireland, as they go back for the coast of Spain, to make clean their ships, and this place have I reserved for the last, in regard that it is most frequented by them, and therefore of most importance to be remembered, where besides that they have all commodities and conveniences that all other places do afford them, they have also good store of English, Scottish, and Irish wenches which resort unto them, and these are strong attractors to draw the common sort of them thither. I omit Rat Isle, <92>Belle Isle, and divers places on the coast of Brittany, because they are seldom frequented, and my purpose (for brevity sake) is to speak of the most important and the most used. Cap. V. -- A means as well to prevent as suppress them. These things being thus known, it remains now to consider of a remedy for all these enormities, and which may be the best way so to handle the matter that those which are now out may be cut off, and those that are not yet may be prevented, which were both an honourable thing for the State, an acceptable thing to God, and a great benefit to all Christian merchants. First then to prevent their beginning, your Highness may do well to give special command to all officers of all ports within your Highness' dominions to enquire of the behaviour of such seafaring men as are there, and especially of such as have been pirates, and to have such as live dissolutely without seeking honest employments put in good security for their behaviour, or to be imprisoned. And in Ireland, because there is little or no shipping belonging to the country, to command strictly that no seafaring man, especially that hath been a Pirate, shall come within 10 or 12 miles of the sea coast. I know that there is such an order already,<93> and it is reasonable well observed in the South Coast, yet not so well (as I have heard) but that some have lately run away with ships from thence, and in the West and North-West on my knowledge it hath not been, nor is not so; but me thinketh the best and surest way, and that which might much advance the wealth and glory of our State, were to devise some more universal employment than now we have, by which men of that spirit might not complain, as they now do, that they are forced for lack of convenient employment to enter into such unlawful courses. The proof of this is plain, for since your Highness' reign there have been more pirates by ten for one, than were in the whole reign of the last Queen.<94> There being now no voyage to speak of but Newfoundland, which they hold too toilsome, that of Newcastle which many hold too base, and the East Indies which most hold dangerous and tedious, and for your Highness' ships the entertainment is so small, and the pay so bad that they hold it a kind of slavery to serve in them.<95> I speak (40) of the private sailor not the officer. In this I must say to myself ne sutor ultra crepidam,<96> and leave the project to your Highness' singular judgment, only I will remember this, that it is an ill policy, which provides more for punishing than preventing of offenders. Next, to take away their hopes and encouragements, your Highness must put on a constant immutable resolution never to grant any pardon, and for those that are or may be taken, to put them all to death, or make slaves of them, for if your Highness should ask me when those men would leave offending I might answer, as a wise favourite did the late Queen, demanding when he would leave begging, he answered, when she would leave giving;<97> so say I, when your Highness leaves pardoning. And in the little observation I could make in my small travels, I have noted those countries best governed, where the laws are most severely executed; as for instance in Tunis, where no offence is ever remitted, but strictly punished according to their customs and Laws. In 5 months together when I was coming and going I never heard of murder, robbery, or private quarrel. Nay a Christian, which is more than he can warrant himself in any part of Christendom, may on my knowledge travel 150 miles into the country, though he carry good store of money, and himself alone, and none will molest him. So likewise, in my commonwealth of most uncivil and barbarous seamen (the common sort of seamen I mean), that are of all men the most uncivil and barbarous, I