FOXE'S BOOK OF MARTYRS
PART 4


196. THE ENGLISH BIBLE.

Of the Bible in English, printed in the large volume; and of Edmund
Bonner, preferred to the bishopric of London by means of the Lord
Cromwell.

ABOUT the time and year when Edmund Bonner, bishop of Hereford, and
ambassador resident in France, began first to be nominated and
preferred, by means of the Lord Cromwell, to the bishopric of London,
which was A.D. 1540, it happened that the said Thomas Lord Cromwell,
earl of Essex, procured of the king of England his gracious letters to
the French king, to permit and license a subject of his to imprint the
Bible in English within the university of Paris; because paper was
there more meet and apt to be had for the doing thereof, than in the
realm of England, and also that there were more store of good workmen
for the ready despatch of the same. And in like manner, at the same
time the said king wrote unto his ambassador, who then was Edmund
Bonner, bishop of Hereford, lying in Paris, that he should aid and
assist the doers thereof in all their reasonable suits: the which
bishop, outwardly, showed great friendship to the merchants that were
the imprinters of the same; and, moreover, did divers and sundry times
call and command the said persons to be in a manner daily at his
table, both dinner and supper; and so much rejoiced in the workmanship
of the said Bible, that he himself would visit the imprinter's house,
where the same Bibles were printed, and also would take part of such
dinners as the Englishmen there had, and that to his cost, which, as
it seemed, he little weighed. And further, the said Bonner was so
fervent, that he caused the said Englishmen to put in print a New
Testament in English and Latin, and himself took a great many of them,
and paid for them, and gave them to his friends. And it chanced in the
mean time, while the said Bible was in printing, that King Henry the
Eighth preferred the said Bonner from the bishopric of Hereford, to be
bishop of London; at which time the said Bonner, according to the
statute law of England, took his oath to the king, acknowledging his
supremacy, and called one of the aforesaid Englishmen that printed the
Bible, whom he then loved, although afterwards, upon the change of the
world, he did hate him as much, whose name was Richard Grafton; to
whom the said Bonner said, when he took his oath, "Master Grafton, so
it is, that the king's most excellent Majesty hath, by his gracious
gift, presented me to the bishopric of London; for the which I am
sorry, for, if it would have pleased his Grace, I could have been well
content to have kept mine old bishopric of Hereford." Then said
Grafton, "I am right glad to hear of it, and so I am sure will be a
great number of the city of London; for though they yet know you not,
yet they hate heard so much goodness of you from hence, as no doubt
they will heartily rejoice of your placing." Then said Bonner, "I pray
God I may do what may content them. And to tell you, Master Grafton,
before God, (for that was commonly his oath,) the greatest fault that
ever I found in Stokesley was, for vexing and troubling of poor men,
as Lobley the bookbinder, and others, for having the Scripture in
English; and, God willing, he did not so much hinder it, but I will as
much further it; and I will have of your Bibles set up in the church
of Paul's, at least in sundry places six of them; and I will pay you
honestly for them, and give hearty thanks." Which words he then spake
in the hearing of divers credible persons, as Edmund Stile, grocer,
and others. "But now, Master Grafton, at this time I have specially
called you to be a witness with me, that upon this translation of
bishops' sees, I must, according to the statute, take an oath unto the
king's Majesty, acknowledging his supremacy, which, before God, I take
with my heart, and so think him to be; and beseech Almighty God to
save him, and long to prosper his Grace" "Hold the book, sirrah! and
read you the oath," said he to one of his chaplains; and he laid his
hand on the book, and so he took his oath: and after this he showed
great friendship to the said Grafton, and to his partner Edward
Whitchurch; but especially to Miles Coverdale, who was the corrector
of the great Bible.
(Illustration: Hereford Cathedral)

Now after that the aforesaid letters were delivered, the French king
gave very good words, and was well contented to permit the doing
thereof; and so the printer went forward, and printed forth the book,
even to the last part; and then was the quarrel picked with the
printer, and he was sent for to the inquisitors of the faith, and
there charged with certain articles of heresy. Then were sent for the
Englishmen that were at the cost and charge thereof, and also such as
had the correction of the same, which was Miles Coverdale: but having
some warning what would follow, the said Englishmen posted away as
fast as they could, to save themselves, leaving behind them all their
Bibles, which were to the number of two thousand five hundred, (called
the Bible of the great Volume,) and never recovered any of them,
saving that the lieutenant-criminal, having them delivered unto him to
burn in a place of Paris, (like Smithfield,) called Maulbert Place,
was somewhat moved with covetousness, and sold four great dry-fats of
them to a haberdasher, to lap caps in, and those were bought again;
but the rest were burned, to the great and importunate loss of those
that bare the charge of them. But notwithstanding the said loss, after
they had recovered some part of the aforesaid books, and were
comforted and encouraged by the Lord Cromwell, the said Englishmen
went again to Paris, and there got the presses, letters, and servants
of the aforesaid printer, and brought them to London; and there they
became printers themselves, (which before they never intended,) and
printed out the said Bible in London, and, after that, printed sundry
impressions of them: but yet not without great trouble and loss, for
the hatred of the bishops, namely, Stephen Gardiner and his fellows,
who mightily did stomach and malign the printing thereof.

Here, by the way, for the more direction to the story, thou hast,
loving reader, to note and understand, that in those days there were
two sundry Bibles in English, printed and set forth, bearing divers
titles, and printed in divers places: the first was called Thomas
Matthewe's Bible, printed at Hamburgh, about A.D. 1537; the corrector
of which print was then John Rogers, of whom ye shall hear more,
Christ willing, hereafter. The printers were Richard Grafton, and
Whitchurch. In the translation of this Bible, the greatest doer was
indeed William Tyndale, who, with the help of Miles Coverdale, had
translated all the books thereof, except only the Apocrypha, and
certain notes in the margin, which were added after. But, because the
said William Tyndale, in the mean time, was apprehended, before this
Bible was fully perfected, it was thought good to them that had the
doing thereof, to change the name of William Tyndale, because that
name then was odious, and to father it by a strange name of Thomas
Matthewe; John Rogers, at the same time, being corrector to the print,
who had then translated the residue of the Apocrypha, and added also
certain notes thereto in the margin: and thereof came it to be called
Thomas Matthewe's Bible. Which Bible of Thomas Matthewe, after it was
imprinted and presented to the Lord Cromwell, and to the Lord Cranmer,
archbishop of Canterbury, who liked very well of it, the said Cromwell
presented it to the king, and obtained that the same might freely pass
to be read of his subjects with his Grace's licence: so that there was
printed upon the same book, one line in red letters, with these words,
"Set forth with the king's most gracious licence."

The setting forth of this book did not a little offend the clergy,
namely, the bishops aforesaid, both for the prologues, and,
especially, because in the same book was one special table collected
of the common places in the Bible, and the Scriptures for the
approbation of the same; and chiefly about the supper of the Lord, and
marriage of priests, and the mass, which there was said not to be
found in the Scripture.

Furthermore, after the restraint of this aforesaid Bible of Thomas
Matthewe, another Bible began to be printed at Paris, A.D. 1540; which
was called the Bible of the large Volume. The printers thereof were
the aforesaid Richard Grafton, and Whitchurch, who bare the charges. A
great helper thereto, was the Lord Cromwell. The chiefest overseer was
Miles Coverdale, who, taking the translation of Tyndale, conferred the
same with the Hebrew, and amended many things.

The king's brief, for setting up the Bible of the Greater Volume in
English.

"Henry, by the grace of God, king of England and of France, defender
of the faith, lord of Ireland, and, in earth, supreme head of the
church of England; to the reverend father in Christ, Edmund, bishop of
London, or, in his absence, to his vicar-general, health.

"We command you, that immediately upon the receipt of these presents,
in every cathedral, collegiate, and other parish churches and chapels,
you cause, on our behalf, to be solemnly published and read, a certain
decree made by us, by the advice of our council, which we have sent
you by the bringer, imprinted in certain schedules annexed to this
brief: charging you moreover, that immediately upon the publishing of
the said decree so by you made, you cause the said decree to be set up
upon every church door through your diocese, that it may more largely
appear unto our subjects and liege people; and that with all diligence
you perform the same, as you will answer us for the contrary.

"Witness myself, at Westminster, the seventh day of May, in the
thirty-second year of our reign."

In this Bible, although the former notes of Thomas Matthewe were
omitted, yet sundry marks and hands were annexed on the sides, which
meant that in those places should he made certain notes, wherewith
also the clergy were offended, though the notes were not made.

After this the bishops, bringing their purpose to pass, brought the
Lord Cromwell out of favour, and shortly to his death; and, not long
after, great complaint was made to the king of the translation of the
Bible, and of the preface of the same; and then was the sale of the
Bible commanded to be stayed, the bishops promising to amend and
correct it, but never performing the same. Then Grafton was called,
and first charged with the printing of Matthewe's Bible, but he, being
fearful of trouble, made excuses for himself in all things. Then was
he examined of the great Bible, and what notes he was purposed to
make: to which he answered, that he knew none. For his purpose was, to
have retained learned men to have made the notes; but when he
perceived the king's Majesty and his clergy not willing to have any,
he proceeded no further. But for all these excuses, Grafton was sent
to the Fleet, and there remained six weeks, and before he came out,
was bound, in three hundred pounds, that he should neither sell, nor
imprint, nor cause to be imprinted, any more Bibles, until the king
and the clergy should agree upon a translation. And thus was the Bible
from that time stayed, during the reign of King Henry the Eighth.

But yet one thing more is to be noted, that after the imprinters had
lost their Bibles, they continued suitors to Bonner, as is aforesaid,
to be a mean to obtain of the French king their books again: but so
long they continued suitors, and Bonner ever fed them with fair words,
promising them much, but did nothing for them, till, at last, Bonner
was discharged of his ambassade, and returned home, where he was right
joyfully welcomed home by the Lord Cromwell, who loved him dearly, and
had a marvellous good opinion of him. , And so long as Cromwell
remained in authority, so long was Bonner at his beck, and friend to
his friends, and enemy to his enemies; as namely, at that time to
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, who never favoured Cromwell, and
therefore Bonner could not favour him, but he and Winchester were the
greatest enemies that might be. But, so soon as Cromwell fell,
immediately Bonner and Winchester pretended to be the greatest men
that lived; and no good word could Bonner speak of Cromwell, but the
lewdest, vilest, and bitterest that he could speak, calling him the
rankest heretic that ever lived. And then, such as the said Bonner
knew to be in good favour with Cromwell, he could never abide their
sight: insomuch that the next day after that Cromwell was apprehended,
the above-named Grafton, who before had been very familiar with
Bonner, met with the said Bonner suddenly, and said unto him, that he
was sorry to hear of the news that then were abroad. "What are they?"
said he. "Of the apprehension of the Lord Cromwell," said Grafton.
"Are ye sorry for that?" said he. "It had been good that he had been
despatched long ago." With that Grafton looked upon him, and knew not
what to say, but came no more to Bonner. Howbeit afterwards, the said
Grafton, being charged for the imprinting of a ballad made in favour
of Cromwell, was called before the council, where Bonner was present;
and there Bonner charged him with the words that he spake to him of
Cromwell, and told out a great long tale. But the Lord Audley, who
then was lord chancellor, right discreetly and honourably cut off the
matter, and entered into other talk.

$

197. THE HISTORY OF ROBERT BARNES, THOMAS GARRET, AND WILLIAM JEROME,
DIVINES.

Like as in foreign battles the chief point of victory consisteth in
the safety of the general or captain, even so when the valiant
standard-bearer and stay of the church of England, Thomas Cromwell I
mean, was made away, pity it is to behold what miserable slaughter of
good men and good women ensued thereupon, whereof we have now (Christ
willing) to entreat. For Winchester, having now gotten his full
purpose, and free swing to exercise his cruelty, wonder it was to see
that Calydonian wild boar, or, as the Scripture speaketh, that
extraordinary wild beast, what troubles he raised in the Lord's
vineyard. And lest, by delays, he might lose the occasion presently
offered, he straightways made his first assaults upon Robert Barnes,
Thomas Garret, and William Jerome, whom, in the very same month,
within two days after Cromwell's death, he caused to be put to
execution; whose histories severally to comprehend, first of all we
will somewhat speak of Barnes, doctor of divinity, whose particular
story here followeth.

This Barnes, after he came from the university of Louvain, went to
Cambridge, where he was made prior and master of the house of the
Augustines. At that time the knowledge of good letters was scarcely
entered into the university, all things being full of rudeness and
barbarity, saving in very few, which were privy and secret: whereupon
Barnes, having some feeling of better learning and authors, began in
his house to read Terence, Plautus, and Cicero; so that what with his
industry, pains, and labour, and with the help of Thomas Parnell, his
scholar, whom he brought from Louvain with him, reading copia verborum
et rerum, he caused the house shortly to flourish with good letters,
and made a great part of the house learned, (who before were drowned
in barbarous rudeness,) as Master Cambridge, Master Field, Master
Coleman, Master Burley, Master Coverdale, with divers others of the
university, that sojourned there for learning's sake. After these
foundations laid, then did he read openly in the house Paul's
Epistles, and put by Duns and Dorbel; and yet he was a questionary
himself: and only because he would have Christ there taught, and his
holy word, he turned their unsavoury problems and fruitless
disputations to other better matter of the Holy Scripture; and
thereby, in short space, he made divers good divines. The same order
of disputation which he kept in his house, he observed likewise in the
university abroad, when he should dispute with any man in the common
schools. And the first man that answered Dr. Barnes in the Scriptures,
was Master Stafford, for his form to be bachelor of divinity, which
disputation was marvellous in the sight of the great blind doctors,
and joyful to the godly-spirited.

Thus Barnes, what with his reading, disputation, and preaching, became
famous and mighty in the Scriptures, preaching ever against bishops
and hypocrites; and yet did not see his inward and outward idolatry,
which he both taught and maintained, till that good Master Bilney with
others (as is aforesaid, in the life of Master Bilney) converted him
wholly unto Christ.

The first sermon that ever he preached of this truth, was the Sunday
before Christmas day, at St. Edward's church, belonging to Trinity
Hall in Cambridge, by the Peas Market, whose theme was the epistle of
the same Sunday, Rejoice in the Lord; and so postilled the whole
epistle, following the Scripture and Luther's Postil: and for that
sermon he was immediately accused of heresy by two fellows of the
King's Hall. Then the godly learned in Christ both of Pembroke Hall,
St. John's, Peter House, Queen's College, the King's College, Gunwell
Hall, and Benet College, showed themselves, and flocked together in
open sight, both in the schools, and at open sermons at St. Mary's,
and at the Augustines, and at other disputations; and then they
conferred continually together.

The house that they resorted most commonly unto, was the White Horse,
which, for despite of them, to bring God's word into contempt, was
called Germany. This house especially was chosen because many of them
of St. John's, the King's College, and the Queen's College, came in on
the back side. At this time much trouble began to ensue. The
adversaries of Dr. Barnes accused him, in the Regent House, before the
vice-chancellor, where his articles were presented with him and
received, he promising to make answer at the next convocation and so
it was done. Then Dr. Nottoris, a rank enemy to Christ, moved Dr.
Barnes to recant; but he refused so to do: which appeareth in his book
that he made to King Henry the Eighth in English, confuting the
judgment of Cardinal Wolsey, and the residue of the bishops
papistical, and so, for the time, Barnes stood stedfast. And this
tragedy continued in Cambridge, one preaching against another, in
trying out of God's truth, until within six days of Shrovetide. Then,
suddenly, was sent down to Cambridge a serjeant-at-arms, called Master
Gibson, dwelling in St. Thomas Apostle's in London, who suddenly
arrested Dr. Barnes openly in the convocation-house, to make all
others afraid; and privily they had determined to make search for
Luther's books, and all the Germans' works suddenly.

But good Dr. Farman, of the Queen's College, sent word incontinently
thereof, to the chambers of those that were suspected, who were in
number thirty persons. But, God be praised! they were conveyed away by
that time that the serjeant-at-arms, the vice-chancellor, and the
proctors, were at every man's chamber, going directly to the place
where the books lay (whereby it was perceived that there were some
privy spies amongst that small company); and that night they studied
together, and give him his answer, which answer he carried with him to
London the next morning, which was the Tuesday before Shrove Sunday,
and came on the Wednesday to London, and lay at Master Parnell's house
by the stocks.

In the morning he was carried by the serjeant-at-arms to Cardinal
Wolsey, to Westminster, waiting there all day, and could not speak
with him till night. Then, by reason of Dr. Gardiner, secretary to the
cardinal, (of whose familiar acquaintance he had been before,) and
Master Foxe, master of the Wards, he spake the same night with the
cardinal in his chamber of estate, kneeling on his knees. Then said
the cardinal to them, "Is this Dr. Barnes, your man that is accused of
heresy?" "Yea, and please your Grace; and we trust you shall find him
reformable, for he is both well learned and wise." "What! Master
Doctor," said the cardinal; "had you not a sufficient scope in the
Scriptures to teach the people, but that my golden shoes, my pole-
axes, my pillars, my golden cushions, my crosses, did so sore offend
you, that you must make us ridiculum caput amongst the people? We were 
jollily that day laughed to scorn. Verily it was a sermon more fit to
be preached on a stage, than in a pulpit; for at the last you said, I
wear a pair of red gloves, (I should say bloody gloves, quoth you,)
that I should not be cold in the midst of my ceremonies." And Barnes
answered, "I spake nothing but the truth out of the Scriptures,
according to my conscience, and according to the old doctors."

And then did Barnes deliver him six sheets of paper written, to
confirm and corroborate his sayings. The cardinal received them
smiling on him, and saying, "We perceive then that you intend to stand
to your articles, and to show your learning." "Yea," said Barnes,
"that I do intend, by God's grace, with your Lordship's favour."

The cardinal answered, "Such as you are do bear us and the catholic
church little favour. I will ask you a question: Whether do you think
it more necessary that I should have all this royalty, because I
represent the king's Majesty's person in all the high courts of this
realm, to the terror and keeping down of all rebellious treasons,
traitors, all the wicked and corrupt members of this commonwealth; or
to be as simple as you would have us? to sell all these aforesaid
things, and to give it to the poor, who shortly will cast it against
the walls? and to pull away this majesty of a princely dignity, which
is a terror to all the wicked, and to follow your counsel in this
behalf?" He answered, "I think it necessary to be sold and given to
the poor. For this is not comely for your calling, nor is the king's
Majesty maintained by your pomp and poleaxes; but by God who saith,
"Kings and their majesties reign and stand by me."

Then answered he, "Lo, Master Doctors! here is the learned wise man,
that you told me of." Then they kneeled do and said, "We desire your
Grace to be good unto him, for he will be reformable."

Then said be, "Stand you up! for your sakes, and the university, we
will be good unto him.

How say you, Master Doctor; do you not know that I am Legatus de
latere, and that I am able to dispense in all matters concerning
religion within this realm, as much as the pope may? "He said, "I know
it to be so."

"Will you then be ruled by us, and we will do all things for your
honesty, and for the honesty of the university." He answered, "I thank
your Grace for your good will; I will stick to the Holy Scripture, and
to God's book, according to the simple talent that God hath lent me."
"Well," said he, "thou shalt have thy learning tried to the uttermost,
and thou shalt have the law."

Then Dr. Barnes required him that he might have justice with equity;
and forthwith he should have gone to the Tower, but that Gardiner and
Foxe became his sureties that night: and so he came home to Master
Parnell's house again, and that night fell to writing again and slept
not; Master Coverdale, Master Goodwin, and Master Field, being his
writers. And in the morning he came to York Place, to Gardiner and
Foxe, and by and by he was committed to the serjeant-at-arms, to bring
him into the chapter-house at Westminster, before the bishops, and the
abbot of Westminster, called Islip.

The same time when Dr. Barnes should appear before the cardinal, there
were five Still-yard men to be examined for Luther's books and
Lollardy; but, after they spied Barnes, they set the others aside, and
asked the serjeant-at-arms what was his errand. He said, he had
brought one Dr. Barnes to be examined of heresy: and presented both
his articles and his accusers. Then immediately, after a little talk,
they sware him, and laid his articles to him; who, like as he answered
the cardinal before, so said he unto them. And then he offered the
book of his probations unto them; who asked him whether he had another
for himself, and he said, "Yea," showing it unto them: who then took
it from him, and said they would have no leisure to dispute with him
at that present, for other affairs of the king's Majesty, which they
had to do; and therefore bade him stand aside. Then they called the
Still-yard men again, one by one, and when they were examined, they
called forth the Master of the Fleet, and they were committed all to
the Fleet. Then they called Dr. Barnes again, and asked him whether he
would subscribe to his articles or no; and he subscribed willingly:
and then they committed him, and young Master Parnell, to the Fleet
also, with the others. There they remained till Saturday in the
morning, and the warden of the Fleet was commanded that no man should
speak with him.

On the Saturday he came again before them into the chapter-house, and
there, with the Still-yard men, remained till five o'clock at night;
and after long disputations, threatenings, and scornings, about five
o'clock at night they called him, to know whether he would abjure or
burn. He was then in a great agony, and thought rather to burn than to
abjure. But then was he sent again to have the counsel of Gardiner and
Foxe, and they persuaded him rather to abjure than to burn, because
(they said) he should do more in time to come; and with divers other
persuasions, that were mighty in the sight of reason and foolish
flesh. Upon that, kneeling upon his knees, he consented to abjure, and
the abjuration put in his hand, he abjured as it was there written,
and then he subscribed with his own hand; and yet they would scarcely
receive him into the bosom of the church, as they termed it. Then they
put him to an oath, and charged him to execute, do, and fulfil, all
that they commanded him: and he promised so to do.

Then they commanded the warden of the Fleet to carry him and his
fellows to the place from whence he came, and to be kept in close
prison, and in the morning to provide five faggots, for Dr. Barnes and
the four Still-yard men. The fifth Still-yard man was commanded to
have a taper of five pounds weight to be provided for him, to offer to
the rood of Northen, in Paul's; and all these things to be ready by
eight o'clock in the morning; and that he, with all that he could
make, with bills and glaves, and the knight-marshal, with all his
tipstaves that he could make, should bring them to Paul's, and conduct
them home again. In the morning they were all ready, by their hour
appointed, in Paul's church, the church being so full that no man
could get in. The cardinal had a scaffold made on the top of the
stairs for himself, with six-and-thirty abbots, mitred priors, and
bishops, and he, in his whole pomp, mitred, (which Barnes spake
against,) sat there enthronised, his chaplains and spiritual doctors
in gowns of damask and satin, and he himself in purple; even like a
bloody antichrist. And there was a new pulpit erected on the top of
the stairs also, for the bishop of Rochester to preach against Luther
and Dr. Barnes; and great baskets full of books standing before them,
within the rails, which were commanded, after the great fire was made
before the rood of Northen, there to be burned; and these heretics,
after the sermon, to go thrice about the fire, and to cast in their
faggots. Now, while the sermon was a doing, Dr. Barnes and the Still-
yard men were commanded to kneel down, and ask forgiveness of God, of
the catholic church and of the cardinal's Grace: and, after that, he
was commanded, at the end of the sermon, to declare, that he was more
charitably handled than he deserved, or was worthy; his heresies were
so horrible and so detestable. And once again he kneeled down on his
knees, desiring of the people forgiveness and to pray for him. And so
the cardinal departed under a canopy, with all his mitred men with
him, till he came to the second gate of Paul's; and then he took his
mule, and the mitred men came back again. Then these poor men, being
commanded to come down from the stage, (whereon the sweepers use to
stand when they sweep the church,) the bishops sat them down again,
and commanded the knight-marshal and the warden of the Fleet, with
their company, to carry them about the fire. And so were they brought
to the bishops, and there, for absolution, kneeled down; where
Rochester stood up and declared unto the people, how many days of
pardon and forgiveness of sins they had, for being at that sermon; and
there did he assoil Dr. Barnes with the others, and showed the people
that they were received into the church again.

This done, the warden of the Fleet, and the knight-marshal, were
commanded to have them to the Fleet again, and charged that they
should have the liberty of the Fleet, as other prisoners had, and that
their friends might resort unto them; and there to remain till the
lord cardinal's pleasure was known.

After Barnes there, in the Fleet, had continued the space of half a
year, at length being delivered, was committed to be free prisoner at
the Austin Friars in London. When those caterpillars and bloody beasts
had there undermined him, they complained again to their lord
cardinal; whereupon he was removed to the Austin Friars of
Northampton, there to be burned. Yet he himself understanding nothing
thereof, but supposing still that he should there remain, and continue
in free prison; at last one Master Horne, who had brought him up, and
was his special friend, having intelligence of the writ which should
shortly be sent down to burn him, gave him counsel to feign himself to
be desperate; and that he should write a letter to the cardinal, and
leave it on his table where he lay, and a paper by, to declare whither
he was gone to drown himself; and to leave his clothes in the same
place; and another letter to be left there, to the mayor of the town,
to search for him in the water, because he had a letter written in
parchment about his neck, closed in wax, for the cardinal, which
should teach all men to beware by him.

Upon this, they were seven days in searching for him, but he was
conveyed to London in a poor man's apparel; and so tarried not there,
but took shipping, and went by long seas to Antwerp, and so to Luther;
and there fell to study till he had made an answer to all the bishops
of the realm, and had made a book entitled, Acta Romanorum Pontificum,
and another book with a supplication to King Henry. Immediately it was
told the cardinal, that he was drowned, and he said, Perit memoria
ejus cum sonitu; but this did light upon himself shortly after, who
wretchedly died at Leicester.

In the mean season Dr. Barnes was made strong in Christ, and got
favour both with the learned in Christ, and with foreign princes in
Germany, and was great with Luther, Melancthon, Pomeran, Justus Jonas,
Hegendorphinus, and Ępinus, and with the duke of Saxony, and with the
king of Denmark; which king of Denmark, in the time of More and
Stokesley, sent him, with the Lubecks, as an ambassador to King Henry
the Eighth. He lay with the Lubecks' chancellor, at the Still-yard.

Sir Thomas More, then chancellor, would fain have entrapped him, but
the king would not let him, for Cromwell was his great friend. And ere
he went, the Lubecks and he disputed with the bishops of this realm in
defence of the truth; and so he departed again, without restraint,
with the Lubecks. After his going again to Wittenberg, to the duke of
Saxony, and to Luther, he remained there, to set forward his works in
print that he had begun; from whence he returned again in the
beginning of the reign of Queen Anne, as others did, and continued a
faithful preacher in this city, being all her time well entertained
and promoted. After that, he was sent ambassador by King Henry the
Eighth to the duke of Cleves, for the marriage of the Lady Anne of
Cleves, between the king and her, and well accepted in the ambassade,
and in all his doings, until the time that Stephen Gardiner came out
of France: but, after he came, neither religion prospered, nor the
queen's Majesty, nor Cromwell, nor the preachers; who, after the
marriage of the Lady Anne of Cleves, never ceased until he had grafted
the marriage on another stock, by the occasion whereof he began his
bloody broil.

For not long after, Dr. Barnes, with his brethren, were apprehended
and carried before the king's Majesty to Hampton Court, and there he
was examined; where the king's Majesty, seeking the means of his
safety, to bring Winchester and him agreed, at Winchester's request
granted him leave to go home with the bishop, to confer with him: and
so he did. But, as it happened, they not agreeing, Gardiner and his
co-partners sought, by all subtle means, how to entangle and to entrap
them in further danger, which not long after was brought to pass; for,
by certain complaints made to the king of them, they were enjoined to
preach three sermons the next Easter following, at the Spittal;at the
which sermons, besides other reporters which were thither sent,
Stephen Gardiner also was there present, sitting with the mayor,
either to bear record of their recantation, or else, as the Pharisees
came to Christ, to trip them in their talk, if the had spoken any
thing awry. When these three had thus preached their sermons, among
whom Barnes preaching the first sermon, and seeing Stephen Gardiner
there present, humbly desired him, in the face of all the audience, if
he forgave him, to hold up his hand; and the said Gardiner thereupon
held up his finger. Yet notwithstanding, shortly after, by means of
the said reporters, they were sent for to Hampton Court; who from
thence were carried to the Tower, by Sir John Gostwike. From thence
they never came out till they came to their death, as, Christ willing,
shall more hereafter appear.

Then the protestants went again beyond the seas; the priests were
divorced from their wives; certain bishops were deposed from their
bishoprics; and other good men denied Christ and bare faggots at
Paul's Cross. Then immediately, without judgment, they were put to
death, as it is manifest; but the death was in such form, that a
papist and a protestant were laid upon one hurdle, to be drawn to
Smithfield. This was Winchester's device, to colour his own tyranny,
and to make the people doubtful what faith they should trust to.

At his death, Dr. Barnes gave great commendations to the king's
Majesty, that he should fear God, and maintain religion, and keep
marriage undefiled most honourably; and then declared his faith and
his articles. Then they prayed together, and Barnes said to Master
Priest, being sheriff, "Know ye wherefore I die, seeing I was never
examined nor called to any judgment?" He answered, He knew nothing,
but thus we are commanded. Then he took Master Sheriff by the hand,
and said, "Bear me witness, and my brother, that we die christianly
and charitably; and I pray you and all the people to pray for us: and
if the dead may pray for the quick, we will pray for you." And so he,
and the rest, forgave their enemies, and kissed one another, and stood
hand in hand at the stake, praying continually until the fire came:
and so rested in Christ Jesus.

And thus, hitherto, concerning the history of Barnes. Now let us,
likewise, consider the story and doings of Thomas Garret.

"About the year of our Lord 1526, Master Garret, curate in Honey Lane,
in London, came unto Oxford, and brought with him sundry books in
Latin, treating of the Scripture, with the first part of Unio
Dissidentium, and Tyndale's first translation of the New Testament in
English; which books he sold to divers scholars in Oxford, whose
names, for his accountable memory, belike, he wrote in a small book of
accounts.

"After he had been there awhile, and had despatched those books, news
came from London that he was searched for through all London, to be
apprehended and taken as a heretic, and to be imprisoned for selling
of those heretical books, (as they termed them,) because they spake
against the usurped authority and erroneous doctrine of the bishop of
Rome, and his no less impure and filthy synagogue. For it was not
unknown to Cardinal Wolsey, and to the bishop of London, and to others
of that ungodly generation, that Master Garret had a great number of
those heretical books, as the world then accounted them; and that he
was gone to Oxford, to make sale of them there, to such as he knew to
be the lovers of the gospel. Wherefore they determined to make
forthwith a privy search through all Oxford, to apprehend and imprison
him, and to burn all and every his aforesaid books, and him too if
they could: so burning hot was the charity of these holy fathers. But
yet at that time, one of the aforesaid proctors, called Master Cole,
of Magdalene College, who afterwards was cross-bearer unto Cardinal
Wolsey, was well acquainted with Master Garret; and, therefore, he
gave secret warning unto a friend or two of Master Garret's, of this
privy search; and willed, therefore, that he should forthwith, as
secretly as he could, depart out of Oxford: for if he were taken in
the same search, no remedy but he should be forthwith sent up unto the
cardinal, and so he should be committed unto the Tower.

"The Christmas before that time, I, Anthony Dalaber, then scholar of
Alban's Hall, who had books of Master Garret, had been in my country
in Dorsetshire, at Stalbridge, where I had a brother parson of that
parish, who was very desirous to have a curate out of Oxford, and
willed me, in any wise, to get him one there, if I could. This just
occasion offered, it was thought good among the brethren, (for so did
we not only call one another, but were indeed one to another,) that
Master Garret, changing his name, should be sent forth with my letters
into Dorsetshire to my brother, to serve him there for a time, until
he might secretly convey himself from thence some whither over the
sea. According hereunto I wrote my letters in all haste possible unto
my brother, for Master Garret to be his curate, but not declaring what
he was indeed; for my brother was a rank papist, and afterwards was
the most mortal enemy that ever I had, for the gospel's sake.

"So the Wednesday, in the morning, before Shrovetide, Master Garret
departed out of Oxford towards Dorsetshire, with my letters for his
new service. How far he went, and by what occasion he so soon
returned, I know not. But, the Friday next, in the night time, he came
again to Radley's house, where he lay before, and so, after midnight,
in the privy search which was then made for him, he was apprehended
and taken there in his bed by the two proctors; and, on the Saturday,
in the morning, was delivered unto one Dr. Cottisford, master of
Lincoln College, then being commissary of the university, who kept him
as prisoner in his own chamber. There was great joy and rejoicing
among all the papists for his apprehension, and especially with Dr.
London, warden of the New College, and Dr. Higdon, dean of
Frideswide's, two arch-papists, who immediately sent their letters, in
post-haste, unto the cardinal, to inform him of the apprehension of
this notable heretic; for the which their doing, they were well
assured to have great thanks. But of all this sudden hurly-burly was I
utterly ignorant, so that I knew neither of Master Garret's so sudden
return, neither that he was so taken; for after I had sent him out of
Oxford with my letters, as before is said, the same week having taken
a chamber in Gloucester College, for the purpose of studying the civil
law, because the scholars in Alban's Hall were all sophisters, I
removed all such poor stuff as I had, from thence unto Gloucester
College; and there was I much busied in setting up in order, my bed,
my books, and such things else as I had, so that I had no leisure to
go forth any where those two days, Friday and Saturday. And having set
up all my things handsomely in order the same day before noon, I
determined to spend that whole afternoon, until even-song time, at
Frideswide College, at my book in mine own study; and so shut my
chamber door unto me, and my study door also, and took into my hand to
read Francis Lambert, upon the Gospel of St. Luke, which book only I
had then within there; all my other books written on the Scripture, of
which I had a great number, as of Erasmus, of Luther, of Œcolampadius,
&c., I had yet left in my chamber at Alban's Hall, where I had made a
very secret place to keep them safe in, because it was so dangerous to
have any such books. And so, as I was diligently reading in the said
book of Lambert upon Luke, suddenly one knocked at my chamber door
very hard, which made me astonished, and yet I sat still, and would
not speak; then he knocked again more hard, and yet I held my peace;
and straightway he knocked yet again more fiercely, and then I thought
this: peradventure it is somebody that hath need of me; and therefore
I thought myself bound to do as I would be done unto: and so, laying
my book aside, I came to the door, and opened it, and there was Master
Garret as a man amazed, (whom I thought then to have been with my
brother,) and one with him.

"As soon as he saw me, he said he was undone, for he was taken. Thus
he spake unadvisedly, in the presence of a young man that came with
him. When the young man was departed, I asked him what he was, and
what acquaintance he had with him. He said, he knew him not; but he
had been to seek a monk of his acquaintance in that college, who was
not in his chamber; and thereupon desired his servant (not knowing my
chamber, for that I was newly removed thither) to bring him to me; and
so forth declared how he was returned and taken that night in the
privy search, as ye have heard; and that now, when the commissary and
all his company were gone to even-song, and had locked him alone in
his chamber, he, hearing nobody stirring in the college, put back the
bar of the lock with his finger, and so came straight unto Gloucester
College, to speak with that monk, if he had been within, who had also
bought books of him.

"Then said I unto him, 'Alas, Master Garret! by this your
uncircumspect coming unto me, and speaking so before this young man,
you have disclosed yourself, and utterly undone me.' I asked him, why
he went not unto my brother, with my letters accordingly. He said,
after that he was gone a day's journey and a half, he was so fearful,
that his heart would no other but that he must needs return again unto
Oxford; and so he came again on Friday at night, and then was taken as
ye heard before: But now, with deep sighs and plenty of tears, he
prayed me to help to convey him away; and so he cast off his hood and
his gown, wherein he came unto me, and desired me to give him a coat
with sleeves, if I had any; and told me that he would go into Wales,
and thence convey himself into Germany, if he might. Then I put on him
a sleeved coat of mine. He would also have had another manner of cap
of me, but I had none but priest-like, such as his own was.

"Then kneeled we both down together upon our knees, and lifting up our
hearts and hands to God, our heavenly Father, desired him, with plenty
of tears, so to conduct and prosper him in his journey, that he might
well escape the danger of all his enemies, to the glory of his holy
name, if his good pleasure and will were. And then we embraced, and
kissed the one the other, the tears so abundantly flowing out from
both our eyes, that we all be-wet both our faces, and scarcely for
sorrow could we speak one to another: and so he departed from me,
appareled in my coat, being committed unto the tuition of our almighty
and merciful Father.

"When he was gone down the stairs from my chamber, I straightways did
shut my chamber door, and went into my study, and taking the New
Testament in my hands, kneeled down on my knees, and with many a deep
sigh and salt tear, I did, with much deliberation, read over the tenth
chapter of St. Matthew's Gospel; and when I had so done, with fervent
prayer I did commit unto God that our dearly beloved brother Garret,
earnestly beseeching him, in and for Jesus Christ's sake, his only
begotten Son our Lord, that he would vouchsafe not only safely to
conduct and keep our said dear brother from the hands of all his
enemies; but also, that he would endue his tender and lately born
little flock in Oxford with heavenly strength, by his Holy Spirit,
that they might be well able thereby valiantly to withstand, to his
glory, all their fierce enemies; and also might quietly, to their own
salvation, with all godly patience bear Christ's heavy cross, which I
now saw was presently to be laid on their young and weak backs, unable
to bear so huge a burden, without the great help of his Holy Spirit.

"This done, I laid aside my book safe, folded up Master Garret's gown
and hood, and laid them in my press among mine apparel; and so, having
put on my short gown, shut up my study and chamber doors, and went
toward Frideswide's to speak with that worthy martyr of God, Master
Clark, and others, and to declare unto them what had happened that
afternoon. But of purpose I went by St. Mary's church, to go first
unto Corpus Christi College, to speak with Diet and Udal, my faithful
brethren and fellows in the Lord there. But by chance I met by the way
with a brother of ours, one Master Eden, fellow of Magdalene College,
who, as soon as he saw me, came with a pitiful countenance unto me,
saying, that we were all undone, for Master Garret was returned again
to Oxford, taken the last night in the privy search, and was in prison
with the commissary. I said, it was not so. He said, it was so. I told
him, it could not be so, for I was sure he was gone. He answered me
and said, 'I know he was gone with your letters, but he came again
yesterday in the even, and was taken in his bed at Radley's, this
night, in the privy search; for,' quoth he, 'I heard our proctor,
Master Cole, say and declare the same this day in our college, to
divers of the house: But I told him again, that I was well assured he
was now gone, for I spake with him later than either the proctor or
the commissary did and then I declared the whole matter unto him, how
and when he came unto me, and how he went his way, willing him to
declare the same unto our other brethren, whom he should meet withal,
and to give God hearty thanks for this his wonderful deliverance, and
to pray him, also, that he would grant him safely to pass away from
all his enemies. And I told him that I was going unto Master Clark of
Frideswide's, to declare unto him this matter; for I knew and thought
verily, that he, and divers others there, were in great sorrow for
this matter. Then I went straight to Frideswide's, and evensong was
begun, and the dean and the other canons were there in their grey
amices; they were almost at Magnificat before I came thither. I stood
at the choir door and heard Master Taverner play, and others of the
chapel there sing, with and among whom I myself was wont to sing also;
but now my singing and music were turned into sighing and musing.

"As I thus and there stood, in cometh Dr. Cottisford, the commissary,
as fast as ever he could go, bare-headed, as pale as ashes (I knew his
grief well enough); and to the dean he goeth into the choir, where he
was sitting in his stall, and talked with him very sorrowfully: what,
I know not; but whereof, I might and did well and truly guess. I went
aside from the choir door, to see and hear more. The commissary and
dean came out of the choir wonderfully troubled, as it seemed. About
the middle of the church met them Dr. London, puffing, blustering, and
blowing, like a hungry and greedy lion seeking his prey. They talked
together awhile, but the commissary was much blamed for keeping his
prisoners so negligently, insomuch that he wept for sorrow. And it was
known abroad that Master Garret was escaped, and gone out of the
commissary's chamber at even-song time; but whither, no man could
tell.

"These doctors departed, and sent abroad their servants and spies
every where. Master Clark, about the middle of the compline, came
forth of the choir: I followed him to his chamber, and declared what
had happened that afternoon, of Master Garret's escape. He was glad,
for he knew of his fore-taking. Then he sent for one Master Sumner,
and for Master Bets, fellows and canons there. In the mean while he
gave me a very godly exhortation, praying God to give me, and all the
rest of our brethren, Prudentiam serpentinam et simplicitatem
columbinam; for we should have shortly much need thereof, as he verily
thought. When Master Sumner and Master Bets were come unto him, be
caused me to declare again the whole matter to them two; and they were
very glad that Master Garret was so delivered, trusting that he should
escape all his enemies. Then, desiring them to tell unto our other
brethren what had happened, (for there were divers other in that
college,) I went to Corpus Christi College, to comfort our brethren
there, being in like heaviness. When I came to Corpus Christi College
I found together, in Sir Diet's chamber, tarrying and looking for me,
Fitzjames, Diet, and Udal. They knew all the matter before by Master
Eden, whom I had sent unto Fitzjames; but yet I declared the matter
unto them again. And so I tarried there, and supped with them in that
chamber, where they had provided meat and drink for us, before my
coming: at which supper we were not very merry, considering our state
and peril at hand. When we had ended our supper and committed our
whole cause, with fervent sighs and hearty prayers, unto God our
heavenly Father, Fitzjames would needs have me to lie that night with
him, in my old lodging at Alban's Hall; and so I did. But small rest,
and little sleep, took we both there that night.

On the Sunday, in the morning, I was up and ready by five o'clock; and
as soon as I could get out at Alban's Hall door, I went straight
towards Gloucester College to my chamber. It had rained that morning a
good shower, and with my going I had all besprinkled my hose and shoes
with mire. And when I was come unto Gloucester College, which was
about six o'clock, I found the gates fast shut; whereat I did much
marvel, for they were wont to be opened daily long before that time.
Then did I walk up and down by the wall there a whole hour before the
gates were opened. In the mean while, my musing head being full of
forecasting cares, and my sorrowful heart flowing with doleful sighs,
I fully determined in my conscience before God, that if I should
chance to be taken and be examined, I would accuse no man, nor declare
any thing further than I did already perceive was manifestly known
before. And so, when the gate was opened, thinking to shift myself,
and to put on a longer gown, I went in towards my chamber, and, going
up the stairs, would have opened my door, but I could not in a long
season do it; whereby I perceived that my lock had been meddled
withal, and therewith was somewhat altered: yet, at last, with much
ado, I opened the lock and went in. When I came in, I saw my bed all
tossed and tumbled, my clothes in my press thrown down, and my study-
door open; whereat I was much amazed, and thought verily that some
search was made there that night for Master Garret, and that it was
known of his being with me, by the monk's man that brought him to my
chamber.

Now was there lying in the next chamber unto me a monk, who, as soon
as he had heard me in the chamber, came to me, and told how Master
Garret was sought for in my chamber that night, and what ado there was
made by the commissary, and the two proctors, with bills and swords
thrust through my bed-straw, and how every corner of my chamber was
searched for Master Garret and albeit his gown and his hood lay there
in my press with my clothes, yet they perceived them not. Then he told
me he was commanded to bring me, as soon as I came in, unto the prior
of the students, named Anthony Dunstan, a monk of Westminster. This so
troubled me, that I forgot to make clean my hose and shoes, and to
shift me into another gown; and therefore so all be-dirted as I was,
and in my short gown, I went with him to the said prior's chamber,
where I found the said prior standing, and looking for my coming. He
asked me where I had been that night. I told him I lay at Alban's
Hall, with my old bed-fellow Fitzjames; but he would not believe me.
He asked me, if Master Garret were with me yesterday. I told him, Yea.
Then he would know where he was, and wherefore he came unto me. I told
him, I knew not where he was, except he were at Woodstock. For so
(said I) he had showed me that he would go thither, because one of the
keepers there, his friend, had promised him a piece of venison to make
merry withal the Shrovetide; and that he would have borrowed a hat and
a pair of high shoes of me, but I had none indeed to lend him. This
tale I thought meetest, though it were nothing so. Then had he spied
on my finger a big ring of silver, very well double gilt, with two
letters A.D. engraved in it for my name: I suppose he thought it to be
gold. He required to see it. I took it unto him. When he had it in his
hand, he said it was his ring, for therein was his name: an A, for
Anthony, and a D, for Dunstan. When I heard him so say, I wished in my
heart to be as well delivered from and out of his company, as I was
assured to be delivered from my ring for ever.

"Then he called for pen, ink, and paper, and commanded me to write
when and how Garret came unto me, and where he was become. I had
scarcely written three words, but the chief beadle, with two or three
of the commissary's men, were come unto Master Prior, requiring him
straightways to bring us away unto Lincoln College, to the commissary,
and to Dr. London: whither when I was brought into the chapel, there I
found Dr. Cottisford, commissary; Dr. Higdon, then dean of the
cardinal's college; and Dr. London, warden of the New College,
standing together at the altar in the chapel. When I was brought unto
them, after salutations given and taken between them, they called for
chairs and sat down, and called for me to come to them. And first they
asked what my name was. I told them that my name was Anthony Dalaber.
Then they also asked me how long I had been student in the university,
and I told them almost three years. And they asked me what I studied I
told them that I had read sophistry and logic in Alban's Hall, and now
was removed unto Gloucester College, to study the civil law, which the
aforesaid prior of the students affirmed to be true. Then they asked
me whether I knew Master Garret, and how long I had known him. I told
them I knew him well, and had known him almost a twelvemonth. They
asked me, when he was with me. I told them yesterday at afternoon.

"Now by this time, while they had me in this talk, one came unto them
who was sent for, with pen, ink, and paper; I trow it was the clerk of
the university. As soon as he was come, there was a board and
trestles, with a form for him to sit on, set between the doctors and
me, and a great mass book laid before me; and I was commanded to lay
my right hand on it, and to swear that I should truly answer unto such
articles and interrogatories as I should be by them examined upon. I
made danger of it a while at first, but afterwards, being persuaded by
them, partly by fair words, and partly by great threats, I promised to
do as they would have me; but in my heart meant nothing so to do. So I
laid my hand on the book, and one of them gave me my oath, and, that
done, commanded me to kiss the book. Then made they great courtesy
between them, who should examine me, and minister interrogatories unto
me. At the last, the rankest papistical Pharisee of them all, Dr.
London, took upon him to do it.

"Then he asked me again, by my oath, where Master Garret was, and
whither I had conveyed him. I told him, I had not conveyed him, nor
yet wist where he was, nor whither he was gone, except he were gone to
Woodstock, (as I had before said,) as he showed me he would. Then he
asked me again, when he came to me, how he came to me, what and how
long he talked with me, and whither he went from me. I told him he
came to me about evensong time; and that one brought him unto my
chamber door, whom I knew not; and that he told me he would go to
Woodstock for some venison to make merry withal this Shrovetide; and
that he would have borrowed a hat, and a pair of high shoes of me, but
I had none such to lend him; and then he straight went his way from
me, but whither I know not. All these my sayings the scribe wrote in a
paper book.

"Then they earnestly required me to tell them whither I had conveyed
him, for surely, they said, I brought him going some whither this
morning; for that they might well perceive, by my foul shoes and dirty
hosen, that I had travelled with him the most part of this night. I
answered plainly, that I lay at Alban's Hall, with Sir Fitzjames, and
that I had good witness thereof there. They asked me where I was at
even-song. I told them, at Frideswide's, and that I saw first Master
Commissary, and then Master Doctor London, come thither at that time
unto Master Dean of Frideswide's; and that I saw them talking together
in the church there. Dr. London and the dean threatened me, that if I
would not tell the truth, where I had done him, or whither he was
gone, I should surely be sent to the Tower of London, and there be
racked, and put into Little-ease. But Master Commissary prayed me,
with gentle words, to tell him where he was, that he might have him
again, and he would be my very great friend, and deliver me out of
trouble straightway. I told him I could not tell where he was, nor
whither he was become. Thus they did occupy and toss me almost two
hours in the chapel, sometimes with threatenings and foul words, and
then with fair words and fair promises flattering me. Then was he that
brought Master Garret unto my chamber brought before me, and caused to
declare what Master Garret said unto me, at his coming to my chamber:
but I said plainly, I heard him say no such thing; for I thought my
nay to be as good as his yea, seeing it was to rid and deliver my
godly brother out of trouble and peril of his life.

"At last, when they could get nothing of me whereby to hurt or accuse
any man, or to know any thing of the which they sought, they all three
together brought me up a long stairs into a great chamber over Master
Commissary's chamber, wherein stood a great pair of very high stocks.
Then Master Commissary asked me for my purse and girdle, took away my
money and my knives, and then they put both my legs into the stocks,
and so locked me fast in them; in which I sat, my feet being almost as
high as my head; and so departed they, (I think to their abominable
mass,) locking fast the chamber door, and leaving me alone.

"When they all were gone, then came unto my remembrance the worthy
forewarning and godly declaration of that most constant martyr of God,
Master John Clark, my father in Christ, who, well nigh two years
before that, when I did earnestly desire him to grant me to be his
scholar, and that I might go with him continually when and wheresoever
he should teach or preach, (the which he did daily,) said unto me much
after this sort, 'Dalaber! you desire you wot not what, and that which
you are, I fear me, unable to take upon you: for though now my
preaching be sweet and pleasant unto you, because there is yet no
persecution laid on you for it, yet the time will come, and that
peradventure shortly, if ye continue to live godly therein, that God
will lay on you the cross of persecution, to try you withal, whether
you can, as pure gold, abide the fire, or, as stubble and dross, be
consumed therewith. For the Holy Ghost plainly affirmeth by St. Paul,
Quod mines qui pie volunt vivere in Christo Jesu, persecutionem
patientur. Yea, you shall be called and judged a heretic; you shall be
abhorred of the world; your own friends and kinsfolk will forsake you,
and also hate you; and you shall be cast into prison; and no man shall
dare to help or comfort you; and you shall be accused and brought
before the bishops, to your reproach and shame, to the great sorrow of
all your faithful friends and kinsfolk. Then will ye wish ye had never
known this doctrine; then will ye curse Clark, and wish that ye had
never known him, because he hath brought you to all these troubles.
Therefore, rather than that you should do this, leave off from
meddling with this doctrine, and desire not to be, and continue, in my
company.'

"At which his words I was so grieved, that I fell down on my knees at
his feet, and with abundance of tears and sighs, even from the very
bottom of my heart I earnestly besought him, that for the tender mercy
of God, showed to us in our Lord Jesus Christ, he would not refuse me,
but receive me into his company, as I had desired; saying that I
trusted verily, that he which had begun this in me, would not forsake 
me, but give me grace to continue therein unto the end. When he heard
me say so, he came to me, took me up in his arms, and kissed me, the
tears trickling down from his eyes, and said unto me, 'The Lord
Almighty grant you so to do, and from henceforth for ever take me for
your father, and I will take you for my son in Christ.' Now were there
at that time in Oxford divers graduates and scholars of sundry
colleges and halls, whom God had called to the knowledge of his holy
word, which all resorted unto Master Clark's disputations and lectures
in divinity at all times as they might; and when they might not come
conveniently, I was, by Master Clark, appointed to resort to every one
of them weekly, and to know what doubts they had in any place of the
Scripture; that by me, from him, they might have the true
understanding of the same; which exercise did me much good and profit,
to the understanding of the Holy Scriptures, which I most desired.

"This aforesaid forewarning and godly declaration (I say) of this most
godly martyr of God Master Clark, coming to my remembrance, caused me,
with deep sighs, to cry unto God from my heart, to assist me with his
Holy Spirit, that I might be able patiently and quietly to bear and
suffer whatsoever it should please him, of his fatherly love, to lay
on me, to his glory, and the comfort of my dearly beloved brethren,
whom I thought now to be in great fear and anguish, lest I would be an
accuser of them all: for unto me they all were well known, and all
their doings in that matter. But, God be blessed! I was fully bent
never to accuse any of them, whatsoever should happen to me. Before
dinner Master Cottisford came up to me, and requested me earnestly to
tell him where Master Garret was, and, if I would so do, he promised
me straightways to deliver me out of prison. But I told him I could
not tell where he was: no more indeed I could. Then he departed to
dinner, asking me if I would eat any meat: I told him, 'Yea, right
gladly.' He said he would send me some. When he was gone, his servants
asked me divers questions, which I do not now remember, and some of
them spake me fair, and some threatened me, calling me heretic; and so
departed, locking the door fast upon me."

Thus far Anthony Dalaber hath prosecuted this story, who, before the
finishing, departed, A.D. 1562, in the diocese of Salisbury; the
residue whereof, as we could gather it out of ancient and credible
persons, so have we added here unto the same.

After this, Garret was apprehended and taken by Master Cole the
proctor, or his men going westward, at a place called Hinxsey, a
little beyond Oxford, and so, being brought back again, was committed
to ward: that done, he was convented before the commissary, Dr.
London, and Dr. Higdon, dean of Frideswide's, (now called Christ's
College,) into St. Mary's church, where they, sitting in judgment,
convicted him according to their law as a heretic, (as they said,) and
afterwards compelled him to carry a faggot in open procession from St.
Mary's church to Frideswide's, and Dalaber likewise with him; Garret
having his red hood on his shoulders, like a master of arts. After
that, they were sent to Osney, there to be kept in prison till further
order was taken.

There were suspected, besides, a great number to be infected with
heresy, as they called it, for having such books of God's truth as
Garret sold unto them; as Master Clark, who died in his chamber, and
could not be suffered to receive the communion, being in prison, and
saying these words, Crede, et manducasti; Master Sumner, Master Bets,
Taverner the musician, Radley, with others of Frideswide College; of
Corpus Christi College, as Udal and Diet; with others of Magdalene
College; one Eden, with others of Gloucester College; and two black
monks, one of St. Augustine's of Canterbury, named Langport, the other
of St. Edmund's Bury, monk, named John Salisbury; two white monks of
Bernard College; two canons of St. Mary's College, one of them named
Robert Ferrar, afterwards bishop of St. David's, and burned in Queen
Mary's time. These two canons, because they had no place in the
university with the others, went on the contrary side of the
procession bareheaded, and a beadle before them, to be known from the
others. Divers others there were, whose names I cannot remember, who
were forced and constrained to forsake their colleges, and sought
their friends. Against the procession time there was a great fire made
upon the top of Carfax, whereinto all such as were in the said
procession, either convicted or suspected of heresy, were commanded,
in token of repentance and renouncing of their errors, every man to
cast a book into the fire, as they passed by.

After this, Master Garret, flying from place to place, escaped their
tyranny, until this present time that he was again apprehended, and
burned with Dr. Barnes; with whom also William Jerome, some time vicar
of Stepney, was likewise drawn into Smithfield, and there, together
with them, constantly endured martyrdom in the fire. Now let us also
add to these the story of Jerome.
The life and story of William Jerome, vicar of Stepney, and martyr of
Christ.

THE third companion which suffered with Barnes and Garret, was William
Jerome, vicar of Stepney. This Jerome, being a diligent preacher of
God's word, for the comfort and edification of the people, had
preached divers and sundry sermons; wherein, to the intent to plant in
the consciences of men the sincere truth of Christian religion, he
laboured as much as time then served, to extirpate and weed out the
roots of men's traditions, doctrines, dreams, and fantasies. In so
doing it could not otherwise be but he must needs provoke much hatred
against him amongst the adversaries of Christ's gospel.

It so happened, that the said Jerome, preaching at Paul's on the
fourth Sunday in Lent last past, made there a sermon, wherein he
recited and mentioned of Hagar and Sarah, declaring what these two
signified: in process whereof he showed further how that Sarah and her
child Isaac, and all they that were Isaac's, and born of the free
woman Sarah, were freely justified: contrary, they that were born of
Hagar, the bondwoman, were bound and under the law, and cannot be
freely justified. In these words what was here spoken, but that which
St. Paul himself uttereth and expoundeth in his Epistle to the
Galatians, or what could here be gathered of any reasonable or
indifferent hearer, but consonant to sound doctrine, and the vein of
the gospel? Now see what rancour and malice, armed with crafty and
subtle sophistry, can do. This sermon finished, it was not long but he
was charged and convented before the king at Westminster, and there
accused for erroneous doctrine.

Percase thou wilt muse, gentle reader! what erroneous doctrine here
could be picked out. Note therefore, for thy learning; and he that
listeth to study how to play the sycophant, let him here take example.
The knot found in this rush was this: for that he preached erroneously
at Paul's Cross, teaching the people that all that were born of Sarah
were freely justified, speaking there absolutely, without any
condition either of baptism, or of penance, &c. Who here doubteth, but
if St. Paul himself had been at Paul's Cross, and had preached the
same words to the Englishmen, which he wrote to the Galatians in this
behalf, ipso facto, he had been apprehendedfor aheretic, for preaching
against the sacrament of baptism and repentance?
(Illustration: Jerome Preaching)

Furthermore it was objected against him touching matter against
magistrates, and laws by them made. Whereunto he answered again and
affirmed, (as he had before preached,) that no magistrate of himself
could make any law or laws, private or otherwise, to bind the inferior
people, unless it were by the power, authority, and commandment of his
or their princes to him or them given, but only the prince. And
moreover, to confirm the same he added, saying, that if the prince
make laws consenting to God's laws, we are bound to obey them. And if
he make laws repugnant to the laws of God, and be an evil and wicked
prince, yet are we bound humbly to suffer him, and not violently to
resist or grudge against him.

Also concerning his sermons, one Dr. Wilson entered into disputation
with him, and defended, that good works justified before God, and were
necessary and available to salvation. To whom Jerome answered again,
that all works, whatsoever they were, were nothing worth, nor any part
of salvation of themselves, but only referred to the mercy and love of
God, which mercy and love of God direct the workers thereof; and yet
it is at his mercy and goodness to accept them: which, to be true, Dr.
Wilson neither could, nor did, deny.

And thus much concerning the several stories of these three good men.
Now let us see the order of their martyrdom, joining them all
together; what was the cause of their condemnation; and what were
their protestations and words at their suffering.

Ye heard before, how Barnes, Jerome, and Garret, were caused to preach
at Easter at the Spittal; the occasion whereof, as I find it reported
by Stephen Gardiner writing against George Joye, I thought good here
to discourse more at large.

Stephen Gardiner, hearing that the said Barnes, Jerome, and Garret
should preach the Lent following, A.D. 1540, at Paul's Cross, to stop
the course of their doctrine, sent his chaplain to the bishop of
London, the Saturday before the first Sunday in Lent, to have a place
for him to preach at Paul's; which to him was granted, and time
appointed that he should preach the Sunday following, which should be
on the morrow; which Sunday was appointed before for Barnes to occupy
that room. Gardiner therefore, determining to declare the gospel of
that Sunday containing the devil's three temptations, began amongst
other things to note the abase of Scripture amongst some, as the devil
abused it to Christ; and so, alluding to the temptation of the devil,
wherein he alleged the Scripture against Christ, to cast himself
downward, and that he should take no hurt, he inferred thereupon,
saying:

"Now-a-days," quoth he, "the devil tempteth the world, and biddeth
them to cast themselves backward. There is no 'forward' in the new
teaching, but all backward. Now the devil teacheth, come back from
fasting, come back from praying, come back from confession, come back
from weeping for thy sins; and all is backward, insomuch that men must
now learn to say their Pater-noster backward. For where we said,
Forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors; now it is, As thou
forgavest our debts, so I will forgive my debtors; and so God must
forgive first; and all, I say, is turned backward," &c.

Amongst other things, moreover, Gardiner noted "the devil's craft and
shift in deceiving man; who, envying his felicity, and therefore
coveting to have man idle, and void of good works, and to be led in
that idleness with a vain hope to live merrily at his pleasure here,
and yet to have heaven at the last, hath, for that purpose, procured
out pardons from Rome, wherein heaven was sold for a little money; and
to retail that merchandise, the devil used friars for his ministers.
Now they be gone, with all their trumpery; but the devil is not yet
gone, &c. And now that the devil perceiveth that it can no longer be
borne to buy and sell heaven by the friars, he hath excogitated to
offer heaven, without works for it, so freely, that men shall not need
for heaven to work at all, whatsoever opportunity they have to work:
marry! if they will have any higher place in heaven, God will leave no
work unrewarded; but as to be in heaven needs no works at all, but
only belief, only, only, and nothing else," &c.

This sermon of Stephen Gardiner finished, Dr. Barnes, who was put off
from that Sunday, had his day appointed, which was the third Sunday
next following, to make his sermon; who, taking the same text of the
gospel which Gardiner had done before, was, on the contrary side, no
less vehement in setting forward the true doctrine of Christian
religion, than Winchester had been before in plucking men backward
from truth to lies, from sincerity to hypocrisy, from religion to
superstition, from Christ to antichrist. In the process of which
sermon he proceeding, and calling out Stephen Gardiner by name to
answer him, alluding in a pleasant allegory to a cock-fight; terming
the said Gardiner to be a fighting cock, and himself to be another:
but the garden cock (he said) lacketh good spurs: objecting moreover
to the said Gardiner, and opposing him in his grammar rules; thus
saying, that if he had answered him in the schools, so as he had there
preached at the Cross, he would have given him six stripes: declaring
furthermore what evil herbs this Gardiner had set in the garden of
God's Scripture, &c.

Finally, with this sermon Gardiner was so tickled in the spleen, that
he immediately went to the king to complain, showing how he, being a
bishop and prelate of the realm, was handled and reviled at Paul's
Cross.

Hereupon the king, giving too much ear to Gardiner's grief, was
earnestly incensed against Barnes, and with many high words rebuked
his doings in his privy closet; having with him the earl of
Southampton, who was the Lord Wriothesley, and the master of the
horse, who was Anthony Brown; also Dr. Cox, and Dr. Robinson. Unto
whom when Barnes had submitted himself, "Nay," said the king, "yield
thee not to me; I am a mortal man;" and therewith rising up and
turning to the sacrament, and putting off his bonnet, said, "Yonder is
the Master of us all, the author of truth: yield in truth to him, and
that truth will I defend; and otherwise yield thee not unto me." Much
ado there was, and great matter laid against Barnes. In conclusion
this order was taken, that Barnes should go apart with Winchester, to
confer and commune together of their doctrine, certain witnesses being
thereunto appointed, to be as indifferent hearers, of whom one was Dr.
Cox, the other was Dr. Robinson, with two others also to them
assigned, who should be reporters to the king of the disputation; at
the first entry of which talk, Gardiner, forgiving him (as he saith)
all that was past, offered him the choice, whether he would answer or
oppose; which was the Friday after that Barnes had preached.

The question between them propounded, by Gardiner's narration, was
this: "Whether a man could do any thing good or acceptable before the
grace of justification, or not?" This question arose upon a certain
contention which had been between them before: for Barnes had
affirmed, that albeit God requireth of us to forgive our neighbour, to
obtain forgiveness of him; yet, he said, that God must forgive us
first, before we forgive our neighbour; for else, to forgive our
neighbour were sin, by the text which saith: All that is not of faith,
is of sin, &c. Thus the matter being propounded, Gardiner, to prove
the contrary, came forward with his arguments two or three: to the
which arguments (saith Gardiner) Barnes could not answer, but desired
to be spared that night, and the next morning he would answer his
arguments. In the morning, Gardiner with the hearers being again
assembled, Dr. Barnes, according to the appointment, was present, who
then went about to assoil his arguments. To his solutions Gardiner
again replied: and thus continued they in this altercation by the
space of two hours. In the end of this cock-fight, Winchester thus
concludeth this glorious tale, and croweth up the triumph; declaring
how Barnes besought him to have pity on him, to forgive him, and to
take him to be his scholar: whom then the said Winchester (as he
himself confesseth) receiving, not as his scholar, but as his
companion, offered to him a portion out of his living, to the sum of
forty pounds a year, which if it be true, (as Stephen Gardiner himself
reporteth,) why then doth this glorious cockatrice crow so much
against Barnes afterwards, and cast him in the teeth, bearing all the
world in hand that Barnes was his scholar? whereas he himself here
refuseth Barnes to be his scholar, but receiveth him as his companion,
fellow-like: but to the story.

This done, the king being advertised of the conclusion of this matter
between Barnes and Winchester, was content that Barnes should repair
to the bishop's house at London the Monday following: which he did,
with a certain other companion joined unto him. Who he was, Winchester
there doth not express, only he saith that it was neither Jerome nor
Garret. In this next meeting between Barnes and the bishop, upon the
aforesaid Monday, the said bishop studying to instruct Barnes, uttered
to him certain articles or conclusions, to the number of ten, the
effect whereof here followeth.

Winchester's articles against Barnes.

"I. The effect of Christ's passion hath a condition. The fulfilling of
the condition diminisheth nothing the effect of Christ's passion.

"II. They that will enjoy the effect of Christ's passion must fulfil
the condition.

"III. The fulfilling of the condition requireth first knowledge of the
condition; which knowledge we have by faith.

"IV. Faith cometh of God, and this faith is a good gift; it is good
and profitable to me; it is profitable to me to do well, and to
exercise this faith: ergo, by the gift of God, I may do well before I
am justified.

"V. Therefore I may do well by the gift of God before I am justified,
towards the attainment of justification.

"VI. There is ever as much charity towards God as faith: and as faith
increaseth, so doth charity increase.

"VII. To the attainment of justification are required faith and
charity.

"VIII. Every thing is to be called freely done, whereof the beginning
is free and set at liberty, without any cause of provocation.

"IX. Faith must be to me the assurance of the promises of God made in
Christ, (if I fulfil the condition,) and love must accomplish the
condition: whereupon followeth the attainment of the promise according
to God's truth.

"X. A man being in deadly sin, may have grace to do the works of
penance, whereby he may attain to his justification."

These articles, forasmuch as they be sufficiently answered and replied
unto by George Joye, in his joinder and rejoinder against Winchester,
I shall not need to cumber this work with any new ado therewith, but
only refer the reader to the books aforesaid, where he may see matter
enough to answer to these popish articles.