could never have subsisted as I did, if I had ever pardoned any notorious offence, though committed by my truest followers, by which constant severity I kept them all in a short time in so good obedience, and conformity, that for few years I never had any outrageous offence, but had them all aboard my ships in as good civility and order, as it could not have been much better in a civil state;<98> for questionless, as fear of punishment makes men doubtful to offend, so the hope of being pardoned makes them the apter to err. To cut them off at sea, such ships must be employed as are proper for the business, that is floaty ships,<47> good sailors, the less remarkable by painting<99> the better, and of reasonable good force in regard that the Turks of Algiers go in fleets some 8 or 9 sail together with 20 or 30 pieces of ordnance each of them. I am verily persuaded that some of your Majesty's ships, and some small advisers,<100> that went with sail and oars, being employed to those places where they resort, might cut off most of them in a short time. And if your Highness thought fit to sell the Turks of Algiers and Tunis (that they might take) into Spain, being worth £30 to be sold one with another: as also by purchase they may chance to find in them, I think by probability, it might more than quit the charge.<101> And then the chief care must be to employ such commanders as know how to work and command like a man-of-war, where to find, how to draw himself to them, as also have a commission joined with a ready wit and judgment, to do sometimes that upon the occasion for which he can have no direction or rule, which thing is only mastered by experience, particular use, and knowledge of these things by the commander, wherein it will be necessary to consider what the Spaniard means when he says Quien ha de ingañar uno Diabolo es menester que sea dos.<102> The want whereof I take to be the chiefest reason that neither the King of Spain's, nor the Hollanders' , nor indeed any men-of-war that have been set out by the Christian princes, have done any service toward the cutting them off. I speak not of your Highness' ships, because I think they have not of late been much employed to that purpose.<103> Or at least the commanders have been so limited by their commission, that they could not do what their own judgment would advise them to.<104> I cannot say to the glory of our nation, nor your Highness' particular comfort and assurance, that we have many such, although there be some, whose eminent, long, and faithful service to the late Queen, as also to your Highness, makes them as plainly to be deciphered as if I should name them; yet to avoid the displeasure of those, who though they may not be worthy, yet will think themselves injured to be left out of a particular calendar, I leave them to your Highness to guess at, and to esteem as so many diamonds in your royal Crown.<105> And yet I think there may be many found able to command a private ship, in company of a General, betwixt which and the Commanding of an Armada and fleet, both for the discretion and judgment, to manage, handle, content, and command the Company, both in fear and love (without which no Commander is absolute) as also in the particular disposing and ordering of his ships in fight, [there is as much difference] as is betwixt hunting with a lime- hound<106> in a string, and a kennel of dogs that run loose, as is betwixt a single combat, and a battle of two armies. I doubt not but in this case your Highness doth and will imitate the policy of the wisest princes, such as your Highness, who do make of peace but a storehouse of war. Lastly for the disappointing of them in Ireland, which I hold the most material of all, being that this is as the great earth for foxes, which being stopped, they are easily hunted to death, and for their best succour, can but hide themselves in cony- holes, whence they are easily digged out. And as conies<107> may be easily destroyed, where they have no holes to hide themselves in, so I verily think that if they were once debarred Ireland, they might easily be confounded, and without further trouble would end per simplicem desinentiam.