I told you before, how the king was contented that Barnes should
resort to the house of the bishop of Winchester, to be trained and
directed by the bishop: which Barnes then hearing the talk of the
people, and having also conference with certain learned men, within
two days after his coming to the bishop's house, waxed weary thereof,
and so coming to the bishop signified unto him, that if he would take
him as one that came to confer, he would come still, but else he would
come no more; and so clean gave over the bishop.

This being known unto the king, through sinister complaints of popish
sycophants, Barnes again was sent for, and convented before the king;
who, being grievously incensed against him, enjoined both him, Jerome,
and Garret, at the solemn Easter sermons at St. Mary Spittal, openly
in writing to revoke the doctrine which they before had taught; at
which sermon Stephen Gardiner also himself was present, to hear their
recantation..

First Dr. Barnes, according to his promise made to the king, solemnly
and formally began to make his recantation; which done, he, with much
circumstance and obtestation, called upon the bishop, (as is above
touched,) and, asking of him forgiveness, required him, in token of a
grant, to hold up his hand, to the intent that he there openly
declaring his charity before the world, the bishop also would declare
his charity in like manner. Which when the bishop at first refused to
do as he was required, Barnes again called for it, desiring him to
show his charity, and to hold up his hand; which when he had done with
much ado, wagging his finger a little, then Barnes, entering into his
sermon, after his prayer made, beginneth the process of a matter,
preaching contrary to that which before he had recanted; insomuch that
the mayor, when the sermon was finished, sitting with the bishop of
Winchester, asked him whether he should from the pulpit send him to
ward, to be forthcoming for that his bold preaching, contrary to his
recantation. The like also did Jerome, and Garret after him.

The king had before appointed certain to make report of the sermons.
Besides them, there was one, who, writing to a friend of his in the
court, in the favour of these preachers, declared how gaily they had
all handled the matter, both to satisfy the recantation, and also in
the same sermons to utter out the truth, that it might spread without
let of the world. Wherefore, partly by these reporters, and partly by
the negligent looking to this letter, which came to the Lord
Cromwell's hands, saith Gardiner, Barnes with his other fellows, were
apprehended, and committed to the Tower. Stephen Gardiner, in his
aforesaid book against George Joye, would needs clear himself, that he
was no party to nor cause of their casting into the Tower; and giveth
this reason for him, for that he had then no access, nor had after, so
long as Cromwell's time lasted, to the king's secret counsel: yet,
notwithstanding, the said Gardiner cannot persuade us to the
contrary,but that his privy complaining to the king, and his secret
whisperings in his friend's ears, and his other workings by his
factors about the king, was a great sparkle to set their faggots
afire.

Thus then Barnes, Jerome, and Garret, being committed to the Tower
after Easter, there remained till the thirtieth day of July, which was
two days after the death of the Lord Cromwell. Then ensued process
against them, by the king's council in the parliament, to the which
process Gardiner confesseth himself that he was privy, amongst the
rest. Whereupon all those three good saints of God, the thirtieth day
of July, not coming to any answer, nor yet knowing any cause of their
condemnation, without any public hearing were brought together from
the Tower to Smithfield, where they, preparing themselves to the fire,
had there at the stake divers and sundry exhortations: among whom Dr.
Barnes first began with this protestation following:

"I am come hither to be burned as a heretic, and you shall hear my
belief, whereby you shall perceive what erroneous opinions I hold. God
I take to record, I never (to my knowledge) taught any erroneous
doctrine, but only those things which Scripture led me unto; and that
in my sermons I never maintained any error, neither moved nor gave
occasion of any insurrection, although I have been slandered to preach
that our Lady was but a saffron-bag, which I utterly protest before
God that I never meant, nor preached it; but all my study and
diligence hath been utterly to confound and confute all men of that
doctrine, as are the Anabaptists, which deny that our Saviour Christ
did take any flesh of the blessed Virgin Mary; which sects I detest
and abhor. And in this place there have been burned some of them, whom
I never favoured nor maintained; but with all diligence evermore did I
study to set forth the glory of God, the obedience to our sovereign
lord the king, and the true and sincere religion of Christ: and now
hearken to my faith.

"I believe in the holy and blessed Trinity, three Persons and one God,
that created and made all the world: and that this blessed Trinity,
sent down the second person, Jesu Christ, into the womb of the most
blessed and purest Virgin Mary. And here, bear me record, that I do
utterly condemn that abominable and detestable opinion of the
Anabaptists, which say that Christ took no flesh of the Virgin. For I
believe, that without man's will or power he was conceived by the Holy
Ghost, and took flesh of her, and that he suffered hunger, thirst,
cold, and other passions of our body, sin excepted, according to the
saying of St. Peter, He was made in all things like to his brethren,
except sin. And I believe that this his death and passion was the
sufficient ransom for the sin of all the world. And I believe that
through his death he overcame sin, death, and hell; and that there is
none other satisfaction unto the Father, but this his death and
passion only; and that no work of man did deserve any thing of God,
but only his passion, as touching our justification: for I know the
best work that ever I did is impure and unperfect." [And with this he
cast abroad his hands, and desired God to forgive him his trespasses.]
For although perchance," said he, "you know nothing by me, yet do I
confess, that my thoughts and cogitations be innumerable: wherefore I
beseech thee, O Lord! not to enter into judgment with me, according to
the saying of the prophet David, Enter not into judgment with thy
servant, O Lord: and in another place, Lord, if thou straitly mark our
iniquities, who is able to abide thy judgment? Wherefore I trust in no
good work that ever I did, but only in the death of Christ. I do not
doubt but through him to inherit the kingdom of heaven. Take me not
here that I speak against good works, for they are to be done; and
verily they that do them not, shall never come into the kingdom of
God. We must do them, because they are commanded us of God, to show
and set forth our profession, not to deserve or merit; for that is
only the death of Christ.

"I believe that there is a holy church, and a company of all them that
do profess Christ; and that all that have suffered for and confessed
his name be saints; and that all they do praise and laud God in
heaven, more than I or any man's tongue can express: and that always I
have spoken reverently, and praised them as much as Scripture willed
me to do. And that our Lady, I say, was a virgin immaculate and
undefiled, and that she is the most pure virgin that ever God created,
and a vessel elect of God, of whom Christ should be born."

Then said Master Sheriff, "You have said well of her before." And,
being afraid that Master Sheriff had been or should be aggrieved with
any thing that he should say, he said,

"Master Sheriff, if I speak any thing that you will me not, do no more
but beckon me with your hand, and I will straightway hold my peace;
for I will not be disobedient in any thing, but will obey."

Then there was one that asked him his opinion of praying to saints.
Then said he,

"Now of saints you shall hear my opinion. I have said before somewhat
that I think of them: how that I believe they are in heaven with God,
and that they are worthy of all the honour that Scripture willeth them
to have. But, I say, throughout all Scripture we are not commanded to
pray to any saints. Therefore I neither can nor will preach to you
that saints ought to be prayed unto; for then should I preach unto you
a doctrine of mine own head. Notwithstanding, whether they pray for us
or no, that I refer to God. And if saints do pray for us, then I trust
to pray for you within this half hour, Master Sheriff, and for every
Christian man living in the faith of Christ, and dying in the same as
a saint. Wherefore, if the dead may pray for the quick, I will surely
pray for you."

"Well, have you any thing more to say?" Then spake he to Master
Sheriff, and said, "Have ye any articles against me for the which I am
condemned?" And the sheriff answered, "No." Then said he, "Is there
here any man else that knoweth wherefore I die, or that by my
preaching hath taken any error? Let them now speak, and I will make
them answer." And no man answered. Then said he,

"Well! I am condemned by the law to die, and as I understand by an act
of parliament; but wherefore, I cannot tell, but belike for heresy,
for we are like to burn. But they that have been the occasion of it, I
pray God forgive them, as I would be forgiven myself. And Dr. Stephen,
bishop of Winchester that now is, if he have sought or wrought this my
death either by word or deed, I pray God forgive him, as heartily, as
freely, as charitably, and without feigning, as ever Christ forgave
them that put him to death. And if any of the council, or any others,
have sought or wrought it through malice or ignorance, I pray God
forgive their ignorance, and illuminate their eyes that they may see,
and ask mercy for it. I beseech you all, to pray for the king's Grace,
as I have done ever since I was in prison, and do now, that God may
give him prosperity, and that he may long reign among you; and after
him that godly Prince Edward may so reign, that he may finish those
things that his father hath begun. I have been reported a preacher of
sedition and disobedience unto the king's Majesty; but here I say to
you, that you are all bound by the commandment of God to obey your
prince with all humility, and with all your heart, yea, not so much as
in a look to show yourselves disobedient unto him; and that not only
for fear of the sword, but also for conscience' sake before God. Yea,
and I say further, if the king should command you any thing against
God's law, if it be in your power to resist him, yet may you not do
it."

Then spake he to the sheriff and said,

"Master Sheriff, I require you, on God's behalf, to have me commended
unto the king's Grace, and to show him that I require of his Grace
these five requests: first, that whereas his Grace hath received into
his hands all the goods and substance of the abbeys:" -- Then the
sheriff desired him to stop there. He answered, "Master Sheriff! I
warrant you I will speak no harm; for I know it is well done that all
such superstition be clean taken away, and the king's Grace hath well
done in taking it away. But his Grace is made a whole king, and obeyed
in his whole realm as a king, (which neither his father nor
grandfather, neither his ancestors that reigned before him, ever had,)
and that, through the preaching of us, and such other wretches as we
are, who always have applied our whole studies, and given ourselves
for the setting forth of the same; and this is now our reward. Well!
it maketh no matter. Now he reigneth among you; I pray God long he may
live and reign among you! Would to God it might please his Grace to
bestow the said goods, or some of them, to the comfort of his poor
subjects, who surely have great need of them.

"The second that I desire his Grace is, that he will see that
matrimony be had in more reverence than it is; and that men, for every
light cause invented, cast not off their wives, and live in adultery
and fornication; and that those that be not married should not
abominably live in whoredom, following the filthy lusts of the flesh.

"The third, that the abominable swearers may be punished and straitly
looked upon; for the vengeance of God will come on them for their
mischievous oaths."

Then desired he Master Pope to have him commended to Master Edgar, and
to desire him, for the dear blood of Jesus Christ, that he would leave
that abominable swearing which he used; for surely except he did
forsake it, he would come to some mischievous end.

"The fourth request, that his Grace would set forth Christ's true
religion, and seeing he hath begun, go forward, and make an end; for
many things have been done, but much more is to do. And that it would
please his Grace to look on God's word himself, for that it hath been
obscured with many traditions invented of our own brains. Now," said
he, "how many petitions have I spoken of?" And the people said,
"Four." "Well," said he, "even these four be sufficient, which I
desire you, that the king's Grace may be certified of; and say, that I
most humbly desire him to look earnestly upon them; and that his Grace
take heed that he be not deceived with false preachers and teachers,
and evil counsel; for Christ saith, that such false prophets shall
come in lambs' skins."

Then desired be all men to forgive him, and if he had said any evil at 
any time unadvisedly, whereby he had offended any man, or given any
occasion of evil, that they would forgive it him, and amend that evil
they took of him; and to bear him witness that he detested and
abhorred all evil opinions and doctrines against the word of God, and
that he died in the faith of Jesu Christ, by whom he doubted not but
to be saved. And with those words he desired them all to pray for him,
and then he turned him about, and put off his clothes, making him
ready to the fire, patiently there to take his death, yielding his
soul unto the hands of Almighty God.

The like confession made also Jerome and Garret, professing in like
manner their belief, reciting all the articles of the Christian faith,
briefly declaring their minds upon every article, as the time would
suffer; whereby the people might understand that there was no cause
nor error in their faith, wherefore justly they ought to be condemned:
protesting moreover, that they denied nothing that was either in the
Old or New Testament, set forth by their sovereign lord the king, whom
they prayed the Lord long to continue amongst them, with his most dear
son Prince Edward: which done, Jerome added this exhortation in few
words following:

"I say unto you, good brethren! that God hath bought us all with no
small price, neither with gold nor silver, nor other such things of
small value, but with his most precious blood. Be not unthankful
therefore to him again, but do as much as to Christian men belongeth,
to fulfil his commandments, that is, Love your brethren. Love hurteth
no man, love fulfilleth all things. If God hath sent thee plenty, help
thy neighbour that hath need. Give him good counsel. If he lack,
consider if thou wert in necessity, thou wouldst gladly be refreshed.
And again, bear your cross with Christ. Consider what reproof,
slander, and reproach he suffered of his enemies, and how patiently he
suffered all things. Consider that all that Christ did was of his mere
goodness, and not of our deserving. For if we could merit our own
salvation, Christ would not have died for us. But for Adam's breaking
of God's precepts we had been all lost, if Christ had not redeemed us
again. And like as Adam broke the precepts, and was driven out of
Paradise, so we, if we break God's commandments, shall have damnation,
if we do not repent and ask mercy. Now, therefore, let all Christians
put no trust nor confidence in their works, but in the blood of
Christ, to whom I commit my soul to guide, beseeching you all to pray
to God for me, and for my brethren here present with me, that our
souls, leaving these wretched carcasses, may constantly depart in the
true faith of Christ."

In much like sort Garret also, protesting and exhorting the people,
after his confession made, ended his protestation in manner as
followeth:

"I also detest, abhor, and refuse, all heresies and errors, and if,
either by negligence or ignorance, I have taught or maintained any, I
am sorry for it, and ask God mercy. Or if I have been too vehement or
rash in preaching, whereby any person hath taken any offence, error,
or evil opinion, I desire of him, and all other persons whom I have
any way offended, forgiveness. Notwithstanding, to my remembrance I
never preached wittingly or willingly any thing against God's holy
word, or contrary to the true faith, to the maintenance of errors,
heresies, or vicious living, but have always, for my little learning
and wit, set forth the honour of God, and the right obedience to his
laws, and also the king's accordingly: and if I could have done
better, I would. Wherefore, Lord! if I have taken in hand to do that
thing which I could not perfectly perform, I desire of thee pardon for
my bold presumption. And I pray God send, the king's Grace good and
godly counsel, to his glory, to the king's honour, and the increase of
virtue in this his realm. And thus now I yield up my soul unto
Almighty God. trusting and believing that he, of his infinite mercy,
for his promise made in the blood of his Son, our most merciful
Saviour Jesu Christ. will take it, and pardon me of all my sins,
whereby I have most grievously. from my youth, offended his Majesty:
wherefore I ask him mercy, desiring you all to pray with me and for
me, that I may patiently suffer this pain, and die stedfastly in true
faith, perfect hope, and charity."
(Illustration: Barnes, Garret and Jerome at the Stake )

And so, after their prayer made, wherein most effectually they desired
the Lord Jesus to be their comfort and consolation in this their
affliction, and to establish them with perfect faith, constancy, and
patience through the Holy Ghost, they, taking themselves by the hands,
and kissing one another, quietly and humbly offered themselves to the
hands of the tormentors; and so took their death both Christianly and
constantly, with such patience as might well testify the goodness of
their cause, and quiet of their conscience.

Wherein is to be noted how mightily the Lord worketh with his grace
and fortitude in the hearts of his servants, especially in such as
causeless suffer, with a guiltless conscience, for religion's sake,
above others who suffer otherwise for their deserts. For whereas they
which suffer as malefactors, commonly are wont to go heavy and pensive
to their death; so the others, with heavenly alacrity and
cheerfulness, do abide whatsoever it pleaseth the Lord to lay upon
them: example whereof we have right well to note, not only in these
three godly martyrs above mentioned, but also in the Lord Cromwell,
who suffered but two days before, the same no less may appear; who,
although he was brought to his death, attainted and condemned by the
parliament, yet what a guiltless conscience he bare to his death, his
Christian patience well declared; who, first calling for his
breakfast, and cheerfully eating the same, and, after that, passing
out of his prison down the hill within the Tower, and meeting there by
the way the Lord Hungerford, going likewise to his execution, (who,
for other matter, here not to be spoken of, was there also
imprisoned,) and perceiving him to be all heavy and doleful, with
cheerful countenance and comfortable words, asking why he was so
heavy, he willed him to pluck up his heart, and to be of good comfort;
"for," said he, "there is no cause for you to fear; for if you repent,
and be heartily sorry for that you have done, there is for you mercy
enough with the Lord, who, for Christ's sake, will forgive you; and
therefore be not dismayed. And though the breakfast which we are going
to be sharp, yet, trusting to the mercy of the Lord, we shall have a
joyful dinner." And so went they together to the place of execution,
and took their death patiently, July 28th, 1540.

$

198. PAPISTS, EXECUTED THE SAME TIME WITH BARNES, JEROME, AND GARRET.

The same time and day, and in the same place, where and when these
three above mentioned did suffer, three others also were executed,
though not for the same cause, but rather the contrary, for denying
the king's supremacy; whose names were Powel, Fetherstone, and Abel:
the which spectacle so happening upon one day, in two so contrary
parts or factions, brought the people into a marvellous admiration and
doubt of their religion, which part to follow and take; as might so
well happen amongst ignorant and simple people, seeing two contrary
parts so to suffer, the one for popery, the other against popery, both
at one time. Insomuch that a certain stranger being there present the
same time, and seeing three on the one side and three on the other
side to suffer, said in these words, Deus bone! quomodo hic vivunt
gentes? Me suspenduntur papistę, illic comburuntur antipapistę. But to
remove and take away all doubt hereafter from posterity, whereby they
shall the less marvel how this so happened, here is to be understood
how the cause thereof did rise and proceed; which happened by reason
of a certain division and discord among the king's council, who were
so divided among themselves in equal parts, that the one half seemed
to hold with the one religion, the other half with the contrary; the
names of whom, although it were not necessary to express, yet being
compelled for the setting forth of the truth of the story, we have
thought good here to annex, as the certainty thereof came to our
hands.

PROTESTANTS.

Canterbury
Russel, Treasurer.
Suffolk,
Paget,
Viscount Bewchamp,
Sadler,
Viscount Lisle
Audeley.

PAPISTS.

Winchester,
William Paulet,
Durham,
John Baker,
Norfolk, 
Richard, Chancellor of the Augmentation. 
Southampton,
Anthony Brown,
Wingfield, Vice-chancellor.

This division and separation of the council amongst themselves, caused
both these parts above mentioned, the one for one religion, the other
for another, to suffer together. For, as the one part of the council
called for the execution of Barnes, Garret, and Jerome; so the other
part, likewise, called for the execution of the law upon Powel,
Fetherstone, and Abel; which six, being condemned and drawn to the
place of execution, two upon a hurdle, one being a papist, the other a
protestant, thus, after a strange manner, were brought into
Smithfield, where all the said six together, for contrary doctrine,
suffered death; three, by the fire, for the gospel; the other three,
by hanging, drawing, and quartering, for popery.

Alan Cope, in his worshipful Dialogues, making mention of these three
aforesaid, Powel, Fetherstone, and Abel, amongst others who died in
King Henry's days in the like popish quarrel, that is, for the like
treason against their prince, (being in all to the number of twenty-
four,) extolleth them not only in words, but with miracles also, up to
the height of heaven, among the crowned martyrs and saints of God. To
the which Cope, because in this haste of story I have no leisure at
this present to give attendance, I shall wait attendance (the Lord
willing), another time, to join in this issue with him more at
leisure. In the mean time, it shall suffice at this present to recite
the names only of those twenty-four rebels, whom he, of his popish
devotion, so dignified with the pretended title of martyrs: the names
of thirteen of which monkish rebels be these here following:

John Houghton,
John Stone,
Robert Laurence,
John Traverse,
Augustine Webster,
William Horne,
Reginald of Sion,
Powell,
John Haile,
Fetherstone,
John Rochester, 
Abel
Jacobus Wannere,

Besides these there were other nine Carthusian monks which died in the
prison of Newgate; to which number if you add Master More and the
bishop of Rochester, the summa totalis cometh to twenty-four, whom the
said Cope unjustly crowned for martyrs. But of these more shall be
said (the Lord willing) hereafter.

$

199. FURTHER PERSECTION ARISING FROM THE SIX ARTICLES.

Thus, having discoursed the order of the six articles, with other
matter likewise following in the next parliament, concerning the
condemnation of the Lord Cromwell, of Dr. Barnes, and his fellows, let
us now (proceeding further in this history) consider what great
disturbance and vexations ensued after the setting forth of the said
articles, through the whole realm of England, especially among the
godly sort: wherein first were to be mentioned the strait and severe
commissions sent forth by the king's authority, to the bishops,
chancellors, officials, justices, mayors, and bailiffs in every shire,
and other commissioners by name in the same commissions expressed;
and, amongst others, especially to Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, to
the mayor, sheriffs, and aldermen of the same, to inquire diligently
after all heretical books, and to burn them. Also to inquire after all
such persons whatsoever, culpable or suspected of such felonies,
heresies, contempts, or transgressions, or speaking any words contrary
to the aforesaid act, set forth, of the six articles. The tenor of the
said commissions being sufficiently expressed in ancient records, and
in the bishops' registers, and also partly touched before,therefore,
for tediousness I here omit: only showing forth the commission
directed to Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, to take the oath of the
mayor of London, and of others, for the execution of the commission
aforesaid; the tenor whereof here followeth:

"Henry the Eighth, by the grace of God, king of England and of France,
defender of the faith, lord of Ireland, and in earth supreme head of
the church of England, unto the reverend father in Christ, Edmund
Bonner, bishop of London, and to his well-beloved the bishop's
chancellor, health. Know we that we have given you, jointly and
severally, power and authority to receive the oaths of William Roche,
mayor of London; John Allen, knight; Ralph Warren, knight; Richard
Gresham, knight; Roger Cholmley, knight, serjeant-at-law; John
Gresham; Michael Dormer, archdeacon of London, the bishop's commissary
and official; Robert Chidley, Guy Crayford, Edward Hall, Robert Broke,
and John Morgan, and every of them, our commissioners for heresies,
and other offences done within our city of London and diocese of the
same, according to the tenor of a certain schedule hereunto annexed.
And therefore the command you that you receive the oaths aforesaid;
and when you have received them, to certify us into our chancery,
under your seals, returning this our writ.

"Teste me ipso at Westminster the twenty-ninth of January, in the
thirty-second year of our reign."

What the oath was of these commissioners whereunto they were bound,
read before.

A note how Bonner sat in the Guildhall in commission for the six
articles: also of the condemning of Mekins.

Upon this commission given unto Edmund Bonner, he, coming to the
Guildhall, with other commissioners, to sit upon the statute of the
six articles, began eftsoons to put in execution his authority after a
rigorous sort, as ye shall hear. And first, he charged certain juries
to take their oath upon the statute aforesaid, who, being sworn, had a
day appointed to give their verdict: at which day they indicted sundry
persons, which, shortly after, were apprehended and brought to ward;
who, after a while remaining there, were, by the king and his council,
discharged at the Star-chamber, without any further punishment.

Not long after this, Sir William Roche being mayor, Bonner with other
commissioners sat at the Guildhall aforesaid, before whom there were a
certain number of citizens warned to appear; and after the commission
read, the said parties were called to the book, and when five or six
were sworn, one of the said persons, being called to the book, Bonner
seemed to mislike, and said, "Stay awhile, my masters," quoth he; "I
would you should consider this matter well that we have in hand, which
concerneth the glory of God, the honour of the king, and the wealth of
the realm; and if there be any here among you that doth not consider
the same, it were better that he were hence than here." Then communed
the commissioners with Bonner about that man, so that at length he was
called to the book and sworn, not altogether with his good will.

When the two juries were sworn, Bonner taketh upon him to give the
charge unto the juries, and began with a tale of Anacharsis, by which
example he admonished the juries to spare no persons, of what degree
soever they were. And at the end of his charge, he brought forth to
the bar a boy, whose name was Mekins, declaring how grievously he had
offended by speaking certain words against the state, and of the death
of Dr. Barnes; and produced into the said court two witnesses, which
were there sworn in the face of the court. So a day was assigned upon
which the juries aforesaid should give up their verdict; at which day
both the commissioners, and the said juries, met at Guildhall
aforesaid. Then the clerk of the peace called on the juries by their
names, and when their appearance was taken, Bonner bade them put in
their presentments. Then said the foreman of that jury, whose name was
William Robins; "My Lord," with a low courtesy, "we have found
nothing:" at which words he fared as one in an agony, and said,
"Nothing? have ye found nothing? what nothing? By the faith I owe to
God," quoth he to the foreman, "I would trust you upon your
obligation; but by your oath I will trust you nothing." Then said some
of the commissioners; "My Lord, give them a longer day." "No," quoth
he, "in London they ever find nothing. I pray you, what say you to
Mekins?" "My Lord," quoth the foreman, "we can say nothing to him, for
we find the witnesses to disagree. One affirmeth that he should say
the sacrament was nothing but a ceremony; and the other, nothing but a
signification." "Why," quoth Bonner, "did he not say that Barnes died
holy?" Then pausing awhile, he bade call the other jury. "Put in your
verdict," quoth he. "My Lord," said one, "we have found nothing."
"Jesus!" quoth he, "is not this a strange case?"

Then spake one of the same jury, whose name was Ralph Foxley, and
said, "My Lord, when you gave us charge, we desired to have the
parsons and curates of every parish to give us instructions; and it
was denied us." Then stood up the recorder, and said, it was true
indeed that he had spoken; and therewithal said, "This last year were
charged two juries, which did many things naughtily and foolishly, and
did as much as in them lay to make an uproar among the king's people;
and therefore it was thought not meet that they should give
information to you." "Nay, nay," quoth Bonner, "this was the cause: If
the parson or curate should give information according to his
knowledge, then what will they say? 'I must tell my confession to a
knave-priest, and he shall go by-and-by and open it." "What!" said my
lord mayor, "there is no man, I trow, that will say so?" "Yes, by my
troth," quoth Bonner, "knave-priest, knave-priest." Then said my lord
mayor, somewhat smiling, "There be some of them slippery fellows; and
as men find them, so will they ofttimes report." Bonner, not well
contented with those words, said to the jury, "My masters, what say
you to Mekins?" They answered, "The witnesses do not agree, therefore
we do not allow them." "Why," quoth Bonner, "this court hath allowed
them." Then said one of the jury to the recorder, "Is it sufficient
for our discharge, if this court do allow them?" "Yea," said the
recorder, "it is sufficient;" and said, "Go you aside together awhile,
and bring in your verdict." After the jury had talked together a
little while, they returned to the bar again with their indictment,
which at Bonner's hand was friendly received; so both they and the
other jury were discharged, and bidden take their ease. Thus ended the
court for that day. Shortly after they sat for life and death. Mekins
being brought to the bar, and the indictment read, Bonner said to him,
"Mekins, confess the truth, and submit thyself unto the king's law,
that thy death may be an example to all others."

This Richard Mekins, being a child that passed not the age of fifteen
years, (as Hall reporteth,) as he had heard some other folks talk, so
chanced he to speak against the sacrament of the altar; which coming
to Bonner's ears, he never left him (as afore doth plainly appear)
before he had brought him to the fire. During the time of his
imprisonment, neither his poor father nor mother, for fear, durst aid
him with any relief; whereby he there endured in great misery. At what
time he was brought unto the stake, he was taught to speak much good
of the bishop of London, and of the great charity he showed to him,
and to defy and detest all heretics and heresies, but especially Dr.
Barnes, unto whom he imputed the learning of that heresy, which was
the cause of his death. The poor lad would, for safeguard of his life,
have gladly said that the twelve apostles had taught it him; such was
his childish innocency and fear. But for this deed many spake and
said, "It was great shame for the bishop, whose part and duty it had
been rather to have laboured to save his life, than to procure that
terrible execution; seeing that he was such an ignorant soul, that he
knew not what the affirming of heresy was."

Richard Spencer, Ramsey, and Hemet, martyrs, who suffered at
Salisbury.

About the same time also a certain priest was burned at Salisbury,
who, leaving his papistry, had married a wife, and became a player in
interludes, with one Ramsey and Hemet, which three were all condemned
and burned; against whom, and especially against Spencer, was laid
matter concerning the sacrament of the altar. He suffered at
Salisbury.

Although this inquisition above mentioned was meant properly and
especially concerning the six articles, yet so it fell out, that in
short space doubts began to arise, and to be moved by the quest:
whether they might inquire as well of all other opinions, articles,
and cases of Lollardy, or for speaking against holy bread, holy water,
or for favouring the cause of Barnes, of Friar Ward, Sir Thomas Rose,
&c.: whereupon great perturbation followed in all parishes almost
through London in the year aforesaid, which was 1511, as here ensueth
in a brief summary table to be seen.

A brief table of the troubles at London, in the time of the six
articles, containing the persons presented, with the cause of their
persecution.

In St. Alban's parish in London.

John Dixe was noted never to be confessed in Lent, nor to receive at
Easter, and to be a sacramentary.

Richard Chepeman; for eating flesh in Lent, and for working on holy-
days, and not coming to the church.

Mrs. Cicely Marshall; for not bearing her palm, and despising holy
bread and holy water.

Michael Hawkes; for not coming to the church, and for receiving young
men of the new learning.

Master John Browne; for bearing with Barnes.

Anne, Bedike's wife; for despising our Lady, and not praying to
saints.

Andrew Kempe, William Pahen, and Richard Manerd; for disturbing the
service of the church, with brabbling of the New Testament.

In the parish of Trinity the Less.

William Wyders denied, two years before, the sacrament to be Christ's
body, and said that it was but only a sign.

William Stokesley; for rebuking his wife at the church for taking holy
water.

Roger Davy; for speaking against worshipping of saints.

Master Blage; for not coming to his parish church, not confessing, nor
receiving.

St. John Baptist in Wallbrook.

William Clinch; for saying, when he seeth a priest preparing to the
mass, "Ye shall see a priest now go to masking." Item, For calling the
bishop of Winchester, "False flattering knave." Item, For burying his
wife without dirge, and causing the Scot of St. Katharine's to preach
the next day after the burial.

William Maine; seeing a priest going to mass, said, "Now you shall see
one in masking." Item, When he came to the church, with loud reading
the English Bible he disturbed the divine service.

St. Botolph's at Billingsgate.

Herman Johnson, Jerome Akon, Giles Hosteman, Richard Bonfeld, Thomas
Cowper, Humphrey Skinner, John Sneudnam, Richard Philips, John Celos:
these nine persons were presented, for that they were not confessed in
Lent, nor had received at Easter.

St. Nicholas, in the Flesh Shambles.

John Jones, William Wright, Peter Butcher, Roger Butcher: these four
were presented for not keeping the divine service in the holy days.

Brisley's wife, for busy reasoning on the new learning, and not
keeping the church.

St. Andrew's in Holborn.

Mrs. Castle; for being a meddler, and a reader of the Scripture in the
church.

Master Galias, of Bernard's Inn; for withstanding the curate ceasing
the altars on Corpus Christi even, and saying openly that he did
naught.

Master Pates, of David's Inn, and Master Galias; for vexing the curate
in the body of the church, in declaring the king's injunctions and
reading the Bishop's Book, so that he had much ado to make an end.

St. Mildred in Bread Street.

William Beckes and his wife; suspected to be sacramentaries, and for
not creeping to the cross on Good Friday.

Thomas Langham, William Thomas, Richard Beckes, William Beckes: these
four were presented for interrupting the divine service.

Ralph Symonds; for not keeping our Lady's mass, which he was bound to
keep.

John Smith, apprentice; for saying that he had rather hear the crying
of dogs, than priests singing matins or even-song.

St. Magnus' Parish.

Thomas Bele, John Sturgeon, John Wilshire, Thomas Symon, Ralph Clervis
and his wife, James Banaster, Nicholas Barker, John Sterky,
Christopher Smith, Thomas Net: these eleven persons of St. Magnus
parish were presented and accused for maintaining of certain preachers
(as then it was called) of the new learning, as Wisedom, Rose, Friar
Ward, and Sir William Smith, alias Wright.

Nicholas Philip; for maintaining heresies and Scripture books, and for
using neither fasting nor prayer.

Richard Bigges; for despising holy bread, putting it in the throat of
a bitch, and for not looking up to the elevation.

St. Mary Magdalene in Milk Street.

Mrs. Elizabeth Statham; for maintaining in her house Latimer, Barnes,
Garret, Jerome, and divers others.

John Duffet; for marrying a woman which was thought to be a nun.

St. Owen's parish, in Newgate Market.

William Hilliard and Duffet; for maintaining Barnes, Jerome, and
Garret, with others.

Grafton and Whitchurch; suspected not to have been confessed.

St. Martin's at the Well with two Buckets.

John Greene, Mother Palmer, Christopher Coots, William Selly,
Alexander Frere, William Bredi, John Bush, William Somerton, George
Durant, Master David's apprentice: all these being of the parish of
St. Martin's at the Well with two Buckets, were presented for
contemning the ceremonies of the church: also some for walking in the
sacring time with their caps on: some for turning their heads away:
some for sitting at their doors when sermons were in the church, &c.

St. Michael's in Wood Street.

Robert Andrew; for receiving heretics into his house, and keeping
disputation of heresy there.

John Williamson, Thomas Buge, Thomas Gilbert, W. Hickson, Robert
Daniel, Robert Smitton: these other six were suspected to be
sacramentaries and rank heretics, and procurers of heretics to preach,
and to be followers of their doctrine.

St. Botolph's at Billingsgate.

John Mayler; to be a sacramentary, and a railer against the mass.

Richard Bilby, draper; presented for saying these words, "That Christ
is not present in the blessed sacrament."

St. Giles's Without Cripplegate.

Henry Patinson and Anthony Barber: these two were detected for
maintaining their boys to sing a song against the sacrament of the
altar: also Patinson came not to confession.

Robert Norman also refused to come to confession, saying, that none of
his servants "should be shriven of a knave-priest."

John Humfrey; for speaking against the sacraments and ceremonies of
the church.

William Smith and his wife, John Cooke and his wife: these two couple
were presented for not coming to service in their parish church, and
for saying it was lawful for priests to have wives.

William Gate or Cote, William Aston, John Humfrey, John Cooke: to
these four it was laid, for saying, that the mass "was made of pieces
and patches." Also for depraving of matins, mass, and even-song.

John Miles and his wife, John Millen, John Robinson, Richard Millar,
John Green and his wife, Arnold Chest; all these were put up for
railing against the sacraments and ceremonies.

John Crosdall, John Clerke, John Owel: these three labouring men, for
not coming to divine service on holy-days, and for labouring on the
same.

Thomas Grangier and John Dictier; noted for common singers against the
sacraments and ceremonies.

John Sutton and his wife, and John Segar: these three were noted to be
despisers of auricular confession.

John Rawlins, John Shiler, William Chalinger, John Edmonds, John
Richmond and his wife; for despising holy bread and holy water, and
letting divine service.

Margaret Smith; for dressing flesh-meat in Lent.

Thomas Trentham; for reasoning against the sacrament of the altar, and
saying that the sacrament was a good thing, but it was not as men took
it, very God.

St. Thomas the Apostle.

Robert Granger, William Petingale, William May and his wife, John
Henrison and his wife, Robert Welch, John Benglosse, John Pitley,
Henry Foster, Robert Causy, William Pinchbeck and his wife: all these
thirteen were put up by the inquisition, for giving small reverence at
the sacring of the mass.

St. Benet Finch.

Martyn Bishop's wife: she was presented by her curate, for being not
shriven in Lent, nor receiving at Easter: also she did set light by
the curate, when he told her thereof.

Robert Plat and his wife: these were great reasoners in Scripture.
saying, that they had it of the Spirit: and that confession availeth
nothing; and that he, not able to read, would use no beads.

St. Michael at Queenhithe.

Thomas Aduet, John Palmer, and Robert Cooke; the cause laid to these
three persons, was for reasoning of the Scripture, and of the
sacraments.

The register saith, that they denied all the sacraments: but this
popish hyperbole will find little credit, where experience, acquainted
with popish practices, sitteth to be the judge.

John Cockes: this man was noted for a great searcher out of new
preachers, and maintainer of Barnes's opinions.

John Boultes: for forbidding his wife to use beads.

Thomas Kelde; he refused to take penance and absolution, and did eat
flesh upon a Friday before Lent.

St. Mary Woolchurch.

Nicholas Newell. a Frenchman; presented to be a man far gone in the
new sect, and that he was a great jester at the saints. and at our
Lady.

John Hawkins and his servant, Thomas Chamberlain and his wife, John
Curteys, Master Dissel, his wife and his servant: these eight were
great reasoners and despisers of ceremonies.

St. Katharine Coleman.

The curate of St. Katharine Coleman: he was noted for calling of
suspected persons to his sermons by a beadle, without ringing of any
hell: and when he preached, he left his matters doubtful.

Item, for preaching without the commandment of his parson.

Item, for that he was a Scottish friar, driven out of his country for
heresy.

Tulle Bustre, his wife and his son-in-law: these were noted for coming
seldom to the church, and many times were seen to labour upon the
holy-days.

St. Matthew's Parish.

William Ettis and his wife were noted for maintaining certain
preachers; and for causing one Taverner, being a priest, to preach
against the king's injunctions.

Merifield, and his son-in-law, Nicholas Russel; the good man of the
Saracen's Head in Friday Street; William Callaway, John Gardiner, with
three apprentices: against this company presentation was made for
gathering together in the evening, and for bringing ill preachers,
(that is to say, good preachers,) amongst the people.

Thomas Plummer was presented, for saying that the blessed sacrament
was to him that doth take it, so; and to him that doth not, it was not
so.

Shoreditch.

Shermons, keeper of the Carpenters' Hall in Christ's parish, was
presented for procuring an interlude to be openly played, wherein
priests were railed on, and called knaves.

Saint Benet at Paul's Wharf.

Lewes Morall, a servant; also James Ogule and his wife; noted not to
have been confessed certain years before.

Saint Margaret in Fish Street.

Thomas Babam; accused not to have been confessed nor houseled in his
parish church.

Saint Antholine's.

The parson and curate of St. Antholine's; for not using the ceremonies
in making holy water, nor keeping their processions on Saturdays.

Lewis Bromfield; for not taking his housel, and for absenting himself
from the church on holy-days.

Saint Mary Hill.

John Sempe and John Goffe; for dispraising a certain anthem of our
Lady, beginning Te matrem, &c.; saving that there is heresy in the
same.

Gilbert Godfrey; for absenting himself from the church on holy-days.

Saint Mary Magdalene in Old Fish Street.

Thomas Cappes; for saying these words, "That the sacrament of the
altar was but a memory and a remembrance of the Lord's death."

Saint Botolph's at Billingsgate.

John Mailer, grocer; for calling the sacrament of the altar "the baken
god," and for saying that the mass was called beyond the sea, "miss,"
for that all is amiss in it.

Saint Martin's in Ironmonger Lane.

John Hardyman, parson of St. Martin's in Ironmonger Lane; presented
for preaching openly that confession is confusion and deformation; and
that the butcherly ceremonies of the church were to be abhorred. Also
for saying, "What a mischief is this, to esteem the sacraments to be
of such virtue! for in so doing they take the glory of God from him:"
and for saying, that faith in Christ is sufficient, without any other
sacraments, to justify.

Saint Bridget's in Fleet Street.

Christopher Dray, plumber; for saying of the sacrament of the altar,
that it was not offered up for remission of sins; and that the body of
Christ was not there, but only by representation and signification of
the thing.

Saint Andrew's in Holborn.

Robert Ward, shoemaker; presented by three witnesses, for holding
against the sacrament of the altar: he died in prison in Bread Street.

Allhallows, Barking.

Nicholas Otes; for not coming to the housel at Easter, he was sent to
Newgate.

Herman Peterson and James Gosson; for not coming to shrift and housel
at the time of Easter. These were committed to prison in Bread Street.

Saint Olave's in the Old Jewry.

Richard White, haberdasher; for saying, that he did not think that
Christ was in the sacrament of the altar within the sepulchre, but in
heaven above.

Saint Botolph's Without Aldgate.

Giles Harrison, being in a place without Aldgate, merrily jesting in a
certain company of neighbours, where some of them said, "Let us go to
mass:" "I say tarry," said he; and so taking a piece of bread in his
hands, lifted it up over his head; and likewise taking a cup of wine,
and bowing down his head, made therewith a cross over the cup, and so
taking the said cup in both his hands, lifted it over his head, saying
these words, "Have ye not heard mass now?" For the which he was
presented to Bonner, then bishop of London; against whom came these,
namely, Thomas Castle, William Greene, Andrew Morice, and John
Margetson, as witnesses against him.

Richard Bostock, priest: for saying that auricular confession hath
killed more souls than all the bills, clubs, and halters have done
since King Henry was king of England, &c. Also for saying, that the
water in the Thames hath as much virtue, as the water that the priests
do hallow.

Margaret Ambsworth; for having no reverence to the sacrament at
sacring time. Item, for instructing of maids, and being a great
doctress.

In Aldermanbury.

John Leicester, Christopher Townesend, Thomas Mabs, Christopher
Holybread, W. Raynold, Thomas David Skinner, Thomas Starckey, Martyn
Donam, and W. Derby: all these noted and presented for maintaining of
Barnes, and such other preachers; and many of their wives, for not
taking holy bread, nor going in procession on Sundays.

Lawrence Maxwel, bricklayer; for speaking and reasoning against
auricular confession.

Saint Martin's the Great.

John Coygnes, or Livelonde; for holding against the sacrament of the
altar, and not receiving at Easter.

Saint Clement's Without Temple Bar.

Gerard Frise; presented by two witnesses, for affirming that a sermon
preached, is better than the sacrament of the altar; and that he had
rather go to hear a sermon, than to hear a mass.

Saint Katharine's.

Dominick Williams, a Frenchman; for not receiving the sacrament of the
altar at Easter. Thomas Lancaster, priest; be lay in the Compter in
the Poultry, for compiling and bringing over books prohibited.

Item, Gough, the stationer; troubled for resorting unto him.

Friar Ward; laid in the Compter in Bread Street; for marrying one
Elizabeth to his wife, after his vow made of chastity.

Wilcock, a Scottish friar; prisoned in the Fleet, for preaching
against confession, holy water, against praying to saints, and for
souls departed; against purgatory, and holding that priests might have
wives, &c.

John Taylor, doctor in divinity; presented for preaching at St.
Bride's in Fleet Street, that it is as profitable to a man to hear
mass and see the sacrament, as to kiss Judas's mouth, who kissed
Christ our Saviour, &c.

W. Tolwine, parson of St. Antholine's; presented and examined before
Edmund Bonner, for permitting Alexander Scton to preach in his church,
having no licence of his ordinary; and also for allowing the sermons
of the said Alexander Seton, which he preached against Dr. Smith.

To the said Tolwine, moreover, it was objected, that he used, the
space of two years, to make holy water, leaving out the general
exorcism, beginning Exorcise te, &c.; using these words for the same,
Benedicite, Dominu: ab eo sit benedicta, a cujus latere fluxit sanguis
et aqua: adjoining thereto, commixtio salis et aquę fiat, in nomine
Patris, et Fill, et Spiritus Sancti.

The like usage of making holy water was also used in Aldermary church,
where Dr. Crome was, and in Honey Lane.

Against this objection thus Tolwine defended himself, saving, that he
took occasion so to do by the king's injunctions, which say, that
ceremonies should be used, all ignorance and superstition set apart.

In the end this Tolwine was forced to stand at Paul's Cross, to recant
his doctrine and doings.

The same time also Robert Wisedom, parish priest of St. Margaret's in
Lothbury, and Thomas Becon, were brought to Paul's Cross, to recant
and to revoke their doctrine, and to burn their books.

Little Allhallows.

Sir George Parker, priest and parson of St. Pancras, and curate of
Little Allhallows, was noted, suspected, and convented before the
ordinary, for certain books; especially for having Unio dissidentium,
&c.

Sir John Burch, priest of St. Botolph's Lane, was complained of by one
Master Wilson, for being a busy reasoner in certain opinions which
agreed not with the pope's church.

Alexander Seton, a Scottish man, and a worthy preacher, was denounced,
detected, and presented, by three priests, of whom one was fellow of
Whittington College, called Richard Taylor; another was John Smith;
the third was John Huntingdon, who afterwards was converted to the
same doctrine himself.

This Seton was chaplain to the duke of Suffolk, and by him was made
free denizen. In his sermon preached at St. Antholine's, his
adversaries picked against him matter containing fifteen objections,
or rather cavillations, which, for example, I thought here to exhibit
to the reader, to the intent that men may see, not only what true
doctrine Seton then preached, consonant to the Scriptures; but also
what wrangling cavillers can do, in depraving what is right, or in
wresting what is well meant, or in carping at what they understand
not, or in seeking out faults where none are; as by these their
sinister cavillations may appear.

Certain places or articles gathered out of Alexander Seton's sermons
by his adversaries.

The sayings and words of Alexander Seton, spoken and preached by him
in his sermon, made the thirteenth day of November, at afternoon, in
the parish church of St. Antholine's in London: "Paul saith, Of
ourselves we can do nothing; I pray thee then where is thy will? Art
thou any better than Paul, James, Peter, and all the apostles? Hast
thou any more grace than they? Tell me now, if thy will be any thing
or nothing: if it be any thing, tell me whether it be to do good or
ill? If thou say, to do ill, I will grant thou hast a great deal. If
thou say, to do good, I ask whether is more, somewhat or nothing? for
Paul said, he could do nothing, and I am sure thou hast no more grace
than Paul and his companions."

"Scripture speaketh of three things in man; the first is will, the
other two are consent and deed. The first, that is will, God worketh
without us, and beside us. The other two he worketh in us, and with
us."-- And here he alleged St. Augustine, to prove that we can will
nothing that is good. Moreover he said, "Thou hast not one jot, no not
one tittle, to do any good."

"There is nothing in heaven or earth, creature or other, than can be
any mean towards our justification; nor yet can nor may any man
satisfy God the Father for our sin, save only Christ, and the shedding
of his blood."

"He that preacheth that works do merit, or be any mean to our
salvation, or any part of our justification, preacheth a doctrine of
the devil."

"If any thing else, save only Christ, be any mean towards our
justification, then did not Christ only justify us."

"I say, that neither thy good works, nor any thing that thou canst do,
can be one jot or tittle towards thy justification. For if they be,
then is not Christ a full justifier; and that I will prove by a
familiar example. Be it in case I have two servants: the one is called
John, and the other Robert; and I promise to send you such a day
twenty pounds by John my servant, and at my day I send you by John my
servant nineteen pounds nineteen shillings and eleven pence three
farthings, and there lacketh but one farthing, which Robert doth bring
thee, and so thou hast thy twenty pounds, every penny and farthing:
yet will I ask, if I be true of my promise, or no; and thou mayst say,
'Nay.' And why? Because I promised to send thee that whole twenty
pounds by John, and did not, for there lacked a farthing, which Robert
brought. Wherefore I say, if thy works do merit or bring one little
jot or ittle towards thy justification, then is Christ false of his
promise, which said that he would do all together."

"One scripture I will bring you, which they cannot writhe, to prove
that Christ only was promised to be our only justifier, our only mean;
and that is in the twenty-second of Genesis, where it is written. In
thy seed shall all people be blessed; meaning thereby only Christ: and
he said not, in thy seeds, nor, in the works of thy seeds. Wherefore,
all they that preach that works be any part or mean toward our
justification, do make God false of his promise."

"They that preach that works do merit, do make works the tree, which
are but the fruits of justice, wrought by him that is already a just
man, which cannot choose but bring forth good fruit."

"I would ask a question, whether he that worketh be a good man, or
bad; for he must be one of them. If he be a good man, he cannot choose
but bring forth good fruits; if he be an ill man, he can bring forth
no fruit but ill fruit; for a good tree cannot bring forth ill fruit."

"He that saith that works do merit any thing towards our salvation,
doth make works checkmate with Christ, and plucketh from Christ what
is his, and giveth it to works. Some will ask, Wherefore then should I
do good works? I answer, Good works are to be done for no cause else,
but only for the glory of God, and not that they do merit any thing at
all. And he that saith that good works are to be done for no other
cause than for the glory of God only, and will have them to merit, or
be any mean towards our justification, I say, he lieth, and believe
him not."

"He that can show me in any scripture, that works do merit, or be any
mean to our justification, for the first scripture I will (without any
further judgment) lose both mine ears; for the second, my tongue; and
for the third, my neck. For of this I dare say he cannot prove in all
the whole Scripture one tittle. Wherefore believe them not."

"Men say that we deny good works, and fasting and prayer. They lie on
us: we deny nothing but popish works, and popish fasting, and popish
prayer; and he that preacheth that works do merit, or fasting doth
merit, or prayer doth merit, doth preach a popish doctrine."

"If you ask me, when we will leave preaching only Christ: even when
they do leave to preach that works do merit, and suffer Christ to be a
whole satisfier. and only mean to our justification; and, till then,
we will not cease, in God's cause, to set forth only Christ, to be a
full, and perfect, and only satisfaction."

"If you ask, if good works shall be rewarded, I say, Yea, and with no
less than eternal glory; but for no merit that they deserve, for they
deserve nothing; but only because God hath promised, not for the merit
of the work, but for his promise' sake; and he will not break his
promise."

Other articles gathered out of Alexander Seton's sermons.

Touching reconciliation, spoken of by Dr. Smith, preaching in the
forenoon at Paul's Cross, Alexander Seton, preaching at afternoon at
St. Antholine's, and, reciting his sayings and scriptures, reproved
him for alleging this saying, Reconcile yourselves to God; because it
is there spoken passively, and not actively; so that there should be
no thing in man pertaining to reconciliation, but all in God.

Also, reproving the said Dr. Smith, for that the said doctor said,
that man, by his good works, might merit: which saying of Dr. Smith
the said Alexander Seton reproved in the pulpit at St. Antholine's,
the thirteenth day of November, in the year of our Lord 1541, as
naughtily spoken.

Moreover the said Alexander Seton said, in the same place, that it was
a shame that any such preacher should be suffered so openly to preach
such erroneous doctrine as to say that works should merit; adducing,
When ye shall have done all those things that are commanded you, say,
We are unprofitable servants.

Finally Seton said, "Peradventure ye will say the church hath
determined this matter touching works. And I say," quoth he, "that it
is ecclesia malignantium, so determining any thing against Scripture."

To these pretended objections of his adversaries he made his answer
again by writing, first denying many things there presented, taking
upon his conscience, that he never spake divers of those words, and
again many things that he never meant to such end or purpose; as in
the said register may appear. But all this notwithstanding, for all
that he could say for himself, the ordinary proceeded in his
consistory judgment, ministering to him certain interrogatories (after
the popish course) to the number of ten articles. The greatest matter
laid against him was for preaching free justification by faith in
Christ Jesu; against false confidence in good works; and man's free-
will. Also it was laid unto him, for affirming that private masses,
dirges, and other prayers, profited not the souls departed: so that in
the end, he, with Tolwine aforesaid, was caused to recant at Paul's
Cross, A.D. 1541.

Add to these aforesaid, Dr. Taylor, parson of St. Peters in Corn Hill;
South, parish priest of Allhallows in Lombard Street; Some, a priest;
Giles, the king's beer-brewer, at the Red Lion in St. Katharine's;
Thomas Lancaster, priest: all which were imprisoned likewise for the
six articles.

To be short, such a number out of all parishes in London, and out of
Calais and divers other quarters, were then apprehended, through the
said inquisition, that all prisons in London were too little to hold
them, insomuch that they were fain to lay them in the halls. At last,
by the means of good Lord Audeley, such pardon was obtained of the
king, that the said Lord Audeley, then lord chancellor, being content
that one should he bound for another, they were all discharged, being
bound only to appear in the Star-chamber, the next day after All-
Souls, there to answer, if they were called; but neither was there any
person called, neither did there any appear.

$

200. JOHN PORTER, THOMAS SOMMERS, AND OTHERS

The story of John Porter, cruelly martyred for reading the Bible in
Paul's.

In the number of these before-named cometh the remembrance of John
Porter, who, in the same year, (A.D. 1541,) for reading the Bible in
Paul's church, was cruelly handled, and that unto death, as you shall
hear. It was declared in this history above, how Edmund Bonner, bishop
of London, in the days of the Lord Cromwell, being then ambassador at
Paris, was a great doer in setting forward the printing of the Bible
in the great volume; promising moreover, that he would, for his part,
have six of those Bibles set up in the church of St. Paul in London;
which, also, at his coming home, he no less performed, according to
the king's proclamation set forth for the same, whereof read before.

The Bibles thus standing in Paul's by the commandment of the king, and
the appointment of Bonner the bishop, many well-disposed people used
much to resort to the hearing thereof, especially when they could get
any that had an audible voice to read unto them, misdoubting therein
no danger toward them; and no more there was, so long as the days of
Cromwell lasted. After he was gone, it happened amongst divers and
sundry godly-disposed persons, who frequented there the reading of the
aforesaid Bible, that one John Porter used sometimes to be occupied in
that godly exercise, to the edifying as well of himself, as of others.
This Porter was a fresh young man, and of a big stature; who, by
diligent reading of the Scripture, and by hearing of such sermons as
then were preached by them that were the setters-forth of God's truth,
became very expert. The Bible then being set up, by Bonner's
commandment, upon divers pillars in Paul's church, fixed unto the same
with chains for all men to read in them that would, great multitudes
would resort thither to hear this Porter, because he could read well,
and had an audible voice. Bonner and his chaplains, being grieved
withal, (and the world beginning then to frown upon the gospellers,)
sent for the said Porter, and rebuked him very sharply for his
reading. But Porter answered him that he trusted he had done nothing
contrary to the law, neither contrary to his advertisements, which he
had fixed in print over every Bible.

Bonner then laid unto his charge that he had made expositions upon the
text, and gathered great multitudes about him to make tumults. He
answered, be trusted that should not be proved by him. But, in fine,
Bonner sent him to Newgate, where he was miserably fettered in irons,
both legs and arms, with a collar of iron about his neck fastened to
the wall in the dungeon; being there so cruelly handled, that he was
compelled to send for a kinsman of his, whose name is also Porter, a
man yet alive, and can testify that it is true, and dwelleth yet
without Newgate. He, seeing his kinsman in this miserable case,
entreated Jewet, then keeper of Newgate, that he might be released out
of those cruel irons; and so, through friendship and money, had him up
among other prisoners, which lay there for felony and murder; where
Porter, being amongst them, hearing and seeing their wickedness and
blasphemy, exhorted them to amendment of life, and gave unto them such
instructions as he had learned of the Scriptures; for which his so
doing he was complained on, and so carried down, and laid in the lower
dungeon of all, oppressed with bolts and irons, where, within six or
eight days after, he was found dead.

It is signified to us, by credible information, that the same night
before he was found dead, they that dwelt near to the same place of
the prison where Porter lay, did hear him piteously to groan, and make
a lamentable noise, where some suppose that he was put in certain
strait irons which be there in the house, called, "the devil on the
neck;" being after a horrible sort devised; straining and wrenching
the neck of a man with his legs together, in such sort as the more he
stirreth in it, the straiter it presseth him; so that within three or
four hours it breaketh and crusheth a man's back and body in pieces:
in which devilish torment, whether John Porter was slain or no, it is
not certain. But howsoever it was, this is known, that he was found
dead (as is aforesaid) in the dungeon, with such groaning and piteous
noise heard the night before the said dungeon, as is declared.

A note of one Thomas Sommers, imprisoned for the gospel.

Amongst these Londoners thus troubled by the clergy, we will add also,
(though a little out of place,) another note of a merchant, called
Thomas Sommers, who died in the Tower of London, for confessing of the
gospel; which Thomas, being a very honest merchant and wealthy, was
sent for by the lord cardinal, and committed to the Tower, for that he
had Luther's books (as they termed them); and after great suit made
for him to the said cardinal, his judgment was, that he should ride
from the Tower into Cheapside, carrying a new book in his hand, and
with books hanging round about him, with three or four other merchants
after the same order; which was done. And when Master Sommers should
be set on a collier's nag, as the rest of his fellow prisoners were, a
friend of his, called Master Copland, brought him a very good gelding,
fair dressed with bridle and saddle; and when the bishop's officers
came to dress him with books, as they had trimmed the others, and
would have made holes in his garment, to have thrust the strings ofthe
books therein; "Nay," said Sommers, "I have always loved to go
handsomely in my apparel: "and taking the books and opening them, he
bound them together by the strings, and cast them about his neck (the
leaves being all open) like a collar; and being on horseback, rode
foremost through the streets, till they came about the Standard in
Cheap-side, where a great fire was made to burn their books in, and a
pillory set up there for four persons, in token that they had deserved
it.

In the mean time, by the way as they should come, it was appointed
that one should go before them with a basin, at the noise whereof
Master Sommer's horse, being a lofty gelding and fierce, was in such a
rage, that he who rung the basin, being afraid of himself, was fain to
go alone a great space before that any horseman followed after. At
length, when they came to the fire, every of them having a book in his
hand, they were commanded to cast their books into the fire. But when
Master Sommers saw that his New Testament should be burned, he threw
it over the fire, which was seen by some of God's enemies, and brought
to him again, commanding him to cast it into the fire, which he would
not do, but cast it through the fire; which thing was done three
times; but at last a stander-by took it up, and saved it from burning.
But not long after, the said Master Sommers was again cast into the
Tower by the cardinal, through the cruelty of the bishops and their
adherents, who, soon after, died in the said prison for the testimony
of his faith.
(Illustration: An evil monk and a holy martyr)

What trouble and vexation happened amongst the godly brethren in
London for the six articles, hitherto we have discoursed: albeit
neither have I comprehended all which were molested through all the
parishes of London, nor again did this rigorous inquisition so cease
within the precincts of this city only, but also extended further to
Salisbury, Norfolk, Lincoln, and through all other shires and quarters
of the realm; so that where any popish prelate most bare stroke, there
persecution most increased. The bishop of Lincoln, the same time, was
John Longland, and Dr. Draycot, his chancellor; of whose rigorous
doings ye have heard enough and too much before. His ready diligence
in all popish quarrels, as it never lacked before, so now, in the
execution of these six articles, it was not far behind: in whose
diocese divers good men and women, especially about Buckingham and
Amersham, and quarters thereabouts, were grievously disquieted,
appearing yet in the register; as for instance:

Elenore Godfrey, of Great Marlow,

For laughing and speaking certain words against one Thomas Collard,
who, like a pope-holy hypocrite, in the church of Marlow, used at
mass-time to crouch behind the children; and when the priest crossed
his head with the saucer, (as she termed it,) he would cross his head
likewise. And for these words she was convented before the bishop, and
miserably vexed.

William Hart, of Great Brickhill,

For saying these words: "Thinkest thou that God Almighty will abide
over a knave priest's head?

Christopher Erles, of Risborough,

Because he did no reverence unto the sacrament, coming to the church:
and for looking upon his book at the time of elevation; and that he
would not come to see the elevation, &c. Item, as he was working upon
a piece of fustian on a holy-day, and being asked why he kept not the
holy-day, he answered that that was no work, and that it was better to
do that, than to sit at the alehouse drinking drunk.

William Fastendich, of Woburn,

For speaking certain words against the sacrament of the altar, and
because he believed not that it was the very body of Christ.

William Garland, of West Wycombe.

William Garland, talking of extreme unction, said that those things
were godly signs, but there were but two sacraments, &c.

William Web, of the same parish,

Because he set the image of a headless bear in the tabernacle of St.
Roke.

About the same time John Longland, bishop of Lincoln, burned two upon
one day, the one named Thomas Bernard, and the other James Morton; the
one for teaching the Lord's Prayer in English, and the other for
keeping the Epistle of St. James translated into English.

In Oxford also the same time, or much thereabout, recanted one Master
Barber, master of arts of that university, a man excellently learned;
who, being called up to Lambeth before the archbishop, Thomas Cranmer,
was in his examination so stout in the cause of the sacrament, and so
learnedly defended himself therein, that (as it is credibly affirmed
of them that yet be alive, and were present thereat) neither Cranmer
himself nor all they could well answer to his allegations brought out
of Augustine; wherein he was so prompt and ripe of himself, that the
archbishop, with the residue of his company, were brought in great
admiration of him. Notwithstanding, by compulsion of the time, and
danger of the six articles, at last he relented, and, returning again
to Oxford, was there caused to recant. After which the good man long
prospered not, but wore away.

$

201. FALSE ALARM AT OXFORD

A merry and pleasant narration, touching a false fearful imagination
of .fire, raised among the doctors and masters of Orford, in St.
Mary's church, at the recantation of Master Malary, master of arts of
Cambridge.

HITHERTO, gentle reader, we have remembered a great number of
lamentable and bloody tragedies of such as have been slain through
extreme cruelty: now I will here set before thee again a merry and
comical spectacle, whereat thou mayest now laugh and refresh thyself,
which, forasmuch as it did neccessarily accord with our present
enterprise, I have not thought it good to pass it over with silence.
For God hath oftentimes, by divers manifest means, deluded the craft
and subtlety of the bishops and their vain hypocrisy; as, for example,
in Joan of Mentz, who, being a woman, and secretly concealing her sex,
ruled the bishopric of Rome; but, by being delivered of a child before
her time, even in the midst of open procession, she defiled that see,
that the note or blot thereof will never be wiped out again. Besides
that, how great reproach and derision, even of children, was in that
pompous and ridiculous ambassade of Thomas Wolsey and Lawrence the
cardinal, whereof we have before spoken. And now again the Divine
wisdom deluded the cruel toils of the bishops; for this recantation of
Master Barber aforesaid, in the university of Oxford, bringeth me in
remembrance of another recantation likewise, happening not long before
in the said university, which I thought here not to overpass.

There was one Master Malary, master of arts of Cambridge, scholar of
Christ's College, who, for the like opinions to those above rehearsed,
holden contrary to the catholic determination of holy mother church of
Rome, that is, for the right truth of Christ's gospel, was convented
before the bishops, and, in the end, sent to Oxford, there openly to
recant, and to bear his faggot, to the terror of the students of that
university. The time and place were appointed, that he should be
brought solemnly into St. Mary's church upon a Sunday; where a great
number of the head doctors and divines, and others of the university,
were together assembled, besides a great multitude of citizens and
town-dwellers, which came to behold the sight. Furthermore, because
that solemnity should not pass without some effectual sermon for the
holding up of the mother church of Rome, Dr. Smith, reader then of the
divinity lecture, was appointed to make the sermon at this
recantation. Briefly, at the preaching of this sermon there was
assembled a mighty audience of all sorts and degrees, as well of
students as others. Few almost were absent which loved to hear or see
any news; insomuch that there was no place almost in the whole church,
which was not fully replenished with concourse and throng of people.

All things being thus prepared and set in readiness, cometh forth poor
Malary with his faggot upon his shoulder. Not long after, also,
proceedeth the doctor into the pulpit, to make his sermon, the purpose
and argument whereof was wholly upon the sacrament; the which doctor,
for the more confirmation and credit to his words, had provided the
holy catholic cake, and the sacrament of the altar, there to hang by a
string before him in the pulpit. Thus the doctor, with his god-
almighty, entering his godly sermon, had scarce proceeded into the
midst thereof, the people giving great silence with all reverence unto
his doctrine, but suddenly was heard into the church the voice of one
crying in the street, "Fire, fire!" The party who thus cried first in
the street was called Heuster. This Heuster coming from Allhallows
parish saw the chimney on fire, and so passing through the street by
St. Mary's church, cried "Fire, fire!" as the fashion is; meaning no
hurt.

This sound of fire being heard in the church, first of them that stood
outermost next to the church door, so increased and went from one to
another, that at length it came unto the ears of the doctors, and at
last to the preacher himself; who, as soon as they heard the matter,
being amazed with sudden fear, and marvelling what the matter should
mean, began to look up into the top of the church, and to behold the
walls. The residue seeing them look up, looked up also. Then began
they, in the midst of the audience, to cry out with a loud voice,
"Fire, fire!" "Where?" saith one; "Where?" saith another. "In the
church!" saith one. The mention of the church was scarcely pronounced,
when, as in one moment, there was a common cry amongst them, The
church is on fire! the church is set on fire by heretics!" &c. And,
albeit no man did see any fire at all, yet, forasmuch as all men cried
out so, every man thought it true that they heard. Then was there such
fear, concourse, and tumult of people, through the whole church, that
it cannot be declared in words as it was indeed.

And as in a great fire, (where fire is indeed,) we see many times how
one little spark giveth matter of a mighty flame, setting whole stacks
and piles a-burning; so here, upon a small occasion of one man's word,
kindled first a general cry, then a strong opinion, running in every
man's head within the church, thinking the church to be on fire, where
no fire was at all. Thus it pleased Almighty God to delude these
deluders; that is, that these great doctors and wise men of the
schools, who think themselves so wise in God's matters as though they
could not err, should see, by their own senses and judgments, how
blinded and infatuated they were, in these so small matters and
sensible trifles.

Thus this strong imagination of fire being fixed in their heads, as
nothing could remove them to think contrary but that the church was on
fire, so every thing that they saw or heard increased this suspicion
in them, to make it seem most true, which was indeed most false. The
first and chiefest occasion that augmented this suspicion, was the
heretic there bearing his faggot, which gave them to imagine that all
other heretics had conspired with him, to set the church on fire.

After this, through the rage of the people, and running to and fro,
the dust was so raised, that it showed as it had been the smoke of
fire; which thing, together with the outcry of the people, made all
men so afraid, that, leaving the sermon, they began all together to
run away. But such was the press of the multitude, running in heaps
together, that the more they laboured, the less they could get out.
For, while they ran all headlong unto the doors, every man striving to
get out first, they thrust one another in such sort, and stuck so
fast, that neither they that were without could get into the church
again, neither they that were within could get out by any means. So
then, one door being stopped, they ran to another little wicket on the
north side, toward the college called Brasennose, thinking so to pass
out. But there again was the like or greater throng. So the people,
clustering and thronging together, it put many in danger, and brought
many unto their end, by bruising of their bones or sides. There was
yet another door towards the west, which albeit it was shut and seldom
opened, yet now ran they to it with such sway, that the great bar of
iron (which is incredible to be spoken) being pulled out and broken by
force of men's hands, the door, notwithstanding, could not be opened
for the press or multitude of people.