<108> To this purpose your Highness must allow one good ship for the South coast, that must continually keep the sea, not coming into harbour, but to trim or victual; which must lie South of Cape Clear,<109> betwixt 20 and 30 leagues, for they that come from the South do ever make that Cape for their landfall if they can. To which ship must belong a nimble pinnace, such as a Penecho carvel,<110> which may with sail and oars quickly turn to windward, and this must still be in Harbour, till she hear of any pirates, and then having directions where to find the great ship, to advertise her.<111> In the same manner must be provided for the West and North-west, where must be two such, the one lying off Black Rock<112> or betwixt that and Tillen-head-land- to,<113> or not so far, for here they keep close aboard the shore, coming or going, unless it be like to grow a storm and then they hale further off. These ships would quickly upon any notice be with the North Coast, so that I think these would serve for both those quarters. I omit to speak of fortifying of harbours there (which would put all out of question), both because of the great charge, as also that for other reasons of state, it may be held both inconvenient and dangerous. Further there must be a strict course, and duly executed, that no Vice- Admiral, or other, be suffered to speak with any of the pirates, but to forfeit either life or goods, for so long as they have any communication with them, so long will there be indirect dealing and relieving of them. And to conclude, neither the Deputy, nor any other Presidents, must have power to protect though it be but for one hour.<114> For by reason the country be enriched very much by pirates where they come, the Presidents of every place may be willing to protect and use them with all respect they may conveniently, to draw them to their quarters. All which is done under colour of sending to the State, to know if they shall be pardoned or not. In the meantime they trim their ships, spend their money, are well refreshed, and almost weary of the shore, so that pardon or no pardon they must of necessity go to sea again, and of this there is daily experience. These things being strictly commanded by your Highness, and duly and honestly observed by the officers, will questionless be an infallible way to destroy all that are out, and so dishearten all that have any pretence that way that within a short time there will not be one English pirate, nor any have encouragement to enter into it again; which though it may be some charge to your Highness, yet will the honour which your Majesty shall gain thereby, with the benefit to all Christendom, much preponderate the pressure of the expense. In which business, if it be worth your Majesty's consideration I say no more but this, Delibera lente, quod decreveris constanter urge.<3> My humble suit now unto your Highness is, that if there be anything remembered here that may serve to inform your Majesty in the course of these affairs as they may not be taken as a particular information against any, for I protest on my allegiance I aim at no particular ends but merely to serve your Highness and freely to tell the truth, which I humbly desire may serve to advise your Highness hereafter, and not as an occasion to call anything past in question. The End A Discourse on Pirates Notes These are mostly footnotes in the original. Notes added by the transcriber are identified by [TN] 1. United Service Magazine, Nov. 1913. 2. Cal. S.P. Venice, 1617-19, p. 230; 1619-21, pref. lv. 3. Deliberare lente, quod decreveris, constanter urge: "Be slow in counsel, swift and determined in action." 4. The Cottonian MSS. were damaged in the fire at Ashburnham House, October 23, 1731. 5 Cat. of MSS. preserved in the library of University of Cambridge, 1858, iii. 475. 6. See Bernard, Cat. MSS. Angliae, ii. 367. 7. Hist. MSS. Comm.Rep., i. p.43. 8. Cat. of MSS. in the library of Trinity College, 1900. No. 861 (15). 9. Pulchrum scelus: "An honourable crime. 10. In May 1914. 11. Note by the owner at the end of the volume. 12. Mamora: Mehedia, about twenty miles N. of Sallee on the west coast of Morocco, at the mouth of the R. Sebu. 13. Sallee: The Moroccan port of Salli (now part of Rabat).[TN] 14. Leigh: Leigh-on-Sea. For this incident see also Carew Letters, p. 51. 15. Wafted: Convoyed. 16. The Newfoundland fishery was principally carried on by fishermen from the western ports. 