At last, when they were there also past all hope to get out, then they
were all exceedingly amazed, and ran up and down, crying out upon the
heretics who had conspired their death. The more they ran about and
cried out, the more smoke and dust rose in the church, even as though
all things had now been on a flaming fire. I think there was never
such a tumultuous hurly-burly rising so of nothing beard of before,
nor so great a fear where was no cause to fear, nor peril at all: so
that if Democritus, the merry philosopher, sitting in the top of the
church, and seeing all things in such safety as they were, had looked
down upon the multitude, and beholden so great a number, some howling
and weeping, running up and down, and playing the mad-men, now hither,
now thither, as being tossed to and fro with waves or tempests;
trembling and quaking, raging and fuming, without any manifest cause;
especially if he had seen those great rabbins, the doctors, laden with
so many badges or cognisances of wisdom, so foolishly and ridiculously
seeking holes and corners to hide themselves in; gasping, breathing,
and sweating,and for very horror being almost beside themselves; I
think he would have satisfied himself with this one laughter for all
his life-time; or else rather would have laughed his heart out of his
belly, whilst one said, that he plainly heard the noise of the fire,
another affirmed, that he saw it with his eyes, and another sware that
he felt the molten lead dropping down upon his head and shoulders.
Such is the force of imagination, when it is once grafted in men's
hearts through fear. In all the whole company, there was none that
behaved himself more modestly than the heretic that was there to do
penance; who, casting his faggot off from his shoulders upon a monk's
head that stood by, kept himself quiet, minding to take such part as
the others did.

All the others, being careful for themselves, never made an end of
running up and down and crying out. None cried out more earnestly than
the doctor that preached, (who was, as I said, Dr. Smith,) who, in
manner first of all, cried out in the pulpit, saying, "These are the 
trains and subtleties of the heretics against me: Lord have mercy upon
me! Lord have mercy upon me!" But might not God, as it had been (to
speak with Job) out of a whirlwind, have answered again unto this
preacher thus: "Thou dost now implore my mercy, but thou thyself
showest no mercy unto thy fellows and brethren! How doth thy flesh
tremble now at the mention of fire! But you think it a sport to burn
other simple innocents, neither do ye any thing at all regard it. If
burning and to suffer a torment of fire seem so grievous a matter unto
you, then you should also have the like consideration in other men's
perils and dangers, when you do burn your fellows and brethren! Or, if
you think it but a light and trifling matter in them, go to now, do
you also, with like courage, contemn, and, with like patience, suffer
now, the same torments yourselves. And if so be I should now suffer
you, with the whole church, to be burned to ashes, what other thing
should I do unto you, than you do daily unto your fellows and
brethren? Wherefore, since you so little esteem the death of others,
be now content that other men should also little regard the death of
you." With this, I say, or with some other like answer, if that either
God, or human charity, in the common sense of nature would expostulate
with them, yea, if there had been a fire indeed, (as they were more
feared than hurt,) who would have doubted, but that it had happened
unto them according to their deserts? But now, worthy it is the
noting, how the vain fear and folly of those Catholics either were
deluded, or how their cruelty was reproved, whereby they, being better
taught by their own example, might hereafter learn what it is to put
other poor men to the fire, which they themselves here so much
abhorred.

But, to return again to the description of this pageant, wherein (as I
said before) there was no danger at all, yet were they all in such
fear, as if present death had been over their heads. In all this great
maze and garboil, there was nothing more feared than the melting of
the lead, which many affirmed that they felt dropping upon their
bodies. Now in this sudden terror and fear, which took from them all
reason and counsel out of their minds, to behold what practices and
sundry shifts every man made for himself, it would make not only
Democritus and Heraclitus also to laugh, but rather a horse well near
to break his halter. But none used themselves more ridiculously, than
such as seemed greatest wise men, saving that in one or two,
peradventure, somewhat more quietness of mind appeared; among whom was
one Claymund, president of Corpus Christi College, (whom, for
reverence, and learning's sake, I do here name,) and a few other aged
persons with him, who, for their age and weakness, durst not thrust
themselves into the throng amongst the rest, but kneeled down quietly
before the high altar, committing themselves and their lives unto the
sacrament. The others, who were younger and stronger, ran up and down
through the press, marvelling at the incivility of men, and waxed
angry with the unmannerly multitude that would give no room unto the
doctors, bachelors, masters, and other graduates and regent-masters.
But, as the terror and fear was common unto all men, so was there no
difference made of persons or degrees, every man scrambling for
himself. The violet cap, or purple gown, did there nothing avail the
doctor; neither the master's hood, nor the monk's cowl, was there
respected.

Yea, if the king or queen had been there at that present, and in that
perplexity, they had been no better than a common man. After they had
long striven and assayed all manner of ways, and saw no remedy,
neither by force nor authority to prevail, they fell to entreating and
offering of rewards; one offering twenty pounds of good money, another
his scarlet gown, so that any man would pull him out, though it were
by the ears!

Some stood close unto the pillars, thinking themselves safe under the
vaults of stone from the dropping of the lead: others, being without
money, and unprovided of all shifts, knew not which way to turn them.
One, being a president of a certain college, (whose name I need not
here to utter,) pulling a board out from the pews, covered his head
and shoulders therewith against the scalding lead, which they feared
much more than the fall of the church. Now what a laughter would this
have adnistered unto Democritus amongst other things, to behold there
a certain grand paunch, who, seeing the doors stopped, and every way
closed up, thought, by another compendious means, to get out through a
glass window, if it might be by any shift? But here the iron grates
letted him; notwithstanding his greedy mind would needs attempt, if he
could haply bring his purpose to pass. When he had broken the glass,
and was come to the space between the grates where he should creep
out, first he thrust in his head with the one shoulder, and it went
through well enough. Then he laboured to get the other shoulder after;
but there was a great labour about that, and long he stuck by the
shoulders with much ado; for what doth not importune labour overcome?
Thus far forth he was now gotten; but, by what part of his body he did
stick fast, I am not certain, neither may I feign, forasmuch as there
be yet witnesses who did see these things, who would correct me, if I
should so do. Notwithstanding, this is most certain, that he did stick
fast between the grates, and could neither get out nor in.

Thus this good man, being indeed a monk, and having but short hose, by
the which way he supposed soonest to escape, by the same he fell into
further inconvenience, making of one danger two. For, if the fire or
lead had fallen on the outside, those parts which did hang out of the
window had been in danger; and, contrariwise, if the flame had raged
within the church, all his other parts had lien open to the fire. And
as this man did stick fast in the window, so did the rest stick as
fast in the doors, that sooner they might have been burned, than they
could once stir or move one foot: through the which press, at last,
there was a way found, that some, going over their heads, gat out.

Here also happened another pageant in a certain monk (if I be not
misadvised) of Gloucester College, whereat Calphurnius might well
laugh with an open mouth. So it happened, that there was a young lad
in this tumult, who, seeing the doors fast stopped with the press or
multitude, and that he had not way to get out, climbed up upon the
door; and there, staying upon the top of the door, was forced to tarry
still: for, to come down into the church again he durst not for fear
of the fire, and to leap down toward the street he could not without
danger of falling. When he had tarried there awhile, he advised
himself what to do; neither did occasion want to serve his purpose:
for, by chance, amongst them that got out over men's heads, he saw a
monk, coming towards him, who had a great wide cowl hanging at his
back. This the boy thought to be a good occasion for him to escape by.
When the monk came near unto him, the boy, who was on the top of the
door, came down, and prettily conveyed himself into the monk's cowl;
thinking (as it came to pass indeed) that if the monk did escape, he
should also get out with him. To be brief, at last the monk gat out
over men's heads, with the boy in his cowl, and, for a great while,
felt no weight or burden.

At last, when he was somewhat more come to himself, and did shake his
shoulders, feeling his cowl heavier than it was accustomed to be, and
also hearing the voice of one speaking behind in his cowl, he was more
afraid than he was before when he was in the throng, thinking, in very
deed, that the evil spirit which had set the church on fire had flien
into his cowl By and by he began to play the exorcist: "In the name of
God," said he, "and all saints, I command thee to declare what thou
art, that art behind at my back!" To whom the boy answered, "I am
Bertram's boy," said he; for that was his name. "But I," said the
monk, "adjure thee, in the name of the unseparable Trinity, that thou,
wicked spirit! do tell me who thou art, from whence thou earnest, and
that thou get thee hence." "I am Bertram's boy," said he, "good
master! let me go:" and with that his cowl began, with the weight, to
crack upon his shoulders. The monk, when he perceived the matter, took
the boy out, and discharged his cowl. The boy took to his legs, and
ran away as fast as he could.

Among others, one wiser than the rest ran with the church door key,
beating upon the stone walls, thinking therewith to break a hole
through to escape out.

In the mean time those that were in the street, looking diligently
about them, and perceiving all things to be without fear, marvelled at
this sudden outrage, and made signs and tokens to them that were in
the church to keep themselves quiet, crying to them that there was no
danger.

But, forasmuch as no word could be heard by reason of the noise that
was within the church, those signs made them much more afraid than
they were before, interpreting the matter as though all had been on
fire without the church; and for the dropping of the lead and falling
of other things, they should rather tarry still within the church, and
not to venture out This trouble continued in this manner by the space
of certain hours.

The next day. and also all the week following, there was an incredible
number of bills set upon the church doors, to inquire for the things
that were lost, in such variety and number, as Democritus might here
again have had just cause to laugh. "If any man have found a pair of
shoes yesterday in St. Mary's church, or knoweth any man that hath
found them," &c. Another bill was set up for a gown that was lost.
Another entreated to have his cap restored. One lost his purse and
girdle, with certain money; another his sword. One inquired for a
ring, and one for one thing, another for another. To be short, there
were few in this garboil, but that either through negligence lost, or
through oblivion left, something behind them.

Thus have you heard a tragical story of a terrible fire, which did no
hurt; the description whereof, although it be not so perfectly
expressed according to the worthiness of the matter, yet because it
was not to be passed with silence, we have superficially set forth
some shadow thereof, whereby the wise and discreet may sufficiently
consider the rest, if any thing else be lacking in setting forth the
full narration thereof. As touching the heretic, because he had not
done his sufficient penance there by occasion of this hurly-burly,
therefore the next day following he was reclaimed into the church of
St. Frideswide, where he supplied the rest that lacked of his plenary
penance.

$

202. THE KING DIVORCED FROM THE LADY ANNE OF CLEVES, AND MARRIED TO
THE LADY KATHARINE HOWARD, HIS FIFTH WIFE.

The same year, and in the month following next after the apprehension
of the Lord Cromwell, which was August, 1540, the king immediately was
divorced from the Lady Anne of Cleves; the cause of which separation
being wholly committed to the clergy of the convocation, it was by
them defined, concluded, and granted, that the king, being freed from
that pretended matrimony, (as they called it,) might marry where he
would, and so might she likewise; who, also, consenting to the same
divorcement herself, by her own letters, was after that taken no more
for queen, but only called Lady Anne of Cleves. Which things thus
discussed by the parliament and convocation-house, the king the same
month was married to his fifth wife, which was the Lady Katharine
Howard, niece to the duke of Norfolk, and daughter to the Lord Edmund
Howard, the duke's brother. But this marriage likewise continued not
long.

In the same month of August, and the same year, I find, moreover, in
some records, besides the four and twenty Charterhouse monks above
recited, whom Cope doth sanctify for holy martyrs, for suffering in
the pope's devotion, against the king's supremacy, other six which
were also brought to Tyburn, and there executed in the like case of
rebellion; of whom the first was the prior of Doncaster; the second a
monk of the Charterhouse of London, called Giles Horn (some call him
William Horn); the third one Thomas Ipsam, a monk of Westminster, who
had his monk's garment plucked from his back, being the last monk in
King Henry's days that did wear that monkish weed; the fourth one
Philpot: the fifth one Carew; the sixth was a friar. See what a
difficulty it is to pluck up blind superstition, once rooted in man's
heart by a little custom.

Now, as touching the late marriage between the king and the Lady
Howard, ye heard how this matrimony endured not long; for, in the year
next following, 1542, the said Lady Katharine was accused to the king
of incontinent living, not only before her marriage with Francis
Dereham. but also of spouse-breach, after her marriage, with Thomas
Culpepper. For this both the men aforesaid, by act of parliament were
attainted, and executed for high treason; and also the Lady Katharine,
late queen, with the Lady Jane Rochford, widow. late wife to George
Bullen, Lord Rochford. brother to Queen Anne Bullen, were beheaded for
their deserts, within the Tower.

After the death and punishment of this lady, his fifth wife, the king
calling to remembrance the words of the Lord Cromwell, and missing now
more and more his old counsellor, and partly also smelling somewhat
the ways of Winchester, began a little to set his foot again in the
cause of religion. And although he ever bare a special favour to
Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, (as you shall hear more
hereafter, God willing, in the life of Cranmer,) yet now, the more he
missed the Lord Cromwell, the more he inclined to the archbishop, and
also to the right cause of religion. And therefore, in the same year
and in the month of October, after the execution of this queen, the
king, understanding some abuses yet to remain unreformed, namely,
about pilgrimages and idolatry, and other things besides, to be
corrected within his dominions, directed his letters unto the
aforesaid archbishop of Canterbury, for the speedy redress and
reformation of the same; the tenor of which letters hereafter fully
ensueth in these words:

"Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved! We greet
you well, letting you to wit, that whereas heretofore, upon the zeal
and remembrance which we had to our bounden duty towards Almighty God,
perceiving sundry superstitions and abuses to be used and embraced by
our people, whereby they grievously offended him and his word, we did
not only cause the images and bones of such as they resorted and
offered unto, with the ornaments of the same, and all such writings
and monuments of feigned miracles, wherewith they were illuded, to be
taken away in all places of our realm;but, also, by our injunctions
commanded, that no offering or setting up of lights or candles should
be suffered in any church, but only to the blessed sacraments of the
altar: it is lately come unto our knowledge, that, this our good
intent and purpose notwithstanding, the shrines, coverings of shrines,
and monument of those things, do yet remain in sundry places of this
realm, much to the slander of our doings, and to the great displeasure
of Almighty God, the same being means to allure our subjects to their
former hypocrisy and superstition; and also that our injunctions be
not kept as appertaineth. For the due and speedy reformation whereof,
we have thought meet, by these our letters, expressly to will and
command you, that incontinent upon the receipt hereof, you shall not
only cause due search to be made in the cathedral church for those
things; and if any shrine, covering of shrine, table, monument of
miracles, or other pilgrimages, do there continue, to cause it to be
so taken away as there remain no memory of it; but also, that you
shall take order with all the curates, and others having charge within
your diocese, to do the semblable, and to see that our injunctions be
duly kept as appertaineth, without failing; as we trust you, and as
you will answer to the contrary.

"Given under our signet at our town of Hull, the fourth day of
October, in the thirty-third year of our reign"

Furthermore, the next year after this ensuing, which was 1543, in the
month of February, followed another proclamation, given out by the
king's authority, wherein the pope's law, forbidding white meats to be
eaten in Lent, was repealed, and the eating of such meats set at
liberty, for the behoof of the king's subjects.

$

203. FOUR WINDSOR MARYRS

The trouble and persecution of four Windsor men, Robert Testwood,
Henry Filmer, Anthony Peerson, and John Marbeck: persecuted for
righteousness' sake, and for the gospel.

COMING now to the story and time of the four Windsor men, troubled and
persecuted for the true testimony of God's word, whereof three were
martyred and sacrificed in fire, the fourth (which was Marbeck) had
his pardon; first, I have to show the original of their troubles in
several parts; secondly, the manner and order of their death as they
suffered together, which was A. D. 1543; thirdly, to answer partly in
purgation of myself, against certain clatterers which have hitherto
taken their pleasure in railing against my former edition of Acts and
Monuments, for mistaking the name of Marbeck, whom, in one place, I
reported to have been burned; albeit, in the end of the story,
correcting myself again, I declared him not to have been burned.
Wherefore, to stop the brawling mouths of such quarrellers, I thought
here to set forth the full narration, both of the said Marbeck and of
his fellows, in truth, as I trust none of them shall have just cause
to quarrel thereat.

A full narration of the persecution at Windsor.

Persons persecuted at Windsor A. D. 1543:-- Robert Testwood. Henry
Filmer. Anthony Peerson, John Marbeck, Robert Bennet, Sir Philip Hobby
and his wife, Sir Thomas Cardine and his wife, Master Edmund Harman,
Master Thomas Weldon; Snowball and his wife, of the king's chamber;
and Dr. Haynes, dean of Exeter.

Persecutors:-- Master Ely, Simons a lawyer, Dr. London, Stephen
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester; Wriothesley, then secretary to the
king, and afterwards lord chancellor; Southarne, treasurer of Exeter;
Dr. Bruerwood, chancellor of Exeter; Master Knight, Winchester's
gentleman; Dr. Oking; Dr. Capon, bishop of Sarum; Sir William Essex,
knight; Sir Thomas Bridges, knight; Sir Humfrey Foster, knight; Master
Franklin, dean of Windsor: Master Fachel, of Reading; Bucklayer, the
king's attorney; Filmer's brother: Hide, a jurate dwelling beside
Abingdon: Robert Ocham, a lawyer.

The original of Robert Testwood's trouble.

In the year of our Lord 1543, there was one Robert Testwood, dwelling
in the city of London, who for his knowledge in music had so great a
name, that the musicians in Windsor College thought him a worthy man
to have a room among them. Whereupon they informed Dr. Sampson (being
then their dean) of him. But, forasmuch as some of the canons had at
that time heard of Testwood, how that he smelled of the new learning,
(as they called it,) it would not be consented unto at first.
Notwithstanding, with often suit of the aforesaid musicians, made to
one Dr. Tate, (who, being half a musician himself, bare a great stroke
in such matters,) a room being void, Testwood was sent for to be
heard. And being there four or five days among the choir-men, he was
so well liked both for his voice and cunning, that he was admitted,
and after settled in Windsor with his household, and was had in good
estimation with the dean and canons a great while. But when they had
perceived him, by his often talk at their tables, (for he could not
well dissemble his religion,) that he leaned to Luther's sect, they
began to mislike him. And so, passing forth among them, it was his
chance, one day, to be at dinner with one of the canons, named, Dr.
Rawson. At that dinner, among others, was one of King Edward's four
chantry priests, named Master Ely, an old bachelor of divinity; which
Ely, in his talk at the board, began to rail against laymen, who took
upon them to meddle with the Scriptures, and to be better learned
(knowing no more but the English tongue) than they that had been
students in the universities of Oxford and Cambridge all the days of
their lives.

Then Testwood. perceiving he meant that against him, could forbear his
railing no longer, but said, "Master Ely, by your patience, I think it
to be no hurt for laymen, as I am, to read and to know the
Scriptures." "Which of you," quoth Ely, "that be unlearned, knoweth
them,or understandeth them? St. Paul saith, If thine enemy hunger,
feed him; if he thirst, give him drink; and, in so doing, thou shalt
heap coals of fire upon his head. Now, sir," quoth Ely, "what meaneth
St Paul by these coals of fire?" "Marry, sir," quoth Testwood, "he
meaneth nothing else by them (as I have learned) but burning charity,
that, with doing good to our enemies, we should thereby win them "Ah,
sirrah," quoth he, "you are an old scholar indeed!"

After this they fell into further communication of the pope, whose
supremacy was much spoken of at that time, but not known to be so far
in question in the parliament-house as it was. And in their talk Ely
demanded of Testwood, whether the pope ought to be head of the church
or no? against which Testwood durst not say his full mind, but
reasoned within his bounds a great while. But, when they were both
well stricken in a heat, Testwood, forgetting himself, chanced to say,
that every king, in his own realm and dominion, ought to be the head
of the church under Christ: at which words Ely was so chafed, that he
rose up from the table in a great fume, calling him heretic, and all
that nought was; and so went brawling and chiding away, to the great
disquieting of all the company that were there.

Then was Testwood very sorry to see the old man take it so grievously:
whereupon, after dinner, he went and sought Master Ely, and found him
walking in the body of the church, thinking to have talked with him
charitably, and so to have been at one again; but ever as Testwood
pressed towards him, the other shunned him, and would not come nigh
him, but did spit at him; saying to others that walked by, "Beware of
this fellow! for he is the greatest heretic and schismatic that ever
came into Windsor."

Now began the matter to brew; for, after that Ely had made his
complaint to the dean's deputy, and other of the canons, they were all
against Testwood, purposing surely, at the dean's coming home, (if all
things had chanced even,) to have put him to his trump. But see the
fortune. It was not twelve days after, ere that the king's supremacy
passed in the parliament-house. Whereupon the dean, Dr. Sampson, came
home suddenly in the night, late, and forthwith sent his verger about
to all the canons and ministers of the college, from the highest to
the lowest, commanding them to be in the chapter-house by eight of the
clock in the morning. Then Ely consulted with the canons over-night,
(as late as it was,) and thought on the next day to have put Testwood
to a great plunge: "But he that layeth a snare for another man," saith
Solomon, "shall be taken in it himself." And so was Ely; for when the
dean and every man were come and placed in the chapter-house, and that
the dean had commended the ministers of the church for their diligence
in tending the choir, exhorting them also to continue in the same, he
began, contrary to every man's expectation, to inveigh against the
bishop of Rome's supremacy and usurped authority, confounding the
same, by manifest Scriptures and probable reasons, so earnestly, that
it was a wonder to hear; and at length declared openly, that by the
whole consent of the parliament-house, the pope's supremacy was
utterly abolished out of this realm of England for ever; and so
commanded every man there, upon his allegiance, to call him pope no
more, but bishop of Rome, and whatsoever he were that would not so do,
or did from that day forth maintain or favour his cause by any manner
of means. he should not only lose the benefit of that house, but be
reputed as an utter enemy to God and to the king. The canons, hearing
this, were all stricken in a dump: yet, notwithstanding, Ely's heart
was so great, that he would fain have uttered his cankered stomach
against Testwood; but the dean (breaking his tale) called him old
fool, and took him up so sharply, that he was fain to hold his peace.
Then the dean commanded all the pope's pardons which hanged about the
church, to be brought into the chapter-house, and cast into the
chimney, and burned before all their faces; and so departed.

Another cause of Robert Testwood's trouble.

As it chanced Testwood one day to walk in the church at afternoon, and
to behold the pilgrims,especially of Devonshire and Cornwall, how they
came in by plumps, with candles and images of wax in their hands, to
offer to good King Henry of Windsor, as they called him, it pitied his
heart to see such great idolatry committed, and how vainly the people
had spent their goods in coming so far to kiss a spur, and to have an
old hat set upon their heads; insomuch that he could not refrain, but,
seeing a certain company which had done their offering and were
standing gazing about the church, he went unto them, and with all
gentleness began to exhort them to leave such false worshipping of
dumb creatures, and to learn to worship the true living God aright;
putting them in remembrance what those things were which they
worshipped, and how God many times had plagued his people, for running
a whoring to such stocks and stones, and so would plague them and
their posterity, if they would not leave it. After this sort he
admonished them so long, till at the last his words, as God would,
took such place in some of them, that they said, they never would go a
pilgrimage more.

Then he went further, and found another sort licking and kissing a
white Lady made of alabaster, which image was mortised in a wall
behind the high altar, and bordered about with a pretty border, which
was made like branches with hanging apples and flowers. And when he
saw them so superstitiously use the image, as to wipe their hands upon
it, and then to stroke them over their eyes and faces, as though there
had been great virtue in touching the picture, he up with his hand, in
which he had a key, and smote down a piece of the border about the
image, and with the glance of the stroke chanced to break off the
image's nose. "Lo! good people," quoth he, "you see what it is;
nothing but earth and dust, and cannot help itself; and how then will
you have it to help you? For God's sake, brethren, be no more
deceived." And so he gat him home to his house, for the rumour was so
great, that many came to see the image, how it was defaced. And among
all others, came one William Simons, a lawyer, who, seeing the image
so bewrayed, and to lack her nose, took the matter grievously, and
looking down upon the pavement, he spied the image's nose where it
lay, which he took up and put in his purse, saying it should be a dear
nose to Testwood one day.

Now were many offended with Testwood; the canons, for speaking against
their profit; the wax. sellers, for hindering their market; and
Simons, for the image's nose. And more than that, there were of the
canons' men that threatened to kill him. Hereupon Testwood kept his
house and durst not come forth, minding to send the whole matter in
writing by his wife to Master Cromwell the king's secretary, who was
his special friend. The canons, hearing that Testwood would send to
Cromwell, sent the verger unto him, to will him to come to the church;
who sent them word again, that he was in fear of his life, and
therefore would not come. Then sent they two of the eldest petty
canons to entreat him, and to assure him that no man should do him
harm. He made them a plain answer, that he had no such trust in their
promises, but would complain to his friends. Then wist they not what
shift to make, for of all men they feared Cromwell; but sent, in post
haste, for old Master Ward, a justice of peace, dwelling three or four
miles off, who, being come, and hearing the matter, was very loth to
meddle in it. But notwithstanding, through their entreaty, he went to
Testwood, and had much ado to persuade him; but, at last, he did
faithfully promise him by the oath he had made to God and the king, to
defend him from all danger and harms, so that Testwood was content to
go with him.

And when Master Ward, and Testwood, were come into the church, and
were going toward the chapter-house, where the canons abode their
coming, one of the canons' men drew his dagger at Testwood, and would
have been upon him, but Master Ward with his man resisted, and got
Testwood into the chapter-house, causing the serving-man to be called
in, and sharply rebuked by their masters, who straitly commanded him,
upon pain of losing their service, and further displeasure, not to
touch him, nor to give him an evil word. Now Testwood, being alone in
the chapter-house with the canons and Master Ward, was gently treated,
and the matter so pacified, that Testwood might quietly come and go to
the church, and do his duty as he had done before.

Third cause of Robert Testmood's trouble.

Upon a Relic Sunday, (as they named it,) when every minister, after
their old custom, should have borne a relic in his hand about a
procession, one was brought to Testwood; which relic (as they said)
was a rochet of Bishop Becket's. And as the sexton would have put the
rochet in Testwood's hands, he pushed it from him, saying, If he did
give it to him, he would make sport withal; and so the rochet was
given to another. Then came the verger down from the high altar with
St. George's dagger in his hand, demanding who lacked a relic.
"Marry," quoth Testwood, "give it to Master Hake," who stood next him,
"for he is a pretty man of his hands:" and so the dagger was given
unto him. Now Testwood perceiving the dagger in Master Hake's hand,
and being merrily disposed, (as he was a merry-conceited man,) stepped
forth out of his place to Dr. Clifton, standing directly before him in
the midst of the choir, with a glorious golden cope upon his back,
having the pix in his hand, and said, "Sir! Master Hake hath St.
George's dagger. Now, if he had his horse, and St. Martin's cloak, and
Master John Shorn's boots, with King Harry's spurs, and his hat, he
might ride when he would:" and so stepped into his place again.
Whereat the other changed colour, and wist not what to say.

Fourth cause of Robert Testwood's trouble.

In the days of Master Franklin, who succeeded Dr. Sampson in the
deanery of Windsor, there was, on a time, set up at the choir door, a
certain foolish printed paper in metre, all to the praise and
commendation of our Lady, ascribing unto her our justification, our
salvation, our redemption, the forgiveness of sins, &c., to the great
derogation of Christ. Which paper, one of the canons, called Master
Magnus, (as it was reported,) caused to be set up in despite of
Testwood and his sect. When Testwood saw this paper, he plucked it
down secretly. The next day after was another set up in the same
place. Then Testwood, coming into the church, and seeing another paper
set up, and also the dean coming a little way off, made haste to be at
the choir door, while the dean staid to take holy water, and reaching
up his hand as he went, plucked away the paper with him. The dean,
being come to his stall, called Testwood unto him, and said, that he
marvelled greatly how he durst be so bold to take down the paper in
his presence. Testwood answered again, that he marvelled much more,
that his Mastership would suffer such a blasphemous paper to be set
up; beseeching him not to be offended with what he had done, for he
would stand unto it. So Master Dean being a timorous man, made no more
ado with him. After this were no more papers set up, but poor Testwood
was eaten and drunken amongst them at every meal; "and a heretic he
was, and would roast a faggot for this gear one day."

Now Master Magnus, being sore offended with Testwood for plucking down
his papers, to be revenged on him, devised with the dean and the rest
of the canons, to send their letters to Dr. Chamber, one of their
brethren, and the king's physician, who lay, for the most part, at the
court, to see what he would do against Testwood; which letters, being
made, were sent with speed. But, whatsoever the cause was, whether he
durst not meddle for fear of Cromwell, or what else, I cannot tell,
their suit came to none effect. Then wist they not what to do, but
determined to let the matter sleep, till St. George's feast, which was
not far off.

Now, in the mean time, there chanced a pretty story, between one
Robert Philips, gentleman of the king's chapel, and Testwood; which
story, though it was but a merry prank of a singing man, yet it
grieved his adversary wonderfully. The matter was this: Robert Philips
was so notable a singing man, (wherein he gloried,) that wheresoever
he came, the best and longest song, with most counter-verses in it,
should be set up at his coming. And so, his chance being now to be at
Windsor, against his coming to the anthem, a long song was set up,
called Laudate vivi, in which song there was one counter-verse towards
the end, that began on this wise, O redemptrix et salvatrix: which
verse, of all others, Robert Philips would sing, because he knew that
Testwood could not abide that ditty. Now Testwood, knowing his mind
well enough, joined with him at the other part; and when he heard
Robert Philips begin to fetch his flourish with O redemptrix et
salvatrix! repeating the same, one in another's neck, Testwood was as
quick, on the other side, to answer him again with non redemptrix, nec
salvatrix! and so, striving there with O and Non who should have the
mastery, they made an end of the verse; whereat was good laughing in
sleeves of some, but Robert Philips, with others of Testwood's
enemies, were sore offended.

Within fourteen days after this, the lords of the garter (as their
custom is yearly to do) came to Windsor to keep St. George's feast, at
which feast the duke of Norfolk was president; unto whom the dean and
canons made a grievous complaint on Testwood: who, being called before
the duke, he shook him up, and all-to-reviled him, as though he would
have sent him to hanging by and by. Yet, nevertheless, Testwood so
behaved himself to the duke, that, in the end, he let him go without
any further molesting of him, to the great discomfort of the dean and
canons.

Here you have heard the causes which moved Testwood's enemies to seek
his destruction, and could not attain their purpose, till that wicked
Haman, Dr. London, came, as shall be showed in the process following.

The original of Henry Filmer s trouble.

About the year of our Lord 1511, after all the orders of superstitious
and begging friars were suppressed and put down, there chanced one Sir
Thomas Meister, who had been a friar before, and had changed his
friar's coat, (but not his friar's heart,) to be vicar of Windsor.
This priest, on a time, made a sermon to his parishioners, in which he
declared so many fond and friarish tales, as, that our Lady should
hold out her breasts to St. Bernard, and spout her milk into his eyes,
with such-like festival tales, that many honest men were offended
therewith, and especially this Henry Filmer, then one of the
churchwardens; who was so zealous to God's word, that he could not
abide to hear the glory of Christ so defaced with superstitious
fables. Whereupon he took an honest man or two with him, and went to
the priest, with whom he talked so honestly, and so charitably, that
in the end the priest gave him hearty thanks, and was content, at his
gentle admonition, to reform himself without any more ado, and so
departed friendly the one from the other.

Now there was one in the town, called William Simons, a lawyer, (as is
aforesaid,) who, hearing that Filmer had been with the priest, and had
reproved him for his sermon, took pepper in the nose, and got him to
the vicar, and did so animate him in his doings, that he slipped quite
away from the promise he had made to Filmer, and followed the mind of
Simons; who, meeting with Filmer afterwards, all-to-reviled him,
saying, he would bring him before the bishop, to teach him to be so
malapert. Then Filmer, hearing the matter renewed, which he had
thought had been suppressed, stood against Simons, and said, that the
vicar had preached false and unsound doctrine; and so would he say to
the bishop, whensoever he came before him. Then Simons slipped not the
matter, but went to the mayor, and procured of him and his brethren a
letter, signed with their own hands, in the priest's favour as much as
could be devised: and so departed himself, with other his friends, to
go to the bishop, (whose name was Dr. Capon,) and to take the priest
with them; which was a painful journey for the silly poor man, by
reason he had a sore leg.