17. The Duke of Medina: El Duque de Medina-Sidonia. 18. Mamora was captured by Fajardo and placed under the Spanish crown in 1614. 19. The Conde of Porto Legro: Sic in MS., probably Juan de Silva, Conde de Portalegre, whose correspondence is in Col. de Docs. ineditos Para la hist. de Espana, 39, 40, 43. 20. The date of the contest was 1615, which would make it appear that the manuscript was partly written, if not actually finished, in 1616. On the copy among the MSS. of Sir Harry Mainwaring, Bart., it is stated to have been presented to James I in 1618. 21. M. de Manti was a native of Marseilles, and is described 'as a servant of the Duke of Guise, and a man of note in navigation and similar matters' (S.P. Venice, 1617-19, 405). 22. The Spanish Ambassador: El Conde de Gondomar. 23. My brother: Probably Sir Arthur Mainwaring. 24. Individui Comites: "Inseparable companions."[TN] 25. As Mr. Oppenheim remarks, 'the English rover was more than half patriot; if he injured English commerce, he did infinitely more hurt to that of France and Spain.' (Admin. of R.N., 177) . 26. That have no command: i.e. are not dominated by any fort or other military establishment. 27. Trade of Brittany: The 'Trade' was the name given to that part of the sea between Ushant and Brest which is now known as the Passage de l'Iroise (see Laughton, State Papers rel. to Spanish Armada, i. 196 n; ii. 348) 28. Pink: A small flat-bottomed vessel, having a very narrow stern, and used principally for coasting and fishing. 29. Brawmes: Prahm or Praam, a small coasting vessel 30. Hoorn: Twenty miles N.N.E. of Amsterdam. 31. In Fortune by Land and Sea, a tragic comedy by T. Heywood and W. Rowley, published 1655, but written during the beginning of the 17th century, occurs: When first we took you to our fellowship, We had a poor bark of some fifteen ton, And that was all our riches. But since then We have took many a rich prize from Spain, And got a gallant vessel stoutly manned, And well provided of ordnance and small shot, Of men and ammunition, that we now Dare cope with any carrack that does trade For Spain. (Act IV, Sc. ii., On board a privateer.) 32. Sir W. Monson spoke of Broadhaven, a land-locked haven between Erris Head and Benwee Head on the west coast, as being 'the well-head of all pirates.' (Naval Tracts N.R.S. xliii. p. 59), 33. The great recourse of pirates to the coasts of Ireland was believed to be due to the want of a statute such as that of 28 Hen. VIII in England (Cap XV. For the punishment of pirates and robbers of the sea), which allowed their trial by commission. From time to time all pirates in Ireland whose conduct deserved death had to be sent over to Barnstaple, Bristol, or West Cheshire (S.P., Jas. I. Ireland, 1608-10. pp. 105-6). 34. On August 22, 1609, Sir Richard Moryson wrote from Youghal that the continued repair of pirates to the west coast of that province was in consequence of the remoteness of the place, the wildness of the people, and their own strength and wealth both to command and entice relief. There were, he reported, 11 pirate ships with 1000 men there then, and that he was forced to forbear any prosecution of them (S.P. Ireland, 1608-10, pp. 277- 8. This calendar is teeming with accounts of piracy). 35. Beeves: Oxen. 36. Mr. Oppenheim points out, that of the many pirate captains whose names continually recur in the State Papers of the reign of Elizabeth, not one is known to have been executed (Adm. of R.N., p. 179). 37. Paul Hentzner, who travelled in England towards the end of Elizabeth's reign, wrote that the English were 'good sailors and better pirates '(Travels, 1797 ed., p. 63). Two famous pirates, Sir John Ferne and Walsingham, were employed under Mansell in the Algiers Expedition of 1620. 38. By an Act of 1597-8 (39 Eliz., cap. 4), for punishing 'rogues, vagabonds and sturdy beggars,' among which category were included 'all seafaring men pretending losses of their ships or goods on the sea going about the country begging,' it was enacted that all who would not reform, would be banished out of the realm, or otherwise be judged perpetually to the galleys of this realm.' Sir William Monson was of the opinion that the minimum period of detention in the galleys should be for seven years (N.R.S., xlv. 107). 39. Cosimo of Tuscany had a short way with proved pirates. In November 1614 two English ships laden with spoil arrived in Leghorn. Suspecting that the plunder came from Christians and not from Turks, he had the crews arrested. On enquiry, his suspicions were found to be well grounded, and he had two of the ringleaders 'hanged, quartered and gibbeted as an example,' and sent the rest to the galleys for life (S.P. Venice, 1613-15, xliv). 40. Cason: Peter Easton or Eston. On November 26, 1612, Easton was re-granted a pardon on condition that he restored the Concord, and the goods that were in it, also the Bonaventure. The pardon was renewed owing to a former pardon never reaching Easton, he being near Newfoundland (S.P. Dom., Jas. I, lxxi. 43). 41. A pardon was granted to Peter Peeters on November 28, 1610, for piracy on a vessel belonging to Edward Cashel, of Dundalk, Ireland (S.P. Dom., Jas. I, lviii. 42). 42. As early as August 1609, the famous pirate captain, John Ward, was invited to Leghorn, and in September 1611 the Grand Duke was offering free quarters to the pirates if they came to Leghorn, and promised them good treatment (S.P. Venice, 1609, p. 309; 1610-13, pp. 206-7). 43. In March 1613 the Duke of Savoy issued a proclamation making Nice and Villefranche free ports. No matter what were their crimes, all and sundry were offered asylum and safety. Bonded warehouses were also opened, where, on payment of a small sum, they could store their goods! (S.P. Venice, 1610-13, p. 503). 44. Plyers: Vessels working to windward. 45. This appears to have been a favourite stratagem, which was adopted also by the King's ships. Sir William Monson states that 'a ship that is chased and desires to show fear, thinking to draw her that chases into her clutches, must counterfeit and work as though she were distressed, or lie like a wreck into the sea; she must cast drags, hogsheads, and other things overboard, to hinder her way '(Naval Tracts, N.R.S. xlvii. p. 142). On March 1, 1579, Drake, in the Golden Hind, while off Cape Francisco, fell in with the Spanish ship Cacafuego. 'To take in sail would be to arouse the suspicions of the chase.' Drake therefore hit on the ingenious idea of trailing at his stern empty wine jars, whereby his speed was reduced, and the chase deceived as to his power of sailing' (Corbett, Drake, i. 274). See also Sir Kendal Digby's Voyage to the Mediterranean (Camden Society, 96, p. 82). 46. A-board-and-board: When two ships touch. 47. Floaty: A ship which draws but little water. 48. Lord Carew writing in 1616 records that, 'in the town of Algiers the English are well enough treated, but if they be taken at sea, either outward or homeward bound, they are esteemed good price without redemption. . . To assure themselves of renegadoes, the Turks are so careful as in every ship there is three Turks for one renegado '(Carew: Letters to Sir T. Roe, p. 61). [Renegadoes are former Christians who have turned Muslim TN] 49. Uzuff Dye: i.e. Yusuf, Dey of Tunis. 50. The Straits: 'The Straits' was the general term for the whole of the Mediterranean: the 'Straits mouth' was the western, and the 'Bottom of the Straits,' the eastern part. (Oppenheim, p. 343 note.) 51. Cape de Gata: 17 miles ESE of Almeria; Cape de Palos: 18 miles E by N of Cartagena: Cape San Martin: 10 miles SE of Denia. 52. The Levant: An East wind blowing up the Mediterranean. 53. Cape Falcon: On N.W. Coast of Algeria; Cape Tres Forcas: On the N.E. point of Ras ed Deir, N. coast of Morocco. 54. Bona: [now Annaba TN] A fortified seaport town whose harbour is considered the safest on the Algerian coast. Bougie: [now Béjaïa TN] One hundred and twelve miles E. of Algiers. The roadstead is deep and sheltered. 55. St. Peters: San Pietro, island off the S.W. point of Sardinia; Cape Passaro: Extreme S.E. of Sicily; Cape Angelo: Cape Sant' Angelo, S.E. extremity of the Morea. 56. Venetian Galli-grosses: Galee Grosse, worked with four sails, and sometimes 100 oars. Some of them were 115 ft. in length, and had turrets for the protection of the soldiers (Weil: Navy of Venice, p. 51). 57. Cape Salamon: East coast of Crete; Candy: Crete; Scarponto: [now Karpathos TN] Island in S.E. Aegean Sea. Gozo: [now Gavdos TN] Island in the Mediterranean to the S.W. of Crete. 