Now Filmer, hearing how Simons went about to put him to a foil,
consulted with his friends what was best to do; who concluded to draw
out certain notes of the vicar's sermon, and to prepare themselves to
be at Salisbury as soon as Simons, or before him, if it might be
possible. Thus, both the parties being in a readiness, it chanced them
to set forth from Windsor all in one day: but, by reason the priest,
being an impotent man, could not endure to ride very fast, Filter and
his company got to the town an hour and more before Simons, went to
the bishop, and delivered up their bill unto him; which bill, when the
bishop had seen and perused well, he gave them great thanks for their
pains, saying, it did behove him to look upon it; for the priest had
preached heresy, and should be punished.

Then Filmer declared unto the bishop the form of his talk he had with
the priest, and the end thereof; and how the matter, being renewed
again by Simons, forced him and his company to trouble his Lordship
therewith. "Well," said the bishop, "ye have done like honest men:
come to me soon again, and ye shall know more." And so they departed
from the bishop to their inn; and, while they were there reposing
themselves, Simons, with his company, came to the town, and (not
knowing the other to be come) got them up to the bishop in all post
haste, taking the priest with them.

The bishop, hearing of more Windsor men, demanded what they were, and
being informed how it was the vicar of the town, with others besides,
he caused the vicar to be brought in; to whom he said, "Are you the
vicar of Windsor?" "Yea, forsooth, my Lord," quoth he. "How chanceth
it," quoth the bishop, "that you are complained on? for there have
been with me certain honest men of your town, who have delivered up a
bill of erroneous doctrine against you: if it be so, I must needs
punish you." And opening the bill, he read it unto him. "How say you,"
quoth the bishop, "is this true, or no?" The vicar could not deny it,
but humbly submitted himself to the bishop's correction. Then was his
company called in, and when the bishop saw Simons, he knew him well,
and said, "Wherefore come you, Master Simons?" "Pleaseth it your
Lordship," quoth he, "we are come to speak in our vicar's cause, who
is a man of good conversation and honesty, and doth his duty so well
in every point, that no man can find fault with him, except a lewd
fellow we have in our town, called Filmer, who is so corrupt with
heresy, that he is able to poison a whole country. And truly, my Lord,
quoth Simons, "there is no man that can preach or teach any thing that
is good and godly, but he is ready to control it, and to say it is
stark naught. Wherefore we shall beseech your Lordship he may be
punished, to the ensample of others, that our vicar may do his duty
quietly, as he hath done before this busy fellow troubled him. And,
that your Lordship shall the better credit my sayings, I have brought
with the these honest men of the town: and besides all that, a
testimonial from the mayor and his brethren, to confirm the same:" and
so he held out the writing in his hand.

Then said the bishop, "So God help me, Master Simons! ye are greatly
to blame, and most worthy to be punished of all men, that will so
impudently go about to maintain your priest in his error, who hath
preached heresy, and hath confessed it: wherefore I may not, nor will
not, see it unpunished. And as for that honest man Filmer, of whom ye
have complained, I tell you plainly, he hath in this point showed
himself a great deal more honester man than you. But in hope you will
no more bear out your vicar in his evil doings, I will remit all
things at this time, saving that he shall the next Sunday recant his
sermon openly before all his parishioners in Windsor church." And so
the bishop called in Filmer and his company, who waited without, and
delivered the priest's recantation unto them, with a great charge to
see it truly observed in all points. Then Simons took his leave of the
bishop, and departed with a flea in his ear, disappointed of his
purpose, and sore ashamed of the foil. For this cause Simons could
never brook Filmer, but when he met him at any time after, would hold
up his finger, (as his manner was, where he owed displeasure,) and
say, "I will be even with you one day, trust me!"

The original of Anthony Peerson's trouble.

There was a certain priest, named Anthony Peerson, who frequented much 
to Windsor about the year of our Lord 1540, and, using the talent that
God had given him in preaching, was greatly esteemed among the people,
who flocked so much to his sermons which he made both in the town and
country, that the great priests of the castle, with other papists in
the town, especially Simons, were sore offended, insomuch that Simons
at the last began to gather of his sermons, and to mark his auditors;
whereof ensued the death of divers, and trouble of many honest men.
For about a year and more after, a minister of Satan, called Dr.
London, warden of New College in Oxford, was admitted one of the
prebendaries of Windsor, who, at his first coming to Windsor, began to
utter his stomach and to show his affection. For, at his first
residence-dinner which he made to the clerks, (which company, for the
most part, at that time favoured the gospel,) all his whole talk to
two gentlemen, strangers at his board, (till the table was a taking
up,) was nothing else but of heretics, and what a desolation they
would bring the realm unto, if they might be so suffered. "And by St.
Mary, masters!" quoth he to the clerks at last, "I cannot tell, but
there goeth a shrewd report abroad of this house." Some made answer,
it was undeserved. "I pray God it be," quoth he, "I am but a stranger,
and have but small experience amongst you; but I have heard it said
before I came hither, that there be some in this house, that will
neither have prayer nor fasting."

Then spake Testwood, "By my troth, sir!" quoth he, "I think that was
spoken of malice: for prayer, as your Mastership knoweth better than
I, is one of the first lessons that Christ taught us." "Yea, marry,
sir," quoth he, "but the heretics will have no invocation to saints,
which all the old fathers do allow." "What the old fathers do allow,"
quoth Testwood, "I cannot tell; but Christ doth appoint us to go to
his Father, and to ask our petitions of him in Christ's name." "Then
you will have no mean between you and God," quoth Dr. London. "Yes,
sir," quoth Testwood, "our mean is Christ, as St. Paul saith, There is
one Mediator between God and man, even Jesus Christ." "Give us water,"
quoth Dr. London: which being set on the board, he said grace, and
washed; and so falling into other communication with the strangers,
the clerks took their leave and departed. When Dr. London had been at
Windsor awhile, among his catholic brethren, and learned what Testwood
was, and also of Simons, (who showed him our Lady's nose, as he called
it,) what sort of heretics were in the town, and about the same, and
how they increased daily by reason of a naughty priest, called Anthony
Peerson, he was so maliciously bent against them, that he gave himself
wholly to the devil, to do mischief. And to bring his wicked purpose
about, he conspired with the aforesaid Simons, a meet clerk to serve
such a curate, and others of like sort, how they might compass the
matter, first to have all the arch-heretics, as they termed them, in
Windsor and thereabouts, indicted of heresy, and so to proceed
further. They had a good ground to work upon, as they thought, which
was the six articles, whereupon they began to build and practise thus.
First, they drew out certain notes of Anthony Peerson's sermons, which
he had preached against the sacrament of the altar, and their popish
mass. That done, they put in Sir William Hobby, with the good lady his
wife, Sir Thomas Cardine, Master Edmund Harman, Master Thomas Weldon,
with Snowball and his wife, as chief ciders, helpers, and maintainers
of Anthony Peerson. Also they noted Dr. Haynes, dean of Exeter, and a
prebendary of Windsor, to be a common receiver of all suspected
persons. They wrote also the names of all such as commonly haunted
Anthony Peerson's sermons, and of all such as had the Testament, and
favoured the gospel, or did but smell thereof.

Then had they privy spies to walk up and down the church, to hearken
and hear what men said, and to mark who did not reverence the
sacrament, at the elevation-time, and to bring his name to Dr. London.
And of these spies some were chantry priests; among the which there
was one notable spy, whose name was called Sir William Bows, such a
fleering priest as would be in every corner of the church pattering to
himself, with his portues in his hand, to hear and to note the gesture
of men towards the sacrament. Thus, when they had gathered as much as
they could, and made a perfect book thereof, Dr. London, with two of
his catholic brethren more, gave them up to the bishop of Winchester,
Stephen Gardiner, with a great complaint against the heretics that
were in Windsor, declaring unto him how the town was sore disquieted
through their doctrine and evil example: wherefore they besought his
Lordship's help, in purging the town and castle of such wicked
persons. The bishop, hearing their complaint, and seeing their book,
praised their doings, and bade them make friends and go forward, and
they should not lack his help. Then they applied the matter with tooth
and nail, sparing for no money or pains-taking, as Marbeck saith that
he himself heard one of them say, who was a great doer therein, and
afterwards sorry for that he had done, that the suit thereof cost him
that year, for his part only, a hundred marks, besides the death of
three good geldings.

Now Bishop Gardiner, who had conceived a further fetch in his brain
than Dr. London had, made Wriothesley and others of the council on his
side, and spying a time convenient, went to the king, complaining what
a sort of heretics his Grace had in his realm, and how they were not
only crept into every corner of his court, but even into his privy
chamber; beseeching therefore his Majesty that his laws might be
prosecuted. The king, giving credit to the council's words, was
content his laws should be executed on such as were offenders. Then
had the bishop what he desired, and forthwith procured a commission
for a privy search to be had in Windsor for books and letters that
Anthony Peerson should send abroad; which commission the king granted
to take place in the town of Windsor, but not in the castle.

At this time the canons of Exeter (specially Southarne, treasurer of
the church, and Dr. Bruerwood, the chancellor) had accused Dr. Haynes,
their dean, to the council, for preaching against holy bread and holy
water, and that he should say in one of his sermons (having occasion
to speak of matrimony) that marriage and hanging were destiny; upon
which they gathered treason against him, because of the king's
marriage. The bishop of Winchester (at the same time) had also
informed the council of Master Hobby, how he was a hearer of Anthony
Peerson, and a great maintainer of heretics: whereupon both he, and
Dr. Haynes, were apprehended and sent to the Fleet. But it was not
very long after, ere that by the mediation of friends they were both
delivered.

Now, as touching the commission for searching for books, Master Ward
and Master Fachel, of Reading, were appointed commissioners, who came
to Windsor the Thursday before Palm Sunday, A.D. 1543, and began their
search about eleven of the clock at night: in which search were
apprehended Robert Bennet, Henry Filmer, John Marbeck, and Robert
Testwood, for certain books and writings found in their houses against
the six articles, who were kept in ward till Monday after, and then
fetched up to the council, all save Testwood, with whom the bailiffs
of the town were charged, because he lay sore diseased of the gout.
The other three, being examined before the council, were committed to
prison, Filmer and Bennet to the bishop of London's jail, and Marbeck
to the Marshalsea; whose examination is here set out, to declare the
great goodness of the council, and the cruelty of the bishop.

The first examination of John Marbeck before the council. on the
Monday after Palm Sunday, A.D. 1543.
(Ilustration: Marbeck examined by the council £225)

This Marbeck had begun a great work in English, called The Concordance
of the Bible; which book, being not half finished, was among his other
books taken in the search, and had up to the council. And when he came
before them to be examined, the whole work lay before the bishop of
Winchester, Stephen Gardiner, at the upper end of the board; who,
beholding the poor man awhile, said, "Marbeck, dost thou know
wherefore thou art sent for?" "No, my Lord," quoth he. "No!" quoth the
bishop; "that is a marvellous thing." "Forsooth, my Lord," quoth he,
"unless it be for a certain search made of late in Windsor, I cannot
tell wherefore it should be." "Then thou knowest the matter well
enough;" quoth the bishop: and, taking up a quire of the Concordance
in his hand, he said, "Understandest thou the Latin tongue?" "No, my
Lord," quoth he, "but simply." "No!" quoth the bishop; and with that
spake Master Wriothesley (then secretary to the king): "He saith, but
simply." "I cannot tell," quoth the bishop, "but the book is
translated word for word out of the Latin Concordance:" and so began
to declare to the rest of the council the nature of a Concordance, and
how it was first compiled in Latin, by the great diligence of the
learned men for the ease of preachers; concluding with this reason,
that if such a book should go forth in English, it would destroy the
Latin tongue. And so, casting down the quire again, he reached another
book, which was the Book of Isaiah the Prophet, and turning to the
last chapter, gave the book to Marbeck, and asked him who had written
the note in the margin. The other, looking upon it, said, "Forsooth,
any Lord, I wrote it." "Read it," quoth the bishop. Then he read it
thus, "Heaven is my seat, and the earth is my footstool." "Nay," quoth
the bishop, "read it as thou hast written it." "Then shall I read it
wrong," quoth he, "for I had written it false." "How hadst thou
written it," quoth the bishop. "I had written it;" quoth he, "thus,
'Heaven is my seat, and the earth is not my footstool.'" "Yea, marry,"
quoth the bishop, "that was thy meaning." "No, my Lord," quoth he, "it
was but an oversight in writing; for, as your Lordship seeth, this
word not is blotted out." At this time came other matters into the
council, so that Marbeck was had out to the next chamber. And when the
had stood there awhile, one of the council, named Sir Anthony
Wingfield, captain of the guard, came forth, and calling for Marbeck,
committed him to one Belson of the guard, saying unto him on this
wise: "Take this man and have him to the Marshalsea, and tell the
keeper that it is the council's pleasure that he shall treat him
gently; and if he have any money in his purse, as I think he hath not
much, take you it from him, lest the prisoners do take it; and
minister it unto him as he shall have need." And so the messenger
departed with Marbeck to the Marshalsea, and did his commission most
faithfully and truly. both to the keeper and to the prisoner, as he
was commanded.

The second examination of Marbeck, before the bishop's gentleman in
the Marshalsea.

On the next day, which was Tuesday, by eight of the clock in the
morning, there came one of the bishop of Winchester's gentlemen into
the Marshalsea, whose man brought after him two great books under his
arm, and finding Marbeck walking up and down in the chapel, demanded
of the keeper why he was not in irons, "I had no such commandment,"
quoth he; "for the messenger which brought him yesternight from the
council, said it was their pleasure, he should be gently used." "My
Lord," quoth the gentleman, "will not be content with you:" and so
taking the books of his man, he called for a chamber, up to which he
carried the prisoner, and casting the books from him upon a bed, sat
him down and said, "Marbeck! my Lord doth favour thee well for certain
good qualities that thou hast, and hath sent me hither to admonish
thee to beware and take heed lest thou cast away thyself wilfully. If
thou wilt be plain, thou shalt do thyself much good; if not, thou
shalt do thyself much harm. I assure thee, my Lord lamenteth thy case,
forasmuch as he hath always heard good report of thee; wherefore now
see to thyself, and play the wise man. Thou art acquainted with a
great sort of heretics, as Hobby and Haynes, with others more, and
knowest much of their secrets: if thou wilt now open them at my Lord's
request, he will procure thy deliverance out of hand, and prefer thee
to better living."

"Alas! sir," quoth he, "what secrets do I know? I am but a poor man,
and was never worthy to be so conversant either with Master Hobby or
Master Haynes, to know any part of their minds." "Well," quoth the
gentleman, "make it not so strange, for my Lord doth know well enough
in what estimation they had both thee and Anthony Peerson, for your
religion." "For Anthony Peerson," quoth he, "I can say nothing, for I
never saw him with them in all my life: and as for myself, I cannot
deny but that they have always, I thank them, taken me for an honest
poor man, and showed me much kindness; but as for their secrets, they
were too wise to commit them to any such as I am."

"Peradventure," quoth the gentleman, "thou fearest to utter any thing
of them, because they were thy friends, lest they, hearing thereof,
might hereafter withdraw their friendship from thee; which thou
needest not to fear, I warrant thee, for they are sure enough, and
never like to pleasure thee more, nor any man else."

With that the water stood in Marbeck's eyes. "Why weepest thou?" quoth
the gentleman. "Oh, sir," quoth he, "I pray you pardon me: these men
have done me good; wherefore I beseech the living God to comfort them
as I would be comforted myself."

"Well," quoth the gentleman, "I perceive thou wilt play the fool;" and
then he opened one of the books and asked him if he understood any
Latin. "But a little, sir;" quoth he. "How is it then," quoth the
gentleman, "that thou hast translated thy book out of the Latin
Concordance, and yet understandest not the tongue?" "I will tell you,"
quoth he; "in my youth I learned the principles of my grammar, whereby
I have some understanding therein, though it be very small." Then the
gentleman began to try him in the Latin Concordance and English Bible
which he had brought: and when he had so done, and was satisfied, he
called up his man to fetch away the books, and so departed, leaving
Marbeck alone in the chamber, the door fast shut unto him.

About two hours after, the gentleman came again, with a sheet of paper
folded in his hand, and set him down upon the bed-side, (as before,)
and said, "By my troth, Marbeck! my Lord seeth so much wilfulness in
thee, that he saith it is pity to do thee good. When wast thou last
with Haynes?" "Forsooth," quoth he, "about three weeks ago, I was at
dinner with him." "And what talk," quoth the gentleman, "had he at his
board?" "I cannot tell now," quoth he. "No!" quoth the gentleman;
"thou art not so dull witted, to forget a thing in so short a space."
"Yes, sir," quoth he, "such familiar talk as men do use at their
boards, is most commonly by the next day forgotten; and so it was with
me." "Didst thou never," quoth the gentleman, "talk with him, or with
any of thy fellows, of the mass, or of the blessed sacrament?" "No,
forsooth," quoth he. "Now, forsooth," quoth the gentleman, "thou
liest; for thou hast been seen to talk with Testwood, and others of
thy fellows, an hour together in the church, when honest men have
walked up and down beside you; and, ever as they have drawn near you,
ye have stayed your talk till they have been past you, because they
should not hear whereof you talked." "I deny not," quoth he, "but I
have talked with Testwood and others of my fellows. I cannot tell how
oft; which maketh not that we talked either of the mass or of the
sacrament: for men may commune and talk of many matters. that they
would not that every man should hear, and yet far from any such thing;
therefore it is good to judge the best." "Well!" quoth the gentleman,
"thou must be plainer with my Lord than this, or else it will be wrong
with thee, and that sooner than thou weenest." "How plain will his
Lordship have me to be, sir?" quoth he. "There is nothing that I can
do and say with a safe conscience, but I am ready to do it at his
Lordship's pleasure." "What tellest thou me," quoth the gentleman, "of
thy conscience? Thou mayest, with a safe conscience, utter those that
be heretics, and, so doing, thou canst do God and the king no greater
service." "If I knew, sir," quoth he, "who were a heretic indeed, it
were a thing; but if I should accuse him to be a heretic that is none,
what a worm would that be in my conscience so long as I lived! yea, it
were a deal better for me to be out of this life, than to live in such
torment." "In faith," quoth the gentleman, "thou knowest as well who
be heretics of thy fellows at home, and who be none, as I do know this
paper to be in my hand. But it maketh no matter, for they shall all be
sent for and examined: and thinkest thou that they will not utter and
tell of thee all that they can? Yes, I warrant thee. And what a
foolish dolt art thou, that wilt not utter aforehand what they be,
seeing it standeth upon thy deliverance to tell the truth?"
"Whatsoever," quoth he, "they shall say of me, let them do it in the
name of God: for I will say no more of them, nor of any man else, than
I know." "Marry! quoth the gentleman, "if thou wilt do so, my Lord
requireth no more. And forasmuch as now, peradventure, thy wits are
troubled, so that thou canst not call things even by and by to
remembrance, I have brought thee ink and paper, that thou mayest
excogitate with thyself, and write such things as shall come to thy
mind." "O Lord!" quoth Marbeck, "what will my Lord do? Will his
Lordship compel me to accuse men I wot not whereof?" "No," quoth the
gentleman, "my Lord compelleth thee not, but gently entreateth thee to
say the truth: therefore make no more ado, but write; for my Lord will
have it so." And so he laid down the ink and paper, and went his way.

Now was Marbeck so full of heaviness and woe, that he wist not what to
do, nor how to set the pen to the book to satisfy the bishop's mind,
unless he did accuse men to the wounding of his own soul. And thus,
being compassed about with nothing but sorrow and care, he cried out
to God in his heart, falling down with weeping tears, and said,

"O most merciful Father of heaven! thou that knowest the secret doings
of all men, have mercy upon thy poor prisoner who is destitute of all
help and comfort. Assist me, O Lord, with thy special grace, that, to
save this frail and vile body, which shall turn to corruption at its
time, I may have no power to say or to write any thing that may be to
the casting away of my Christian brother; but rather, O Lord, let this
vile flesh suffer at thy will and pleasure. Grant this, O most
merciful Father, for thy dear Son Jesus Christ's sake."

Then he rose up and began to search his conscience what he might
write, and at last framed out these words:

"Whereas your Lordship will have me to write such things as I know of
my fellows at home, pleaseth it your Lordship to understand, that I
cannot call to remembrance any manner of thing whereby I might justly
accuse any one of them, unless it be that the reading of the New
Testament, which is common to all men, be an offence: more than this I
know not."

Now the gentleman, about his hour appointed, came again, and found
Marbeck walking up and down the chamber. "How now," quoth he, "hast
thou written nothing?" "Yes, sir;" quoth he, "as much as I know."
"Well said," quoth the gentleman; and took up the paper: which, when
he had read, he cast it from him in a great fume, swearing by our
Lord's body, that he would not for twenty pounds carry it to his lord
and master. "Therefore," quoth he, "go to it again, and advise thyself
better, or else thou wilt set my Lord against thee, and then art thou
utterly undone." "By my troth, sir," quoth Marbeck, "if his Lordship
shall keep me here these seven years, I can say no more than I have
said." "Then wilt thou repent it," quoth the gentleman: and so putting
up his penner and ink-horn, he departed with the paper in his hand.

The third examination of Marbeck before the bishop of Winchester
himself, in his own house.

The next day, which was Wednesday, by eight of the clock in the
morning, the bishop sent for Marbeck to his house at St. Mary Overy's,
and as he was entering into the bishop's hall, he saw the bishop
himself coming out at a door in the upper end thereof, with a roll in
his hand; and going toward the great window, he called the poor man
unto him, and said, "Marbeck! wilt thou cast away thyself?" "No, my
Lord," quoth he, "I trust." "Yes," quoth the bishop, "thou goest about
it, for thou wilt utter nothing. What a devil made thee to meddle with
the Scriptures? Thy vocation was another way, wherein thou hast a
goodly gift, if thou didst esteem it." "Yes, my Lord," quoth he, "I do
esteem it; and have done my part therein, according to that little
knowledge that God hath given me." "And why the devil," quoth the 
bishop, "didst thou not hold thee there?" And with that he flung away
from the window out of the hall, the poor man following him from place
to place, till he had brought him into a long gallery, and being
there, the bishop began on this wise: "Ah, sirrah," quoth he, "the
nest of you is broken, I trow." And unfolding his roll, (which was
about an ell long,) he said, "Behold, here be your captains, both
Hobby and Haynes, with all the whole pack of thy sect about Windsor,
and yet wilt thou utter none of them." "Alas, my Lord," quoth he, "how
should I accuse them, of whom I know nothing?" "Well," quoth the
bishop, "if thou wilt needs cast away thyself, who can let thee? What
helpers hadst thou in setting forth thy book?" "Forsooth, my Lord,"
quoth he. "none." "None!" quoth the bishop; "how can that be? It is
not possible that thou shouldst do it without help." "Truly, my Lord,"
quoth he, "I cannot tell in what part your Lordship doth take it, but,
howsoever it be, I will not deny but I did it without the help of any
man, save God alone." "Nay," quoth the bishop, "I do not discommend
thy diligence, but why shouldst thou meddle with that thing which
pertained not to thee?"

And in speaking of these words, one of his chaplains, called Master
Meadow, came up, and stayed himself at a window, to whom the bishop
said, "Here is a marvellous thing; this fellow hath taken upon him to
set out the Concordance in English, which book, when it was set out in
Latin, was not done without the help and diligence of a dozen learned
men at least, and yet will he bear me in hand, that he hath done it
alone. But say what thou wilt,"quoth the bishop, "except God himself
would come down from heaven and tell me so, I will not believe it." 
And so, going forth to a window where two great Bibles lay upon a
cushion, the one in Latin, and the other in English, he called Marbeck
unto him, and pointing his finger to a place in the Latin Bible, said,
"Canst thou English this sentence?" "Nay, my Lord," quoth he, "I trow
I be not so cunning to give it a perfect English, but I can fetch out
the English thereof in the English Bible." "Let's see," quoth the
bishop. Then Marbeck, turning the English Bible, found out the place
by and by, and read it to the bishop. So he tried him three or four
times, till one of his men came up, and told him the priest was ready
to go to mass.

And as the bishop was going, said the gentleman who had examined
Marbeck in the Marshalsea the day before, "Shall this fellow write
nothing while your Lordship is at mass, for he passeth not for it?"
"It maketh no matter," quoth the bishop, "for he will tell nothing:"
and so went down to hear mass, leaving Marbeck alone in the gallery.
The bishop was no sooner down, but the gentleman came up again with
ink and paper. "Come, sirrah!" quoth he, "my Lord will have you
occupied till mass be done:" persuading him with fair words, that he
should be soon despatched out of trouble, if he would use truth and
plainness. "Alas, sir!" quoth he, "what will my Lord have me to do?
for more than I wrote to his Lordship yesterday, I cannot" "Well,
well; go too," quoth the gentleman, "and make speed:" and so went his
way. There was no remedy but Marbeck must now write something;
wherefore he, calling to God again in his mind, wrote a few words, as
nigh as he could frame them, to those he had written the day before.
When the bishop was come from mass, and had looked on the writing, he
pushed it from him, saying, "What shall this do? It hath neither head
nor foot." "There is a marvellous sect of them," quoth the bishop to
his men, "for the devil cannot make one of them to bewray another."
Then was there nothing among the bishop's gentlemen, as they were
making him ready to go to the court, but "crucifige" upon the poor
man. And when the bishop's white rochet was on him, and all, "Well,
Marbeck," quoth he, "I am now going to the court, and had purposed, if
I had found thee tractable, to have spoken to the king's Majesty for
thee, and to have given thee thy meat, drink, and lodging here in mine
house; but, seeing thou art so wilful and so stubborn, thou shalt go
to the devil for me."

Then was he carried down by the bishop's men, with many railing words.
And, coming through the great chamber, there stood Dr. London, with
two more of his fellows, waiting the bishop's coming, and passing by
them into the hall, he was there received by his keeper, and carried
to prison again. It was not half an hour after, ere that the bishop
sent one of his gentleman to the under-keeper, called Stokes,
commanding him to put irons upon Marbeck, and to keep him fast shut in
a chamber alone; and when he should bring him down to dinner or
supper, to see that he spake to no man, and no man to him. And
furthermore, that he should suffer no manner of person (not his own
wife) to come and see him, or minister any thing unto him. When the
porter (who was the cruellest man that might be to all such as were
laid in for any matter of religion, and yet, as God would, favourable
to this poor man) had received this commandment from the bishop, he
clapped irons upon him, and shut him up, giving warning to all the
house, that no man should speak or talk to Marbeck, whensoever he was
brought down: and so he continued the space of three weeks and more,
till his wife was suffered to come unto him.

The suit of Marbeck's wife to the bishop of Winchester.

Marbeck's wife, at the time of her husband's apprehension, had a young
child of a quarter old sucking upon her breast; and when her husband
was taken from her, and had away to the council, not knowing what
should become of him, she left the child and all, and gat her up to
London; and hearing her husband to be in the Marshalsea, goeth
thither. But when she came there, she could in no wise be suffered to
see him, which greatly augmented her sorrow. Then, by counsel of
friends, she gat her to the bishop of Winchester, for other help was
there none to be had at that time,) making great suit to have his
licence to go and see her husband, and to help him with such things as
he lacked. "Nay," quoth the bishop, "thy husband is acquainted with
all the heretics that be in the realm, both on this side the sea and
beyond; and yet will he utter none of them." "Alas, my Lord!" quoth
she, "my husband was never beyond the seas, nor any great traveller in
the realm, to be so acquainted; therefore, my good Lord, let me go see
him." But all her earnest suit from day to day would not help, but
still he put her off, harping always upon this string, "Thy husband
will utter nothing." At last, she, finding him in the court at St.
James, going towards his chamber, was so bold as to take him by the
rochet, and say, "Oh. my Lord, these eighteen days I have troubled
your Lordship. Now, for the love of God, and as ever ye came of a
woman, put me off no longer, but let me go to my husband." And as she
was standing with the bishop and his men, in a blind corner going to
his chamber, one of the king's servants, called Henry Carrike, and her
next neighbour, chanced to be by; and, hearing the talk between the
bishop and her, desired his Lordship to be good unto the poor woman,
who had her own mother lying bedrid upon her hands, beside five or six
children. "I promise you," quoth the bishop, "her husband is a great
heretic, and hath read more Scripture than any man in the realm hath
done." "I cannot tell, my Lord," quoth Carrike,"what he is inwardly,
but outwardly he is as honest a quiet neighbour as ever I dwelt by."
"He will tell nothing," quoth the bishop: "he knoweth a great sort of
false harlots, and will not utter them." "Yes, my Lord," quoth
Carrike, "he will tell, I dare say, for he is an honest man." "Well,"
quoth the bishop, (speaking to the wife,) "thou seemest to be an
honest woman, and if thou love thy husband well, go to him, and give
him good counsel, to utter such naughty fellows as he knoweth, and I
promise thee he shall have what I can do for him; for I do fancy him
well for his art, wherein he hath pleased me as well as any man:" and
so, stepping into his chamber, said she should have his letter to the
keeper. But his mind being changed, he sent out his ring by a
gentleman, which gentleman delivered the ring to his man, charging him
with the bishop's message. And so his man went with the woman to the
water side, and took boat, who never rested railing on her husband all
the way, till they came to the prison; which was no small cross unto
the poor woman.

And when they were come to the Marshalsea, the messenger showed the
bishop's ring to the porter, saying, "Master Stokes! my Lord willeth
you by this token, that ye suffer this woman to have recourse to her
husband; but he straitly chargeth you, that ye search her both coming
and going, lest she bring or carry any letters to or fro, and that she
bring nobody unto him, nor any word from any man." "God's blood!"
quoth the porter, (who was a foul swearer,) "what will my Lord have me
to do? can I let her to bring word from any man? Either let her go to
her husband, or let her not go; for I see nothing by him but an honest
man." The poor woman, fearing to be repulsed, spake the porter fair,
saying, "Good master, be content, for I have found my Lord very good
lord unto me. This young man is but the gentleman's servant who
brought the ring from my Lord, and I think doth his message a great
deal more straiter than my Lord commanded the gentleman, or than the
gentleman his master commanded him: but, nevertheless, good master,"
quoth she, "I shall be contented to strip myself before you both
coming and going, so far as any honest woman may do with honesty; for
I intend no such thing, but only to comfort and help my husband." Then
the messenger said no more, but went his way, leaving the woman there,
who, from that time forth, was suffered to come and go at her
pleasure.

The fourth examination of Marbeck, before the commissioners in the
bishop of London's house.

About three weeks before Whitsunday was Marbeck sent for to the bishop
of London's house, where sat in commission Dr. Capon, bishop of
Salisbury, Dr. Skip, bishop of Hereford, Dr. Goodrick, bishop of Ely,
Dr. Oking, Dr. May, and the bishop of London's scribe, having before
them all Marbeck's books. Then said the bishop of Salisbury, "Marbeck!
we are here in commission, sent from the king's Majesty, to examine
thee of certain things whereof thou must be sworn to answer us
faithfully and truly." "I am content, my Lord," quoth he, "to tell you
the truth so far as I can:" and so took his oath. Then the bishop of
Salisbury laid forth before him his three books of notes, demanding
whose hand they were. He answered they were his own hand, and notes
which he had gathered out of other men's works six years ago. "For
what cause:" quoth the bishop of Salisbury, "didst thou gather them?"
"For none other cause, my Lord, but to come by knowledge: for I, being
unlearned, and desirous to understand some part of Scripture, thought,
by reading of learned men's works, to come the sooner thereby. And
where I found any place of Scripture opened and expounded by them,
that I noted as ye see, with a letter of his name in the margin, that
had set out the work." "So me think," quoth the bishop of Ely, (who
had one of the books of notes in his hand all the time of their
sitting,) "thou hast read of all sorts of books, both good and had, as
seemeth by the notes." "So I have, my Lord," quoth he. "And to what
purpose?" quoth the bishop of Salisbury. "By my truth," quoth he, "for
no other purpose but to see every man's mind." Then the bishop of
Salisbury drew out a quire of the Concordance, and laid it before the
bishop of Hereford, who, looking upon it awhile, lifted up his eyes to
Dr. Oking, standing next him, and said, "This man hath been better
occupied than a great sort of our priests:" to the which Oking made no
answer.