58. Lampedusa: Island in the Mediterranean, midway between Malta and the coast of Tunis. Sir Kenelm Digby, who visited Lampedusa in 1628, records that on the island 'dwell no persons . . . but there is a lamp continually burning. The Turks bear a great reverence to the place, and always leave oil or bread or something behind them (through devotion) but they know not for whom; and it hath proved very fatal to carry away anything from thence . . . only one may safely water there' (Voyage to Mediterranean, p. 72). The scene of Shakespeare's Tempest is supposed to be laid on the island (see Hunter: Writings of Shakespeare, i. 158-185). 59. For an interesting account of the corsairs who used the Greek Islands, see Robert's Narrative in Hacke's Collection of Voyages, 1699, pp. 1-53, where their manner of victualling etc., is fully described, somewhat similar to the account given by Mainwaring. A favourite ship employed by them was the Feleucca (i.e. Felucca), rowed with twelve oars, which was so small that they were enabled to hide it 'in a hole.' 60. Sowsey: [Apparently Sousse, on the Gulf of Hammamet, Tunisia; TN] 'command' being here used in the sense of 'dominion.' 61. Porto Farina: [now Ghar el-Melh TN] In the Gulf of Tunis. At one time famous for its arsenal. It was the winter port of the Tunisian fleet. Blake gained one of his celebrated victories here on 4th April, 1655. 62. Perry: A squall or contrary wind (Halliwell's Dictionary). 63. The inner harbour of Algiers, originally built in 1518, consisted of a mole connecting the town with the rocks on which the lighthouse, built 1544, now stands. The citadel situated on the highest point of the city was defended by 200 guns. 64. Velez Malaga: Fourteen miles E.N.E. of Malaga; Javea: Formerly Xavea, forty-five miles N.E. of Alicante. Cullera: Twenty-one miles S. of Valencia. 65. Ledgers: i.e. Ligier; resident agent or consul. 66. On August 18, 1623, the Venetian Ambassador informed the Doge that 'the English merchants, following the example of the Dutch, have made a compact with the ever formidable pirates of Algiers, and for the greater security they have chosen a consul to reside at Algiers '(S.P. Venice, 1623-5, no. 115). The negotiations were carried on by Sir Thomas Roe at Constantinople (see Roe Negotiations, i. pp. 117-9,139-41). 67. Cape St. Maries: Cape Santa Maria, in the Bahamas. 68. The Rock: Cabo da Roca, in Portugal. Known to English sailors as the Rock of Lisbon. Burlings: Berlengas, a group of small islands off coast of Portugal. Easterlings: Ships of the Hanseatic or other Baltic ports, whose inhabitants were called Easterlings. 69. Height and altitude were frequently used by the early navigators for latitude. 70. Brazil men: The yearly Spanish Brazil fleet. 71. North Cape: Cape Finisterre, North Western Spain; Gallego boats: Ships of Galicia; Burtons: Breton ships. 72. Hall the shore: Sail along the shore. 73. The Sound: The strait between Denmark and Sweden which connects the Kattegat with the Baltic Sea. 74. Understand: i.e. have news of. 75. Sall: Salvora; Donis: Islas de Ons; Bayon: The Cies Islands off Vigo; [all in North-Western Spain TN.] Pontevedra: Capital of the province of that name, thirteen miles N.N.E. of Vigo. 76. Sew: When the water is gone from the ship so that she lies dry, we say the ship is sewed; or if it be but gone from any part (as her head) we say the ship is sewed ahead; if it be a place where the water doth not ebb so much that the ship may lie dry round, we say she cannot sew there. 77. Lagos: Twenty miles N.E. of Cape St. Vincent. In a document at the end of the 16th century it is spelt Lawgust (Corbett, Papers relating to the Spanish War, 135). 78. Arzilla: [Now called Asilah, on the west coast of Morocco, TN] twenty-five miles S.S.W. of Tangier. Cape Spartel: Extreme N.W. of Morocco; El Araish: [now called Larash, TN] forty-five miles S.S.W. of Tangier. 79. Fidallah: [Now called Mohammedia TN]. Sixty-five miles S.W. of Rabat. Taffney: Cape Tafelney, west coast of Morocco, in 31° 6' N. 80. Safi: West coast of Morocco, in 32° 19' N. 81. The sea will give them warning: 'That is, the sea will come swelling in before the wind, as at St. Saphie of any foul weather' (Seaman's Dictionary, p. 211) '. . . out of which the ships that ride there put to sea when they find, by the bellow of it, the wind likely to endanger them with a westerly gale' (Monson, Naval Tracts (Ed. Oppenheim) iv. 407). 82. Mogador: [Now called Essaouira, TN] on the west coast of Morocco, about thirty miles N. of Cape Tafelney. 83. Santa Cruz: Agadir, Morocco, twenty-three miles S.E. of Cape Ghir. Mainwaring records that 'at Santa Cruz in Barbary, the wind doth not blow home' (Seaman's Dictionary). 84. The seat of the Government of the Spanish possession of Rio d' Oro.[now part of Morocco, disputed by the Saharawis TN.] 85. On the 6th of September, 1617, Raleigh's fleet of 13 sail anchored off Lanzarote. They landed by night in the hope of getting fresh provisions and water, but the people, believing them to be Barbary pirates, killed 15, though the governor himself knew that the ships were English. The latter had informed Raleigh, that he should have nothing but what he would get by the sword. Thereupon Raleigh retired, but before leaving, his party tried once again to get water in a remote part of the Island, with the result that several of the men were ambushed (S.P. Dom. Jas. I., xciii. 134; xcv. 22; Edwardes, Raleigh, i. 604-8). 86. Lupo: ?Lobos Island. 87. Western Islands: The Azores; St. George's: San Jorge; The Peak: Pico Island which has a volcanic peak. 88. Terceiraes: The Azores; Corvo: Smallest of the Azores. 89. Traverse: A traverse is the variety or alteration of the ship's motion upon the shift of winds, within any horizontal plain superficies, by the good collection of which traverses the ship's uniform motion or course is given (Davis, The Seaman's Secrets, 1607; Hakluyt Soc. Reprint, p. 240) 90. Wafters: Convoys. Requests to send men-of-war to guard the fishermen and convoy them home are frequently met with in the State Papers. In May 1620 John Mason, governor of Newfoundland, was granted a commission in the ship Peter and Andrew, of London, 320 tons burden, to press such ships as were necessary for suppressing the pirates. Three years later two men-of-war were sent out to convoy the fishing fleet home. Lord Baltimore petitioned the King in 1628 that two of the Royal fleet at least might be appointed to guard the coast for the safety of thousands of British subjects. These appeals generally met with little response, and in 1636 the merchants of the western ports of England were petitioning Charles for protection for the 300 vessels that were then on their way home from Newfoundland (Prowse, 108, 112; S.P. Colonial, vol. i. p. 93; Weymouth Charters, 1883, p. 178). 91. On account of the alarm occasioned by the presence of pirates on the coast of Scotland, two ships under the command of Sir William Monson were despatched there in 1614. When Sir William arrived at Caithness, he found that their number had dwindled from twenty to two. One, when admonished on the wickedness of his course, surrendered, and the other, Monson recorded, had been 'not long before my boatswain's mate in the Narrow Seas.' Piracy was more remunerative than service in the King's ships, and Clarke, for such was the pirate's name, had the day previous to Monson's arrival been 'friendly entertained by the Earl of Caithness, as that nobleman's house and tenants lay open to his spoil' (Naval Tracts, N.R.S., xliii. 57). 92. Rat Isle: ? Île de Ré. Captain John Smith writes: 'We arrived at Gulion not far from Rochelle . . . afterwards I put adrift for Rat Isle.'(General Historie, 1619, ii. 211-2). 93. In 1612 an Act was passed for punishing pirates and robbers of the sea; and in October 1614 a further Act was passed for the suppression of pirates on the Irish coasts (Statutes Ireland, i. pp. 435-6; S.P. Ireland, 1611-14, pref. lxxi). 94. Piracy was almost a recognized profession in the reign of Elizabeth. In 1563 there were 400 known pirates in the four seas (Admin. of R.N., Oppenheim, p. 177). 95. Sir Walter Raleigh wrote that men 'went with as great a grudging to serve in his Majesty's ships as if it were to be slaves in the galleys '(Oppenheim, p. 187). 96. Ne sutor ultra crepidam: 'Let not the cobbler judge beyond his last.' [TN] 97. Obviously in reference to Raleigh. The story as told by Oldys is to the effect that Raleigh one day approached the Queen, telling her that he had a favour to beg. 'When, Sir Walter,' said she, 'will you cease to be a beggar? To which he replied, 'When your gracious Majesty ceases to be a benefactor' (Raleigh Wks. 1829, i. 142). 