Then said the bishop of Salisbury, "Whose help hadst thou in setting
forth this book?" "Truly, my Lord," quoth he, "no help at all." "How
couldst thou," quoth the bishop, "invent such a book, or know what a
Concordance meant, without an instructor?" "I will tell your
Lordship," quoth he, "what instructor I had to begin it. When Thomas
Matthewe's Bible came first out in print, I was much desirous to have
one of them; and being a poor man, not able to buy one of them, I
determined with myself to borrow one amongst my friends, and to write
it forth. And when I had written out the five books of Moses in fair
great paper, and was entered into the book of Joshua, my friend Master
Turner chanced to steal upon me unawares, and seeing me writing out
the Bible, asked me what I meant thereby. And when I had told him the
cause, 'Tush' quoth he, 'thou goest about a vain and tedious labour.
But this were a profitable work for thee, to set out a Concordance in
English.' 'A Concordance,' said I, 'what is that?' Then he told me it
was a book to find out any word in the whole Bible by the letter, and
that there was such a one in Latin already. Then I told him I had no
learning to go about such a thing. 'Enough,' quoth he, 'for that
matter, for it requireth not so much learning as diligence. And seeing
thou art so painful a man, and one that cannot be unoccupied, it were
a goodly exercise for thee.' And this, my Lord, is all the instruction
that ever I had before or after, of any man." "What is that Turner?"
quoth the bishop of Salisbury. "Marry," quoth Dr. May, "an honest
learned man, and a bachelor of divinity, and some time a fellow in
Magdalene College in Oxford." "How couldst thou," quoth the bishop of
Salisbury, "with this instruction, bring it to this order and form, as
it is?" "I borrowed a Latin Concordance," quoth he, "and began to
practise my wit; and, at last, with great labour and diligence,
brought it into this order, as your Lordship doth see." "A good wit 
with diligence," quoth the bishop of Hereford, "may bring hard things
to pass." "It is great pity," quoth the bishop of Ely, "he had not the
Latin tongue." "So it is," quoth Dr. May. "Yet cannot I believe,"
quoth the bishop of Salisbury, "that he hath done any more in this
work, than write it out after some other that is learned."

My Lords," quoth Marbeck, "I shall beseech you all to pardon me what I
shall say, and to grant my request if it shall seem good unto you."
"Say what thou wilt," quoth the bishops. "I do marvel greatly
wherefore I should be so much examined for this book, and whether I
have committed any offence in doing of it or no? If I have, then were
I loth any other to be molested or punished for my fault. Therefore,
to clear all men in this matter, this is my request, that ye will try
me in the rest of the book that is undone; ye see that I am yet but in
the letter L; begin now at M, and take out what word ye will of that
letter, and so in every letter following, and give me the words on a
piece of paper, and set me in a place alone where it shall please you,
with ink and paper, the English Bible, and the Latin Concordance: and
if I bring you not these words written in the same order and form that
the rest before is, then was it not I that did it, but some other."

"By my troth, Marbeck," quoth the bishop of Ely, "that is honestly
spoken, and then shalt thou bring many out of suspicion." "That he
shall," quoth they all. Then they bade Dr. Oking draw out such words
as he thought best, in a piece of paper, and so rose up; and in the
mean time fell into other familiar talk with Marbeck, (for the bishops
of Ely and Hereford were both acquainted with him afore, and his
friends, so far as they durst,) who, perceiving the bishops so
pleasantly disposed, besought them to tell him in what danger he
stood. "Shall I tell thee, Marbeck?" quoth the bishop of Sarum. "Thou
art in better case than any of thy fellows, of whom there be some
would give forty pounds to be in no worse case than thou art:" whose
sayings the other affirmed. Then came Dr. Oking with the words he had
written, and while the bishops were perusing them over, Dr. Oking said
to Marbeck, very friendly, on this wise: "Good Master Marbeck, make
haste, for the sooner ye have done, the sooner ye shall be delivered."
And as the bishops were going away, the bishop of Hereford took
Marbeck a little aside, and informed him of a word which Dr. Oking had
written false, and also, to comfort him, said, "Fear not; there can no
law condemn you for any thing that ye have done; for if ye had written
a thousand heresies, so long as they be not your sayings nor your
opinions, the law cannot hurt you." And so went they all with the
bishop of Sarum to dinner, taking the poor man with them, who dined in
the hall, at the steward's board; and besides that, had wine and meat
sent down from the bishop's table.

When dinner was done, the bishop of Sarum came down into the hall,
commanding ink and paper to be given to Marbeck, and the two books to
one of his men to go with him; at whose going he demanded of the
bishop, what time his Lordship would appoint him to do it in? "Against
to-morrow this time;" quoth the bishop; which was about two of the
clock, and so departed.

Marbeck, now being in his prison-chamber, fell to his business. and so
applied the thing, that by the next day. when the bishop sent for him
again, he had written so much, in the same order and form he had done
the rest before, as contained three sheets of paper and more: which
when he had delivered to the bishop of Sarum, Dr. Oking standing by,
he marvelled and said. "Well, Marbeck, thou hast now put me out of all
doubt. I assure thee," quoth he, putting up the paper into his bosom,
"the king shall see this ere I be twenty-four hours older." But he
dissembled every word, and thought nothing less than so; for
afterwards, the matter being come to light, and known to his Grace,
what a book the poor man had begun, which the bishops would not suffer
him to finish, the king said he was better occupied than they that
took it from him. So Marbeck departed from the bishop of Sarum to
prison again, and heard no more of his book.

The fifth examination of Marbeck, before Dr. Oking, and Master Knight,
secretary to the bishop of Winchester, in St. Mary Overy's church.

Upon Whitsunday following at afternoon, was Marbeck sent for once
again to St. Mary Overy's, where he found Dr. Oking, with another
gentleman in a gown of damask, with a chain of gold about his neck,
(no more in all the church but they two,) sitting together in one of
the stalls, their backs towards the church door, looking upon an
epistle of Master John Calvin's, which Marbeck had written out; and
when they saw the prisoner come, they rose and had him up to a side
altar, leaving his keeper in the body of the church alone. Now, as
soon as Marbeck saw the face of the gentleman, (whom before he knew
not, by reason of his apparel,) he saw it was the same person that
first examined him in the Marshalsea, and did also cause him to write
in the bishop's gallery, but never knew his name till now he heard Dr.
Oking call him Master Knight. This Master Knight held forth the paper
to Marbeck, and said, "Look upon this, and tell me whose hand it is."

When Marbeck had taken the paper and seen what it was, he confessed it
to be all his hand, saving the first leaf and the notes in the margin.
"Then I perceive;" quoth Knight, "thou wilt not go from thine own
hand." "No, sir," quoth he, "I will deny nothing that I have done."
"Thou dost well in that," quoth Knight, "for if thou shouldst, we have
testimonies enough besides, to try out thy hand by. But I pray thee
tell me, whose hand is the first leaf:" "That I cannot tell you,"
quoth Marbeck. "Then how camest thou by it?" quoth Knight. "Forsooth I
will tell you," quoth he. "There was a priest dwelling with us about
five or six years ago, called Marshal, who sent it unto me with the
first leaf written; desiring me to write it out with speed, because
the copy could not be spared past an hour or twain: and so I wrote it
out, and sent him both the copy and it again."

"And how came this hand in the margin," quoth he, "which is a contrary
hand to both the others?" "That I will tell you," quoth Marbeck: "When
I wrote it out at the first, I made so much haste of it, that I
understood not the matter, wherefore I was desirous to see it again,
and to read it with more deliberation; and being sent to me the second
time, it was thus quoted in the margin, as ye see. And shortly after
this, it was his chance to go beyond the seas, (where he lived not
long,) by reason whereof the epistle remaineth with me; but whether
the first leaf, or the notes in the margin, were his hand, or whose
hand else, that I cannot tell." "Tush," quoth Dr. Oking to Master
Knight, "he knoweth well enough that the notes be Haynes's own hand."
"If you know so much," quoth Marbeck, "ye know more than I do; for I
tell you truly, I know it not." "By my faith, Marbeck," quoth Knight,
"if thou wilt not tell by fair means, those fingers of thine shall be
made to tell." "By my troth, sir," quoth Marbeck, "if ye do tear the
whole body in pieces, I trust in God, ye shall never make me accuse
any man wrongfully." "If thou be so stubborn," quoth Dr. Oking. "thou
wilt die for it." "Die, Master Oking!" quoth he, "wherefore should I
die? You told me the last day, before the bishops, that as soon as I
had made an end of the piece of Concordance they took from me, I
should be delivered: and shall I now die? This is a sudden mutation.
You seemed then to be my friend; but I know the cause: ye have read
the ballet I made of Moses' chair, and that hath set you against me;
but whensoever ye shall put me to death, I doubt not to die God's true
man and the king's." "How so?" quoth Knight. "How canst thou die a
true man unto the king, when thou hast offended his laws? Is not this
epistle, and are not most of the notes thou hast written, directly
against the six articles?" "No, sir," quoth Marbeck; "I have not
offended the king's laws therein; for since the first time I began
with the Concordance, (which is almost six yeas ago, I have been
occupied in nothing else: so that both this epistle, and all the notes
I have gathered, were written a great while before the six articles
came forth, and are clearly remitted by the king's general pardon."
"Trust not to that," quoth Knight, "for it will not help thee." "No, I
warrant him," quoth Dr. Oking. And so going down to the body of the
church, they committed him to his keeper, who had him away to prison
again.

The suit of Filmer's wife, to the bishops who sat in commission, for
her husband.

In like manner the wife of Filmer, knowing her husband's trouble to be
only procured of malice by Simons, his old enemy, made great suit and
labour unto the bishops who were commissioners, desiring no more of
them, but that it would please their goodness to examine her husband
before them, and to hear him make his purgation. This was her only
request to every of the bishops from day to day, wheresoever she could
find them; insomuch that two of the bishops (Ely and Hereford) were
very sorry (considering the importunate and reasonable suit of the
woman) that it lay not in them to help her. Thus, travelling long up
and down from one to another, to have her husband examined, it was her
chance at last to find the bishops all three together in the bishop of
Ely's palace; unto whom she said, "O good my Lords! for the love of
God, let now my poor husband be brought forth before you, while ye be
here all together. For truly, my Lords, there can nothing be justly
laid against him, but that of malicious envy and spite Simons hath
wrought him this trouble. And you, my Lord of Salisbury," quoth the
poor woman," can testify (if it will please your Lordship to say the
truth) what malice Simons bare to my husband, when they were both
before you at Salisbury, little more than a year ago, for the vicar of
Windsor's matter. For, as your Lordship knoweth, when my husband had
certified you of the priest's sermon, which you said was plain heresy,
then came Simons, (after the priest himself had confessed it,) and
would have defended the priest's error before your Lordship, and have
had my husband punished. At what time it pleased your Lordship to
commend and praise my husband for his honesty, and to rebuke Simons
for maintaining the priest in his error; and thereupon commanded the
priest to recant his heresy, at his coming home to Windsor. This, my
Lord, you know to be true. And now, my Lords," quoth the woman, "it is
most certain, that for this cause only did Simons evermore afterwards
threaten my husband to be even with him. Therefore, my good Lords,
call my husband before you, and hear him speak; and if ye find any
other matter against him than this that I have told you, let me suffer
death." "Is this so, my Lord? "quoth the bishops of Ely and Hereford.
And the other could not deny it. Then they spake Latin to the bishop
of Salisbury, and he to them, and so departed. For the matter was so
wrought between Dr. London and Simons, that Filmer could never be
suffered to come before the commissioners to be examined.

The martyrdom of Peerson, Testwood, and Filmer; with the manner of
their condemnations, and how they died.-- Also the sparing of Marbeck,
after he was sentenced to death.

When the time drew nigh that the king's Majesty (who was newly married
to that good and virtuous Lady Katharine Parr) should make his
progress abroad, the aforesaid Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
had so compassed his matters, that no man bare so great a swinge about
the king as he did: wherewith the gospellers were so quailed, that the
best of them all looked every hour to be clapped in the neck; for the
saying went abroad, that the bishop had bent his bow to shoot at some
of the head deer. But, in the mean time, three or four of the poor
rascals were caught, that is to say, Anthony Peerson, Henry Filmer,
and John Marbeck, and sent to Windsor by the sheriff's men the
Saturday before St. James's day, and laid fast in the town jail: and
Testwood, who had kept his bed, was brought out of his house upon
crutches, and laid with them. But as for Bennet, which should have
been the fifth man, his chance was to be sick of the pestilence, and
having a great sore upon him, he was left behind in the bishop of
London's jail, whereby he escaped the fire.

Now, these men being brought to Windsor, there was a sessions
specially procured to be holden the Thursday after, which was St.
Ann's day: against the which sessions (by the counsel of Dr. London
and of Simons) were all the farmers, belonging to the college of
Windsor, warned to appear; because they could not pick out papists
enough in the town, to go upon the jury. The judges that day were
these: Dr. Capon, bishop of Salisbury; Sir William Essex, knight; Sir
Thomas Bridges, knight; Sir Humfrey Foster, knight; Master Franklen,
dean of Windsor and Master Fachel of Reading.

When these had taken their places, and the prisoners were brought
forth before them, then Robert Ockam, occupying for that day the room
of the clerk of the peace, called Anthony Peerson, according to the
manner of the court, and read his indictment, which was this:

"First, That he should preach two years before in a place called
Wingfield, and there should say, that like as Christ was hanged
between two thieves, even so, when the priest is at mass, and hath
consecrated and lifted him up over his head, there he hangeth between
two thieves, except he preach the word of God truly, as he hath taken
upon him to do.

"Also, that he said to the people in the pulpit, 'Ye shall not eat the
body of Christ as it did hang upon the cross gnawing it with your
teeth, that the blood run about your lip': but you shall eat him this
day as ye eat Him to-morrow, the next day, and every day: for it
refresheth not the body, but the soul.'

"Also, after he had preached and commended the Scripture, calling it
the word of God, he said as followeth: 'This is the word: this is the
bread: this is the body of Christ.'

"Also he said that Christ, sitting with his disciples, took bread, and
blessed, and brake it, and gave it to his disciples, saying, Take and
eat; this is my body. 'What is this to us, but to take the Scripture
of God, and to break it to the people?'"

To this Anthony answered and said, "I will be tried by God and his
holy word, and by the true church of Christ, whether this be heresy or
no, whereof ye have indicted me this day. So long as I preached the
bishop of Rome, and his filthy traditions, I was never troubled; but
since I have taken upon me to preach Christ and his gospel, ye have
always sought my life. But it maketh no matter, for when you have
taken your pleasure of my body, I trust it shall not lie in your
powers to hurt my soul." "Thou callest us thieves," quoth the bishop.
"I say," quoth Anthony, "ye are not only thieves, but murderers,
except ye preach and teach the word of God purely and sincerely to the
people; which ye do not, nor ever did; but have allured them to all
idolatry, superstition, and hypocrisy, for your.own lucre and glory's
sake, through the which ye are become rather bite-sheeps than true
bishops, biting and devouring the poor sheep of Christ, like ravening
wolves, never satisfied with blood; which God will require at your
hands one day, doubt it not." Then spake Simons his accuser, standing
within the bar, saying, "It is pity this fellow had not been burned
long ago, as he deserved." "In faith," quoth Anthony, "if you had as
you have deserved, you were more worthy to stand in this place than I.
But I trust, in the last day, when we shall both appear before the
tribunal seat of Christ, that than it will be known which of us two
hath best deserved this place." "Shall I have so long a day? "quoth
Simons, holding up his finger: "Nay then, I care not: "and so the
matter was jested out.

Robert Testwood.

Then was Testwood called, and his indictment read, which was, that he
should say, in the time that the priest was lifting up the sacrament,
"What, wilt thou lift him so high? what yet higher? Take heed; let him
not fall."

To this Testwood answered, saying, it was but a thing maliciously
forged of his enemies to bring him to his death. "Yes," quoth the
bishop, "thou hast been seen that when the priest should lift up the
sacrament over his head, then wouldst thou look down upon thy book or
some other way, because thou wouldst not abide to look upon the
blessed sacrament.' "I beseech you, my Lord," quoth Testwood, "whereon
did he look, that marked me so well?" "Marry," quoth Bucklayer, the
king's attorney, "he could not be better occupied, than to mark such
heretics, that so despised the blessed sacrament."

Henry Filmer.

Then was Filmer called, and his indictment read; that he should say
that the sacrament of the altar is nothing else but a similitude and a
ceremony; and also, if God be in the sacrament of the altar, I have
eaten twenty Gods in my days.

Here you must understand, that these words were gathered of certain
communication which should be between Filmer and his brother. The tale
went thus:

This Henry Filmer, coming upon a Sunday from Clewer, his parish
church, in the company of one or two of his neighbours, chanced, in
the way, to meet his brother, (which was a very poor labouring man,)
and asked him whither he went. "To the church," said he. "And what to
do?" quoth Filmer. "To do," quoth he, "as other men do." "Nay," quoth
Filmer, "you go to hear mass, and to see your God." "What if I do so?"
quoth he. "If that be God should Filmer say, "I have eaten twenty Gods
in my days. Turn again, fool, and go home with me, and I will read
thee a chapter out of the Bible, that shall be better than all that
thou shalt see or hear there."

This tale was no sooner brought to Dr. London, (by William Simons,
Filmer's utter enemy,) but he sent for the poor man home to his house,
where he cherished him with meat and money, telling him he should
never lack, so long as he lived; that the silly poor man, thinking to
have had a daily friend of Dr. London. was content to do and say
whatsoever he and Simons would have him say or do against his own
brother. And when Dr. London had thus won the poor man, he retained
him as one of his household men until the court day was come, and then
sent him up to witness this aforesaid tale against his brother. Which
tale Filmer denied utterly, saying, that Dr. London, for a little meat
and drink's sake, had set him on, and made him say what his pleasure
was: "Wherefore, my Lord." quoth Filmer to the bishop, "I beseech your
Lordship weigh the matter indifferently, forasmuch as there is no man
in all this town, that can or will testify with him, that ever he
heard any such talk between him and me; and if he can bring forth any
that will witness the same with him, I refuse not to die." But say
what he could, it would not prevail.

Then Filmer, seeing no remedy but that his brother's accusement should
take place, he said, "Ah,brother! what cause hast thou to show me this
unkindness? I have always been a natural brother unto thee and thine,
and helped you all, to my power, from time to time, as thou thyself
knowest; and is this a brotherly part, thus to reward me now for my
kindness? God forgive it thee, my brother, and give thee grace to
repent." Then Filmer, looking over his shoulder, desired some good
body to let him see the book of Statutes. His wife, being at the end
of the hall, and hearing her husband call for the book of Statutes,
ran down to the keeper, and brought up the book, and gat it conveyed
to her husband.

The bishop, seeing the book in his hand, start him up from the bench
in a great fume, demanding who had given the prisoner that book,
commanded it to be taken from him, and to make search who had brought
it, swearing by the faith of his body, he should go to prison. Some
said it was his wife, some said the keeper. "Like enough, my Lord,"
quoth Simons, "for he is one of the same sort; and as worthy to be
here as the rest, if he were rightly served." But howsoever it was,
the truth would not be known, and so the bishop sat him down again.

Then said Filmer, "O my Lord! I am this day judged by a law, and why
should I not see the law that I am judged by? The law is, I should
have two lawful witnesses, and here is but one, who would not do as he
doth, but that he is forced thereunto by the suggestion of mine
enemies." "Nay," quoth Bucklayer, the king's attorney, "thine heresy
is so heinous, and abhorreth thine own brother so much, that it
forceth him to witness against thee, which is more than two other
witnesses."

Thus, as you see, was Filmer brought unjustly to his death by the 
malice of Simons and Dr. London, who had enticed that wretched caitiff
his brother, to be their minister to work his confusion. But God, who
is a just revenger of all falsehood and wrongs, would not suffer that
wretch long to live upon earth, but the next year following, he, being
taken up for a labourer to go to Boulogne, had not been there three
days, ere that (in exonerating of nature) a gun took him and tore him
all to pieces. And so were these words of Solomon fulfilled. "A false
witness shall not remain unpunished."

John Marbeck.

Then was Marbeck called, and his indictment read, which was, that he
should say, that the holy mass, when the priest doth consecrate the
body of our Lord, is polluted, deformed, sinful, and open robbery of
the glory of God, from which a Christian heart ought both to abhor and
flee. And the elevation of the sacrament is the similitude of setting
up of images of the calves, in the temple builded by Jeroboam; and
that it is more abomination, than the sacrifices done by the Jews in
Jeroboam's temple to those calves. And that certain and sure it is,
that Christ himself is made, in the mass, man's laughing-stock.

To this he answered and said, that these words whereof they had
indicted him were not his, but the words of a learned man called John
Calvin, drawn out of a certain epistle which the said Calvin had made,
which epistle he had but only written out, and that, long before the
six articles came forth; so that now he was discharged of that offence
by the king's general pardon, desiring that he might enjoy the benefit
thereof.

Then were the jury called, which were all farmers belonging to the
college of Windsor, whereof few or none had ever seen those men
before, upon whose life and death they went. Wherefore the prisoners
(counting the farmers as partial) desired to have the townsmen, or
such as did know them, and had seen their daily conversations, in the
place of the farmers, or else to be equally joined with them; but that
would not be, for the matter was otherwise foreseen and determined.

Now, when the jury had taken their oath and all, Bucklayer, the king's
attorney, began to speak; and first he alleged many reasons against
Anthony Peerson, to prove him a heretic: which when Anthony would have
disproved, the bishop said, "Let him alone, sir: he speaketh for the
king." And so went Bucklayer forth with his matter, making every man's
cause as heinous to the hearers as he could devise. And when he had
done, and said what he would, then Sir Humfrey Foster spake to the
quest, in favour of Marbeck, on this wise: "Masters!" quoth he, "ye
see there is no man here that accuseth or layeth any thing to the
charge of this poor man Marbeck, saving he hath written certain thing;
of other men's sayings, with his own hand, whereof he is discharged by
the king's general pardon: therefore ye ought to have a conscience
therein." Then started up Fachel at the lower end of the bench, and
said, "What can we tell, whether they were written before the pardon
or after? They may as well be written since as afore, for any thing
that we know." These words of Fachel (as every man said) were the
cause of Marbeck's casting that day.

Then went the jury up to the chamber over the place where the judges
sat, and in the mean time went all the knights and gentlemen abroad,
saving the bishop, Sir William Essex and Fachel, which three sat still
upon the bench till all was done. And when the jury had been together
above, in the chamber, about the space of a quarter of an hour, up
goeth Simons (of his own brain) unto them, and tarried there a pretty
while, and came down again. After that came one of the jury down to
the bishop, and talked with him and the other twain a good while,
whereby many conjectured that the jury could not agree of Marbeck. But
whether it was so or no, it was not long after his going up again, ere
that they came down to give their verdict; and being required,
according to the form of the law, to say their minds, one called Hide,
dwelling beside Abingdon, in a lordship belonging to the college of
Windsor, speaking as the mouth of the rest, said, they were all
guilty.

Then the judges, beholding the prisoners a good while, (some with
watery eyes,) made courtesy who should give judgment. Fachel,
requiring the bishop to do it, he said, he might not. The others also,
being required, said they would not. Then said Fachel, "It must be
done; one must do it; and if no man will, then will I." And so Fachel,
being lowest of all the bench, gave judgment. Then Marbeck, being the
last upon whom sentence was given, cried unto the bishop, saying, "Ah!
my Lord, you told me otherwise when I was before you and the other two
bishops. You said then, that I was in better case than any of my
fellows, and is your saying come to this? Ah! my Lord, you have
deceived me." Then the bishop, casting up his hand, said, "he could
not do withal."

Now the prisoners, being condemned and had away, prepared themselves
to die on the morrow; comforting one another in the death and passion
of their Master, Christ, who had led the way before them, trusting
that the same Lord, who had made them worthy to suffer so far for his
sake, would not now withdraw his strength from them, but give them
stedfast faith and power to overcome those fiery torments, and of his
free mercy and goodness, (without their deserts,) for his promise'
sake, receive their souls. Thus lay they all the night long, (till
very dead sleep took them,) calling to God for his aid and strength,
and praying for their persecutors, who, of blind zeal and ignorance,
had done they wist not what, that God, of his merciful goodness, would
forgive them, and turn their hearts to the love and knowledge of his
blessed and holy word: yea, such heavenly talk was amongst them that
night, that the hearers, watching the prison without, whereof the
sheriff himself was one, with divers gentlemen more, were constrained
to shed out plenty of tears, as they themselves confessed.

On the next morrow, which was Friday, as the prisoners were all
preparing themselves to go to suffer, word was brought them that they
should not die that day. The cause was this: the bishop of Sarum, and
they among them, had sent a letter by one of the sheriff's gentlemen,
called Master Frost, to the bishop of Winchester (the court being then
at Okingham) in favour of Marbeck; at the sight of which letter, the
bishop straightway went to the king, and obtained his pardon; which
being granted, he caused a warrant to be made out of hand for the
sheriff's discharge, delivering the same to the messenger, who, with
speed, returned with great joy, (for the love he bare to the party,)
bringing good news to the town, of Marbeck's pardon; whereat many
rejoiced.

Of this pardon were divers conjectures made. Some said, it was by the
suit of the good sheriff Sir William Barrington, and Sir Humfrey
Foster, with other gentlemen more that favoured Marbeck, to the bishop
of Sarum and the other commissioners, that the letter was sent.

Some said again, that it came of the bishop of Sarum and Fachel's
first motion, being pricked in conscience for that they had so
slenderly cast him away. Other again thought that it was a policy
purposed afore, by the bishop of Winchester, of Sarum, and of Dr.
London, because they should seem to be merciful. This conjecture rose
upon this occasion: There was one Sadock, dwelling in the town, who
was great with Dr. London and Simons; and he should say, four days
before the sessions began, that the prisoners should be all cast and
condemned, but Marbeck should have his pardon.

Others there were, that thought the aforesaid bishops, with Dr.
London, had done it for this purpose; that he now, having his life,
would rather utter such men as they would have him to do, than to come
in like danger again; which conjecture rose upon this: Simons, meeting
with Marbeck's wife, said thus unto her: "Your husband may thank God
and good friends: my Lord of Winchester is good lord to him, who hath
got his pardon. But shall I tell you?" quoth he: "his pardon will be
to none effect, except he tell the truth of things to my Lord, and
other of the council, when he shall be demanded; for unto that purpose
only is he reserved." "Alas, sir," quoth she, "what can he tell?"
"Well, woman;" quoth Simons, "I tell thee plain; if he do not so,
never look to have thy hus-hand out of prison;" and so departed from
her.

The like meaning did Master Arch make to Marbeck himself, on the
Saturday in the morning that the moo should be burned, when he came to
confess them. I have nothing," quoth he, "to say unto you, Marbeck. at
this time; but hereafter you must be content to do as shall be
enjoined you:" meaning, he should be forced to do some unlawful
thing,or else to lie in perpetual prison. And this was most likely to
have been attempted, if they had proceeded in their purpose; whose
intent was to have gone through the whole realm, in like sort as they
had begun at Windsor, as the bishop of Sarum confessed openly, and
said, that "he trusted, ere Christmas day following, to visit and
cleanse a good part thereof." But most commonly God sendeth a shrewd
cow short horns, or else many a thousand in England had smarted.

On Saturday in the morning that the prisoners should go to execution,
came in to the prison two of the canons of the college, the one called
Dr. Blithe, and the other Master Arch, which two were sent to be their
confessors: Master Arch asked them, if they would be confessed; and
they said, "Yea." Then he demanded if they would receive the
sacrament: "Yea," said they, "with all our hearts." "I am glad," quoth
Arch, "to hear you say so; but the law is," quoth he, "that it may not
be ministered to any that are condemned of heresy. But it is enough
for you that ye do desire it." And so he had them up to the hall to
hear their confessions, because the prison was full of people. Dr.
Blithe took Anthony Peerson to him to confess, and Master Arch the
other two. But howsoever the matter went between the doctor and
Anthony, he tarried not long with him, but came down again, saying,
"he would no more of his doctrine." "Do you call him Dr. Blithe?"
quoth Anthony. "He may be called Dr. Blind for his learning, as far as
I see." And soon after the other two came down also. Then Anthony,
seeing much people in the prison, began to say the Lord's Prayer,
whereof he made a marvellous godly declaration, wherein he continued
till the officer came to fetch them away, and so made an end. And
taking their leave of Marbeck, (their prison-fellow,) they praised God
for his deliverance, wishing to him the increase of godliness and
virtue; and, last of all, besought him heartily to help them with his
prayer unto God, to make them strong in their affliction: and so,
kissing him one after another, they departed.

Now, as the prisoners passed through the people in the streets, they
desired all the faithful people to pray for them, and to stand fast in
the truth of the gospel, and not to be moved at their afflictions, for
it was the happiest thing that ever came to them. And ever as Dr.
Blithe and Arch (who rode on each side the prisoners) would persuade
them to turn to their mother, holy church, "Away," would Anthony cry,
"away with your Romish doctrine, and all your trumpery, for we will no
more of it!

When Filmer was come to his brother's door, he stayed and called for
his brother; but he could not be seen, for Dr. London had kept him out
of sight that same day, for the nonce.

And when he had called for him three or four times, and saw he came
not, he said, "And will he not come? Then God forgive him and make him
a good man." And so going forth they came to the place of execution,
where Anthony Peerson, with a cheerful countenance, embraced the post
in his arms, and kissing it, said, "Now welcome mine own sweet wife!
for this day shall thou and I be married together in the love and
peace of God."
(Illustration: Filmer, Peerson and Testwod burned at the stake )

And being all three bound to the post, a certain young man of Filmer's
acquaintance brought him a pot of drink, asking if he would drink.
"Yea," quoth Filmer, "I thank you. And .now, my brother," quoth he, "I
shall desire you, in the name of the living Lord, to stand fast in the
truth of the gospel of Jesus Christ, which you have received." And so,
taking the pot at his hand, he asked his brother Anthony, if he would
drink. "Yea, brother Filmer, quoth he, "I pledge you in the Lord."

And when he had drunk, he gave the pot to Anthony, and Anthony
likewise gave it to Testwood. Of this drinking, their adversaries made
a jesting-stock, reporting abroad that they were all drunk, and wist
not what they said; when they were none otherwise drunk than as the
apostles were, when the people said they were full of new wine, as
their deeds declared: for, when Anthony and Testwood had both drunk,
and given the pot from them, Filmer, rejoicing in the Lord, said, "Be
merry, my brethren, and lift up your hearts unto God; for after this
sharp breakfast, I trust we shall have a good dinner in the kingdom of
Christ, our Lord and Redeemer." At the which words Testwood, lifting
up his hands and eyes to heaven, desired the Lord above to receive his
spirit; and Anthony Peerson, pulling the straw unto him, laid a good
deal thereof upon the top of his head, saying, "This is God's hat; now
am I dressed like a true soldier of Christ, by whose merits only I
trust this day to enter into his joy." And so yielded they up their
souls to the Father of heaven, in the faith of his dear Son, Jesus
Christ, with such humility and stedfastness, that many who saw their
patient suffering, confessed that they could have found in their
hearts (at that present) to have died with them.

How all their conspiracies were known.

Ye have heard before of one Robert Bennet, how he was at the first
apprehended with the other four persons aforesaid, and committed to
the bishop of London's prison; and about the time he should have gone
to Windsor, he fell sick of the pestilence, by means whereof he
remained still in prison.

This Bennet and Simons (ye shall understand) were the greatest
familiars and company keepers that were in all Windsor, and never
lightly swerved the one from the other, saving in matters of religion,
wherein they could never agree. For Bennet, the one lawyer, was an
earnest gospeller, and Simons, the other lawyer, a cankered papist;
but in all other worldly matters they cleaved together like burrs.

This Bennet had spoken certain words against their little round god,
for which he was as far in as the best, and had suffered death with
the others if he had gone to Windsor when they went. And now that the
matter was all done and finished, it was determined by the bishop of
Salisbury, that Robert Ockam, on the Monday after the men were burned,
should go to the bishop of Winchester, with the whole process done at
the sessions the Thursday before.

Then Simons, at Bennet's wife's request, procured the bishop of
Salisbury's favourable letter to the bishop of Winchester, for
Bennet's deliverance, which letter Bennet's wife (forasmuch as her own
man was not at home who should have gone with the letter) desired
Robert Ockam to deliver to the bishop, and to bring her word again;
who said he would. So forth went Ockam toward the bishop of
Winchester, with his budget full of writings, to declare and open all
things unto him. that were done at Windsor sessions. But all their
wicked intents, as God would have it, were soon cut off, and their
doings disclosed. For one of the queen's men, named Fulk, who had lain
at Windsor all the time of the business, and had got knowledge what a
number were privily indicted, and of Ockam 's going to the bishop of
Winchester, gat to the court before Ockam, and told Sir Thomas Cardine
and others of the privy chamber, how all the matter stood. Whereupon
Ockam was laid for, and had by the back as soon as he came to the
court, and so kept from the bishop.

On the next morrow, very early, Bennet's wife sent her man to the
court after Ockam, to see how he sped with her husband's letter. And
when he came there, he found Sir Thomas Cardine, walking with Ockam up
and down the green, before the court gate; whereat he marvelled, to
see Ockam with him so early, mistrusting the matter: whereupon he kept
himself out of sight till they had broken off their communication.

And as soon as he saw Master Cardine gone, (leaving Ockam behind,) he
went to Ockam and asked him if he had delivered his master's letter to
the bishop. "No," said Ockam, "the king removeth this day to
Guildford, and I must go thither, and will deliver it there." "Marry,"
quoth he, "and I will go with you, to see what answer you shall have,
and to carry word to my mistress;" and so they rode to Guildford
together; where Bennet's man (being better acquainted in the town than
Ockam was) got a lodging for them both in a kinsman's house of his.