98. In T. Heywood and W. Rowley's Fortune by Land and Sea, one of the characters, Purser the Pirate, says:— Tho' outlaws, we keep laws amongst ourselves: Else we could have no certain government (Act IV. Sc. i.). 99. This was characteristic of the age. The Prince Royal, built in 1610, had £868 expended on her for painting and gilding (Oppenheim, p. 205). 100. Advisers: i.e. dispatch or advice boats: a small fast sailing vessel, employed to carry intelligence. Admiral Smyth states (Sailor's Word Book) that they were first used in 1692, but there is evidence of their use at a much earlier period. 101. On the 19th of April, 1618, the Venetian Ambassador, Contarini, wrote that there had arrived in England a 'certain individual' who had surveyed the fortress of Algiers. He reported that it would be easy to surprise the place and burn the ships. The people of Barbary, hearing of this, mustered 30,000 soldiers, with 80 vessels, to defend the place. In 1620 two English cavaliers went to Tunis and Algiers disguised as merchants, and contrived to bring back plans of the forts and harbours (S.P. Venice, 1617-19, p. 230; 1619—21 pref. lv). 102. Quien ha de ingañar uno Diabolo es menester que sea dos: 'He who would cheat a devil needs himself to be two devils in one.'[TN] 103. Sir William Monson in 1617, giving evidence before the Lords of the Council regarding the pirates of Algiers, was of the opinion, that as the suppression of them was likely to be the work of years, all the maritime towns of Europe should contribute towards the charge. Spain and Holland should combine with England in the effort, and any Turks or Moors that were taken should be sold for slaves. The ships, he stated, should be between 250 and 300 tons each, with the exception of the King's ships. The fleet should be well provided with muskets and ammunition, especially chain-shot. The chiefest care, in Monson's opinion, was to keep the voyage secret, the captains not to know of their destination till they were at sea. The place of rendezvous for the combined fleets was to be the Isles of Bayon (i.e. Cies Islands off Vigo), they being most convenient for all squadrons to meet at without suspicion. The time of the year in which the expedition should start was in August or September, for in those months the Turks were usually at sea (Naval Tracti, N.R.S., vol. xliii. pp. 79-85). Towards the end of 1620 James dispatched a fleet consisting of eighteen ships, under the command of Sir Robert Mansell, to Algiers, but, with the exception of obtaining the release of forty English captives, nothing was effected. 104. A copy of Mansell's instructions in 1620 has recently been brought to light. He was informed that his mission was to extirpate pirates, but on no account was he to attempt any hostile act against Algiers, 'for fear of its strength and the Grand Signior's amity '(Corbett, England in the Mediterranean, i. 115). 105. Probably meaning Sir William Monson, Sir Robert Mansell, the Earl of Nottingham, and Lord Thomas Howard, Earl of Suffolk. 106. Lime-hound: Bloodhound. 107. Conies: Rabbits. 108. Per simplicem desinentiam: 'By merely ceasing to exist.' 109. Cape Clear: The most southern headland of Ireland 110. A carvel was the name given, from the fifteenth to the seventeenth centuries, to a somewhat small lateen-rigged vessel, chiefly used by the Spaniards and Portuguese. A Penecho carvel took its name from Peniche, a seaport twenty miles south of Lisbon. The carvels of Peniche used to resort to the Burlings to fish; they were excellent sailing vessels, and we are informed that 'there were few ships but they could fetch up, and then keep sight of them both night and day '(Monson, Naval Tracts in Churchill, iii. 199). 111. Advertise: i.e. advise. 112. Black Rock: An island off coast of Co. Mayo. 113. Tillen-head-land-to: Malinmore or Teelin Head, the most western point of Donegal. In Seward's Topog. Hibernica, 1795, it is spelt Tiellen-Head. 114. Sir Richard Moryson wrote in 1620 that it was impossible to prevent the relief of pirates on the West coast of Ireland, contrary commissions being issued daily. When he intended to prosecute the pirates, he stated, others had authority to parley and protect them (S.P. Ireland, 1615-25, p. 302).