That done, he asked Ockam, if he would go and deliver his mistress's
letter to the bishop. "Nay," said Ockam, "you shall go and deliver it
yourself:" and took him the letter. And as they were going in the
street together, and coming by the earl of Bedford's lodging, (then
lord privy seal,) Ockam was pulled in by the sleeve, and no more seen
of Bennet's man, till he saw him in the Marshalsea. Then went Bennet's
man to the bishop's lodging and delivered his letter: and when the
bishop had read the contents thereof, he called for the man that
brought it. "Come, sirrah!" quoth be, "you can tell me more by mouth
than the letter specifieth;" and had him into a little garden. "Now,"
quoth the bishop, "what say you to me?" "Forsooth, my Lord," quoth he,
"I have nothing to say unto your Lordship; for I did not bring the
letter to the town." "No!" quoth the bishop, "where is he that brought
it?" "Forsooth, my Lord," quoth he, "I left him busy at his lodging."
"Then he will come," quoth the bishop, "bid him be with me betimes in
the morning." "I will," quoth he, "do your Lordship's commandment:"
and so he departed home to his lodging. And when his kinsfolks saw him
come in, "Alas, cousin," quoth they, "we are all undone!" "Why so?"
quoth he, "what is the matter?" "Oh!" said they, "here hath been,
since you went, Master Paget the king's secretary, with Sir Thomas
Cardine of the privy chamber, and searched all our house for one that
should come to the town with Ockam; therefore make shift for yourself
as soon as you can." "Is that all the matter?" quoth he, "then content
yourselves, for I will never flee one foot, hap what hap will." As
they were thus reasoning together, in came the aforesaid searchers
again: and when Master Cardine saw Bennet's man, he knew him very
well, and said, "Was it thou that came to the town with Ockam?" "Yea,
sir;" quoth he. "Now who the devil," quoth Master Cardine, "brought
thee in company with that false knave?" Then he told them his
business, and the cause of his coming; which being known. they were
satisfied, and so departed. The next day had Bennet's man a discharge
for his master, (procured by certain of the privy chamber,) and so
went home.

Now was Ockam all this while at my Lord Privy Seal's, where he was
kept secret, till certain of the privy council had perused all his
writings; among which they found certain of the privy chamber
indicted, with other the king's officers, with their wives; that is to
say, Sir Thomas Cardine, Sir Philip Hobby, with both their ladies,
Master Edmund Harman, Master Thomas Weldon, with Snowball and his
wife. All these they had indicted by the force of the six articles, as
aiders, helpers, and maintainers of Anthony Peerson. And besides them,
they had indicted of heresy (some for one thing, and some for another)
a great number more of the king's true and faithful subjects: whereof
the king's Majesty being certified, his Grace, of his special
goodness, (without the suit of any man,) gave to the aforesaid
gentlemen of his privy chamber, and other his servants, with their
wives, his gracious pardon. And as God would have the matter further
known unto his Majesty. as he rode one day a-hunting in Guildford
park, and saw the sheriff with Sir Humfrey Foster sitting on their
horsebacks together, he called them unto him. and asked of them, how
his laws were executed at Windsor. Then they, beseeching his Grace of
pardon., told him plainly, that in all their lives they never sat on
matter under his Grace's authority, that went so much against their
consciences as the death of these men did; and up and told his Grace
so pitiful a tale of the casting away of these poor men, that the
king, turning his horse's head to depart from them, said, "Alas, poor
innocents!"

After this the king withdrew his favour from the bishop of Winchester,
and being more and more informed of the conspiracy of Dr. London and
Simons, he commanded certain of his council to search out the ground
thereof. Whereupon Dr. London and Simons were apprehended and brought
before the council, and examined upon their oath of allegiance; and
for denying their mischievous and traitorous purpose, which was
manifestly proved to their faces, they were both perjured, and in fine
adjudged, as perjured persons, to wear papers in Windsor; and Ockam to
stand upon the pillory, in the town of Newbury where he was born.

The judgment of all these three was to ride about Windsor, Reading,
and Newbury, with papers on their heads, and their faces turned to the
horse-tails, and so to stand upon the pillory in every of these towns,
for false accusation of the aforenamed martyrs, and for perjury.

And thus much touching the persecution of these good saints of
Windsor, according to the copy of their own acts, received and written
by John Marbeck, who is yet alive both a present witness, and also was
then a party of the said doings, and can testify the truth thereof.

An answer to the cavilling adversaries, touching John Marbeck.

Wherefore against these crooked cavillers, which make so much ado
against my former book, because in a certain place I chanced to say
that Bennet and Filmer had their pardon, (when indeed it was Bennet
and Marbeck,) be it therefore known, protested, denounced, and
notified, to all and singular such carpers, wranglers, exclaimers,
depravers, with the whole brood of all such whisperers, railers,
quarrel-pickers, corner-creepers, fault-finders, and spider-catchers,
or by what name else soever they are to be tituled, that here I openly
say and affirm, profess, hold, maintain, and write the same as I said
and wrote before, in the latter castigations of my book: that is, that
John Marbeck was, with the others, condemned, but not burned; cast by
the law, but by pardon saved; appointed with the rest to die, and yet
not dead; but liveth, God be praised, and yet to this present day
singeth merrily, and playeth on the organs, not as a dead man amongst
"Foxe's Martyrs," (as it hath pleased some in the court to encounter
against me,) but as one witnessed and testified truly in the book of
Foxe's Martyrs to be alive. And, therefore, such manner of persons, if
the disposition of their nature be such that they must needs find
faults, then let them find them where they are, and where those
faults, by their finding, may be corrected. But whereas they be
corrected already, and found to their hands, and also amended before,
let then these legend-liars look on their own legends, and there cry
out of lies, where they may find enough; and cease their biting there, 
where they have no just cause to bark.

And admit that I had not foreseen and corrected this escape before,
touching the matter of John Marbeck, but that the place still had
remained in the book as it was, (that is, that the said John Marbeck,
who is yet alive, had then died and suffered with the other three, the
same time at Windsor,) yet, what gentle or courteous reader could have
therein any just matter to triumph and insult against me, seeing the
judicial acts, the records and registers, yea, and the bishops
certificate, and also the writ of execution remaining yet on record,
sent to the king, did lead me so to say and think? For what man,
writing histories, who cannot be in all places to see all things, but
following his records and registers, wherein he seeth the said Marbeck
to be judged and condemned with the rest, would otherwise write or
think, but that he also was executed and burned in the same company.

But now I correct and reform the same again, and first of all others.
I find the fault, and yet I am found fault withal. I correct myself.
and yet I am corrected of others. I warn the reader of the truth, and
yet am a liar. The book itself showeth the escape, and biddeth,
instead of four, to read three burned; and yet is the book made a
legend of lies!

Briefly, where I prevent all occasion of cavilling to the uttermost of
my diligence, yet cannot I have that law, which all other books have,
that is, to recognise and reform mine own errata.

Wherefore, to conclude: these men, whosoever they are. it' they will
be satisfied, I have said enough; if they will not, whatsoever I can
say, it will not serve; and so I leave them. I would I could better
satisfy them. God himself amend them!

$

204. PERSECUTION IN CALAIS.

The persecution in Calais. with the martyrdom of George Bucker,
otherwise called Adam Damlip, and others.

At what time John Marbeck was in the Marshalsea, which was about the
year of our Lord 1543, there was in the said prison with him one
George Bucker, named otherwise Adam Damlip, who, having continued in
the said prison three or four years, at the last, by the commandment
of Winchester, was had to Calais by John Massy, the keeper of the
Marshalsea, and there hanged, drawn, and quartered for treason
pretended, which was a little before the condemnation of the Windsor
menaforesaid, as is, by the letters of the said John Marbeck, to me
signified.

Touching which story of Adam Damlip, forasmuch as it includeth matter
of much trouble and persecution that happened in Calais, to digest
therefore, and comprise the whole narration thereof in order, first I
will enter (the Lord willing) the story of Damlip, and so proceed in
order to such as, by the said occasion, were afflicted and persecuted
in the town of Calais.

PERSONS PERSECUTED IN THE TOWN OF CALAIS:-- George Bucker, or else
called Adam Damlip; a poor labouring man; W. Stevens; Thomas
Lancaster; John Butler, commissary; William Smith, priest; Thomas
Brook; Ralph Hare; Jacob, a surgeon; a Fleming; Clement Philpot,
servant; Jeffery Loveday; Dodde; Sir Edmund, priest; William Touched,
postmaster; Peter Becket; Anthony Pickering, gentleman; Henry Tourney,
gentleman; George Darby, priest; .John Shepard; William Pellam;
William Keverdal; John Whitwood: John Boole: Ho. Cloddet: Coppen de
Hane, alias James Cocke: Matthew Hound; William Button, crossbow-
maker.

PERSECUTORS:-- John Dove, prior of the Grey Friars in Calais: Sir
Gregory Button, priest; Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester; Dr.
Sampson, bishop of Chichester; Dr. Clerke, bishop of Bath; Dr. Repse,
bishop of Norwich; Harvey, commissary in Calais; Lady Honor, wife to
Lord Lisle, deputy of Calais; Sir Thomas Palmer, knight; John
Rookwood, esquire; Richard Long, soldier of Calais; Francis Hastings,
a soldier; Edmund Payton, Robert Poole, and Thomas Boyse; Hugh
Counsel, a servant; Sir Ralph Ellerker, knight; Sir John Gage.

In the year of our Lord 1539, the Lord Cromwell being yet alive, there
came to Calais one George Bucker, alias Adam Damlip, who had been, in
time past, a great papist and chaplain to Fisher, bishop of Rochester:
and, after the death of the bishop his master, had travelled through
France, Dutchland, and Italy; and, as he went, conferred with learned
men concerning matters of controversy in religion, and so proceeding
in his journey to Rome, where he thought to have found all godliness
and sincere religion, in the end he found there (as he confessed) such
blasphemy of God, contempt of Christ's true religion, looseness of
life, and abundance of all abominations and filthiness, that it
abhorred his heart and conscience any longer there to remain; although
he was greatly requested by Cardinal Pole, there to continue, and to
read three lectures in the week in his house, for the which he offered
him great entertainment, which he refused; and so, returning homeward,
having a piece of money given him of the cardinal at his departure, to
the value of a French crown, towards his charges, came to Calais, as
is aforesaid. Who, as he was there waiting, without the gate, for
passage into England, and being there perceived by certain Calais men,
namely, William Stevens and Thomas Lancaster, through conference of
talk, to be a learned man, and also well affected; and moreover how
that he, being of late a zealous papist, was now returned to a more
perfect knowledge of true religion: was by them heartily entreated to
stay at Calais a certain space, and to read and preach there a day or
two, therewith to do the people to understand what he had found by his
painful travelling to Rome; whereby they, who, through gross ignorance
and vain superstition, had not altogether put out of their hearts that
antichrist of Rome, that ancient enemy of God and all godly religion,
the pope, might the rather detest and abhor his filthy false doctrine,
whereof this godly and learned man was a seeing witness. To this
request Adam gladly consented, so as he might be licensed by such as
were in authority so to do.

Whereupon the said Stephens, at the opening of the gates, brought him
unto the Lord Lisle, the king's deputy of the town and marches of
Calais, unto whom he declared thoroughly what conference and talk had
been between Adam Damlip and him. Which known, the said lord deputy
instantly desired the said Damlip to stay there, and to preach three
or four days or more at his pleasure, saying, that he should have both
his licence and the commissary's also, which then was Sir John Butler,
so to do. Where, after he had preached three or four times, he was so
well liked, both for his learning, his utterance, and the truth of his
doctrine, that not only the soldiers and commoners, but also the lord
deputy, and a great part of the council, gave him marvellous great
praise and thanks for it; and the said lord deputy offered unto him a
chamber in his own house, to dine and sup every meal at his own mess,
to have a man or two of his to wait upon him, and to have whatsoever
it were that he lacked, if it were to be had for money, yea, and what
he would in his purse to buy books or otherwise, so as he would tarry
there among them, and preach only so long as it should seem good to
himself. Who, refusing his Lordship's great offer, most heartily
thanked him for the same, and besought him to be only so good unto him
as to appoint him some quiet and honest place in the town, where he
might not he disturbed or molested, but have opportunity to give
himself to his book, and would daily, once in the forenoon, and again
by one o'clock in the afternoon, by the grace of God, preach among
them, according unto the talent that God had lent him. At which answer
the lord deputy greatly rejoiced, and thereupon sent for the aforesaid
William Stevens, whom he earnestly required to receive and lodge the
said Damlip in his house, promising, whatsoever he should demand, to
see it paid with the most: and, moreover, would send every meal, from
his own mess, a dish of the best unto them; and indeed so did, albeit
the said Damlip refused that offer, showing his Lordship that thin
diet was most convenient for students. Yet could not that restrain
him, but that every meal he sent it.

This godly man, by the space of twenty days or more, once every day,
at seven of the clock, preached very godly, learnedly, and .plainly,
the truth of the blessed sacrament of Christ's body and blood,
mightily inveighing against all papistry, and confuting the same; but
especially those two most pernicious errors or heresies, touching
transubstantiation, and the pestilent propitiatory sacrifice of the
Romish mass, by true conference of the Scriptures, and applying of the
ancient doctors; earnestly therewith oftentimes exhorting the people
to return from their popery; declaring how popish he himself had been,
and how, by the detestable wickedness that he did see universally in
Rome, he was returned so far homeward, and now became an enemy,
through God's grace, to all papistry: showing therewith, that if gain
or ambition could have moved him to the contrary, he might have been
entertained of Cardinal Pole (as you have heard before); but, for very
conscience' sake, joined with true knowledge, grounded on God's most
holy word, he now utterly abhorred all papistry, and willed them most
earnestly to do the same.

And thus he continued awhile reading in the chapter-house of the White
Friars; but, the place being not big enough, he was desired to read in
the pulpit: and so, proceeding in his lectures, (wherein he declared
how the world was deceived by the Roman bishops, who had set forth the
damnable doctrine of transubstantiation, and the real presence in the
sacrament, as is aforesaid,) he came, at length, to speak against the
pageant or picture set forth of the resurrection, which was in St.
Nicholas's church, declaring the same to be but mere idolatry, and an
illusion of the Frenchmen before Calais was English.

Upon which sermon or lecture, there came a commission from the king to
the lord deputy, Master Greenfield, Sir John Butler, commissary, the
king's mason, and Smith, with others, that they should search whether
there were (as was put in writing, and under bull and pardon) three
hosts lying upon a marble stone besprinkled with blood; and if they
that ever he came into the prison of the Tower, where he first felt
the sweetness of God's great mercy towards him, and the certainty of
his salvation, through faith in Christ, promised in his holy word; the
knowledge whereof he had attained unto by the reading of God's holy
word, the English Bible, which, all his life before, he disdained to
look upon: for whose godly end many men much rejoiced, and gave God
hearty thanks for the same.

This Smith continued in the diligent bestowing of his talent there,
till, shortly after, the devil got such hold in the hearts of a number
of God's enemies, that he, with divers other godly men, was called
over into England, and charred with erroneous opinions worthy of great
punishment, as hereafter more at large shall appear.

And forasmuch as we have entered into the story of Calais. and matters
which were done in that town, it cometh to remembrance of one Thomas
Brook, an alderman of that town, and burgess of the parliament before
mentioned, wherein was concluded, the next year after this, A. D.
1540, the Act of Six Articles, as is before said.

After this bill of the six articles had passed the higher house, and
was brought to the burgesses of the lower house, the Lord Cromwell
gave intelligence, not only that it was the king's Majesty's
determinate pleasure to have the bill to pass in sort as it had come
down from the Lords, but, also, that if any man should stand against
it earnestly, the same should put himself in great danger of his life.

Notwithstanding, this Thomas Brook, with great danger and peril of his
life, did repugn and refute the said bill, with divers reasons and
good ground of Scripture: insomuch that a message came down, by Sir N.
Pollard, from the Lord Cromwell to the said Brook, willing him, as he
loved his life, not to speak against the said bill. Notwithstanding,
Brook proceeding in his enterprise, the Lord Cromwell meeting him the
next time after that, called him unto him, and said, that he never
knew man play so desperate a part as to speak against that bill,
unless he made a reckoning to be either hanged or burned: "but God,"
said he, "hath mightily preserved thee; whereof I am glad."

This fear caused men, much against their consciences, (such is man's
frailty,) to establish that act: but yet not in such sort as the bill
came down from the Lords. For whereas before, by that first bill sent
down, it was only felony for a priest to have, or to take unto him, a
wife of his own, (though St. Paul say that marriage is honourable
among all men. and willeth that every man, for the avoiding of
fornication, should have his own wife; and, rendering as it were a
cause thereof, affirmeth,that it is better to marry than to burn,) but
no punishment at all was appointed for such shameless whoremongers,
incontinent priests, as, contemning holy matrimony, abused themselves
both with women married and unmarried: now, upon the said Brook's
urging that unless men had better opinion of whoredom than of holy
matrimony, (called of St. Paul a bed undefiled,) it was of necessity
to be granted, that at least the incontinent life of priests
unmarried, should, by that act, have like pain and punishment as those
priests, who, not having the gift of continency, therefore entered
into the holy yoke of matrimony. Whereupon the greater part of the
house so fully agreed to the equal punishment, that unless it had been
made felony as well for the one as the other, that act had never
passed the house; and, therefore, equal punishment was assigned for
either of those deeds in that session, though in the next session or
parliament after, there was mitigation or qualification of the
punishment for the horrible whoredom of priests; the marriage of
priests standing still under the danger and punishment limited in the
statute afore.

The said Brook further spoke to this effect:

He required to be certified of them that were learned, how it might he
proved by the Scriptures, that God at all commanded laymen to receive
the sacrament of his blessed body and blood in one kind, (to wit, in
material bread,) to do it in remembrance of him who shed his blood for
the remission of their sins, and to show the Lord's death until his
coming: if it be so, that in giving this commandment, Bibite ex hoc
omnes, Drink ye all of this, no layman at all be included, but,
contrariwise, this other kind of sacrament, to wit, the cup, or the
material wine, he by God forbidden them: "For," said he, "if in that
universal proposition, Drink ye all of this, be included every one of
that number unto whom Christ, when he took bread in his hand, and gave
thanks unto his heavenly Father, did give this commandment, saying,
Take ye, eat ye; this is my body; do ye this in remembrance of me:
then needs must our clergy grant unto us who be laymen, that either it
is lawful for us also, with the priests, to receive the sacrament in
both the kinds, (that is to wit, both in bread and the cup or wine,)
or else, that we silly laymen are not commanded to receive the
sacrament at all; and, consequently, neither thereby to remember him
to be our merciful Saviour, who hath died for remission of our sins,
nor to show his death until he come, whereby he declared his most
tender love towards us." Wherefore, if it might not be granted that it
was lawful to receive the blessed sacrament in both kinds, he required
some authority of Scripture to be brought for the same; alleging
further, that albeit, through gross ignorance, contempt of God's holy
word, and the insatiable ambition and covetousness of such men as made
merchandise of men's souls, (affirming in effect that Christ died in
vain,) that gross and foolish error of transubstantiation hath within
this four or five hundred year creeped in, and, as a festered canker,
now spread itself abroad in all those places where the bishop of Rome
hath established his usurped authority: "yet," said Brook, "even unto
this day, in all the Greek church that blind error and foolish opinion
of transubstantiation hath never been received, and St. Paul himself
calleth it bread, after those words which they call the consecration,
five times in one chapter: neither hath man," said he, "I think, ever
heretofore presumed to affirm, that the bread, after the consecration,
should be both the body and blood, and the wine both the blood and
body, in such sort as either of those kinds divided unto many parts,
should, in every of those parts, contain the whole natural body and
blood of our Saviour Jesu Christ, as this present act affirmeth.
Therefore, before this act do pass, such doubts are to be resolved,
whereby many afterwards might incur danger of life, for lack of the
plain explication of our meaning of them; as for example: Where this
act affirmeth that the wine, after the consecration, is Christ's
natural blood and body both, how would our clergy, that the silly
unlearned layman should answer, if it were asked him, (as it is like
enough to be,) what he believes to be in the chalice, when the priest
holds it over his head. For they make an infusion, you know, of water,
and that before the consecration; so that there is a mixture of the
water and wine. Whether now shall we affirm the thing which before was
water, is now by the commixion of the wine, turned with the wine into
both the natural blood and body of Christ: or else, will it content
them that it be answered thus, That the water remaineth water still?

"Divers such doubts might be put, but, to come to an end: If this bill
must needs pass as an act, I most heartily wish that first such places
of the Scripture, and allegations of holy fathers, as the bishops and
others, the learned of this realm, do recite in confirmation of this
doctrine, those they would vouchsafe to communicate unto this house,
to the intent that men who be yet of contrary minds, being overcome by
their true conference of the Scriptures, and by strength of arguments,
might, without grudge of conscience, agree unto that, which, while
they be otherwise minded, they cannot without sin grant unto. And
finally, whereas by this act we greatly differ from many Christian
realms and provinces, all which profess Christ's true religion, and,
nevertheless, set not forth these laws at all, (much less with such
pains of death,) I heartily beseech God, it may please the king's
Majesty, that this whole act, with the conferences of Scriptures,
allegation of doctors, and forms of arguments, which our clergy and
others, the furtherers of this act, have brought in and affirmed for
the establishing of it now for a law, may be truly translated into the
Latin tongue; to this intent, that other nations likewise, professing
Christ's religion, seeing by those authorities what hath moved this
realm to pass this act, either being overcome with our truth, thus
lately found out, may be procured to receive the like doctrine, for
that they see it sufficiently proved to be sincere and true; or else,
seeing us by ignorance to be in error, by refelling or refuting the
same as erroneous, may not only reduce us to the truth again, but,
also, have cause to judge of this realm, that this act passed not
through trust in men's own wits only, without respect had to the Holy
Scriptures of God, but, as men that had ignorantly fallen, and not
obstinately contemned the Scriptures. So will it come to pass, that,
if this act be good, the goodness thereof shall be the more common,
and, if it be otherwise, it shall do the less hurt, yea, and continue
the less while, when other men, not in thraldom, or fear of this law,
shall freely, and out of good conscience, write and show, what opinion
they have of it."

Unto these words of the said Brook, no man took upon him to make any
direct answer, but yet, first, one Master Hall, a gentleman of Gray's
Inn, in acknowledging that he was not able to refel the objections
made against the bill, for that he lacked learning thereunto, said as
followeth:

"That he would only speak his conscience touching the passing of that
bill, which be grounded (he said) upon this: that he had read in
chronicles, that some one prince of this realm had, by laws, commanded
auricular confession to be used through all his provinces and
dominions; another prince, the keeping of this holy day or that. And,
to be short, in chronicles may be found," said he, "that the most part
of ceremonies now used in the church of England, were by princes
either first invented, or at leastwise established; and, as we see,
the same do, till this day, continue. Whereas, if the subjects
receiving the same ceremonies and rites of the church at their
princes' order and commandment, had been against God's law, or the
princes' commandment to the subjects had not been a sufficient
discharge in their consciences before God, for the observing of them,
I cannot think but the learned clergy in those days, (for in all ages
some of the clergy were well learned,) would have stood therein, and
proved to their princes, that it was not lawful to command such
things.

"Wherefore, and forasmuch as far the greater part of us laymen are
unlearned in the Scriptures and ancient doctors, methinketh it is the
bounden duty of us that be subjects, to be obedient and ready to
observe all such things touching our religion, according as our prince
or sovereign for the time being, specially, with the consent of the
bishops and the rest of the clergy, shall, at any time, please to set
forth to be observed or believed; which his said commandment, with the
clergy's consent, I verily believe shall be a sufficient discharge for
us, his loving subjects, before the face of God," said he; "for it is
written, Obey your king. Nevertheless, I like right well (so as it
stood with the king's Majesty's pleasure) the request that the
gentleman made that spake last before, for the quieting of many men's
consciences that is, that the learned of this house might see the
conferences of Scriptures, and the allegations of the ancient fathers,
which the bishops, and the other learned of the clergy, bring in, for
the passing of this act, or at leastwise, if that cannot be obtained,
that yet this act, with all their allegations, might be printed in the
Latin tongue, whereby other nations might see upon what ground we
proceed. But, touching mine own conscience, I am sufficiently
persuaded, whereupon I have showed such simple reasons as you have
heard."

His words ended, Sir William Kingston, knight, comptroller of the
king's house, much offended with the said Brook's word stood up and
said: "Gentlemen! you there, that spoke last save one, I know not your
name, nor indeed am able to dispute with you: but, instead of an
argument, I will say thus much unto you: Tell this tale the twelfth
day of July next, and I will bring a faggot to help to burn you 
withal" (on which twelfth day of July, that bloody act should take
place). This his eloquent oration ended, he sat him down again, not
without that he offended in a manner the whole house, and caused them
to say, "It was very unseemly, that a gentleman of the house should so
ungodly be used, where it was equally lawful for every man reverently
to speak plainly his mind: besides that nothing was spoken by him but
the same was reverently uttered, rather to try learning and truth of
doctrine, than any wise in contempt or displeasure against the bill."
Whereupon the speaker, verifying as much, desired the said Sir William
Kingston not to be offended, for that he, Sir William, had done
contrary to the order of the House, rather than the other.

But leaving the parliament at Westminster, I will leap to Calais,
where the Lord Lisle, the king's deputy there, whom we showed to be
the maintainer of Damlip, (albeit he were himself of a most gentle
nature, and of a right noble blood, the base son of that noble prince
King Edward the Fourth,) being fiercely set on, and incessantly
enticed, by the wicked Lady Honor his wife, who was an utter enemy to
God's honour, and, in idolatry, hypocrisy, and pride, incomparably
evil, she being daily and hourly thereunto incited and provoked by Sir
Thomas Palmer, knight, and John Rookwood, esquire, two enemies to
God's word, beginning now to flourish at Calais. These, I say, with
certain other of the council of the said town of Calais, to the number
of seven more besides themselves, seeking occasion, or rather a
quarrel where no just cause was given, began to write very heinous
letters and grievous complaints unto the lords of the privy council,
against divers of the town of Calais, affirming that they were
horribly infected with heresies and pernicious opinions; as first, the
aforesaid Adam Damlip, who, though he were for a time escaped their
hands, yet stuck still in their remembrance from time to time, until,
at last, the innocent man was cruelly put to death as a traitor, as
hereafter shall appear.

Also, besides this Damlip, they complained of Thomas Brook, and Ralph
Hare; likewise of Sir John Butler, then commissary; of Sir W. Smith,
James Cocke, alias Coppen de Hane, James Barber, and others; and the
names of all them they sent over. Of the which persons, first the said
Thomas Brook, and Ralph Hare, Coppen de Hane, and James Barber, were
apprehended and sent over, and committed to prison in Westminster
Gate, and then commanded to appear before the archbishop of
Canterbury, the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Chichester, and
ten other appointed by the king's Majesty's commission for the
examination of them. And their accusers were sent over with letters
from the council there, unto his privy council here, in the
furtherance of their malicious suits against those honest men, with
certain special letters directed unto the Lord Fitzwilliam, then earl
of Southampton, great admiral of England, and to the Lord Sands, lord
chamberlain of the household; likewise also to Sir William Kingston,
knight, comptroller of the household, and to Dr. Sampson, then bishop
of Chichester and others; tending all to one effect, that is to say,
the utter destruction of these godly men, if God, after his wonted
manner, bad not mightily preserved them, and as it were overshadowed
them with the wings of his mercy.

That the same may the better appear, you shall understand, that first
Ralph Hare, a man rude, and so unlearned that he could scarce read,
yet, through God's grace, was very zealous; and therewith led so godly
and temperate a life, as not one of his enemies could accuse or blame
the same his sober life and conversation. This Ralph Hare was charged
to be one that had spoken against auricular confession, against holy
bread and holy water: yea, and beside that, he was one which would not
lightly swear an oath, nor use almost any manner of pastime, nor good
fellowship, as they term it, but was always in a corner by himself,
looking on his book. This poor simple man, being charged by the
commissioners that he was a naughty man and erroneous, and that he
could not be otherwise, (coming out of a town so infected with
pernicious errors and sects, as that was,) was willed by them to take
good heed to himself, lest, through obstinacy, he turned his erroneous
opinions into plain heresy: for an error defended is heresy.

"My good Lords," said the poor man, "I take God to record, I would not
willingly maintain any error or heresy. Wherefore, I beseech you, let
my accusers come face to face before me: for, if they charge me with
that which I have spoken, I will never deny it. Moreover, if it be
truth, I will stand unto it: and otherwise, if it be an error, I will,
with all my heart, utterly forsake it: I mean, if it be against Gods
holy word. For the Lord is my witness, I seek and daily pray to God,
that I may know the truth, and flee from all errors; and I trust the
Lord will save me and preserve me from then."

"Aha!" quoth the bishop of Winchester, "do you not hear what he saith,
my Lord? I perceive now thou art a naughty fellow." "Alas, my Lord!"
said Ralph Hare "what evil said I?" "Marry, sir, you said, 'the Lord!' 
'the Lord,' and that is a badge of heretics," said Winchester. "What
is that, my Lord? for God's sake tell me," said Hare. "Thou art
naught, thou art naught," said he. At which words the simple man began
to tremble, and seemed much dismayed. Wherewith the above-named Brook,
standing by next to the said Hare, said, "My Lord! I beseech your
Honour not to conceive evil opinion of the poor man for using this
word, 'the Lord.' For, by your Lordship's favour, no man who at any
time hath translated the Bible, hath used to English these two Hebrew
words. Jehovah and Adonai, and this Greek word ?????? [Greek: Kyrios],
but only thus, 'the Lord.' So that, under your Lordship's correction,
it might rather be called the badge of Christians, or pious men, than
of heretics. "I pray you, sir, then," said the bishop of Winchester,
"why doth Christ teach us to say, Our Father which art in heaven, and
not, the Father?" "My Lord, by your favour," said Brook, "he useth
there the vocative case, teaching us to invocate God; and joineth
thereto this pronoun noster; so that this article, the, were not there
to be used, neither should it express the full meaning of Christ in
those words. But if your Lordship would descend down a little from the
Lord's Prayer unto the Ave Maria or Salutation, there it manifestly
appeareth, that the angel (in no part falsifying God's message
committed to him) saith, ? ?????? µeta s??[Greek: O Kyrios meta son]:
which is, truly turned into English, no otherwise but thus: The Lord
(and not our Lord, nor thy Lord, nor my Lord) is with thee. Wherefore
the poor man is there taught plainly of God, and that by an angel, to
say (as he said) the Lord; and, therefore, he is worthy of no blame."
At these words the bishop began to be much moved and offended:
whereupon Dr. Gwent, dean of the Arches, one of those commissioners,
said, "Well, Master Brook! well; you abuse my Lord here very much: it
were a matter rather to be disputed of in the schools, than thus to be
reasoned of openly here." Whereat the said Brook answered that he was
sorry that he had offended my Lord, or any others; but what he had
spoken, he spake it of charity, and pity taken on the simple poor man:
and therewith he held his peace. But the truth is, that, through the
cavillation of Winchester, rose more contention than profit needful
about the Lord and our Lord, the papists holding with Winchester, and
the other part with the Lord. But now, to return to the said Ralph
Hare's examination again, within half an hour after Dr. Gwent had
blamed the said Brook, for that he spake in the behalf of Ralph Hare,
whilst the said Brook was there present, and standing by, he heard
among the names of those that were, by the letters of the council of
Calais, charged with pernicious errors and heresies, himself named and
called. Some of the commissioners answered, "Yea, yea; but it makes no
matter, let him alone till hereafter." At the muttering forth of these
words, the said Brook stood forth and said, "I know, and it like your
Honours, no Thomas Brook of Calais but myself. Is it your Lordships'
pleasures to have any thing with me?" "Nay, Master Brook," answered
the commissioners, "we may not meddle with you, and that you know
right well: or else, we suppose, you would not have been here now. You
consider you are a burgess of the parliament." "Truth it is," said
Brook, "that unworthily so I am; but if your Lordships and the rest of
the commissioners have any thing wherewith to charge me, I here openly
renounce the privilege of that high court, and submit myself to the
laws of the realm, to answer to that which may be objected against
me."

"Write, scribe!" said Winchester. And straightway the said Brook was
commanded not to depart without licence. Furthermore, they commanded
him to be had aside, lest he should give any instructions unto Ralph
Hare. Then they called again for the said Ralph Hare, and there
charged him with many heinous and detestable errors, especially that
he was a great reader of the New Testament in English; that he was
such a one that in deed neither used to take holy bread, holy water,
holy ashes, nor holy palm, but spake against them, and against
auricular confession also: wherefore, they threatened him, that if he
would stand in the defence of these things, and of such others as
would evidently be laid and proved against him, it would cost him his
life.

These words drew the man yet into a greater agony and fear; which
thing Winchester well perceiving. said unto him. "Ralph Hare! Ralph
Hare! by my troth I pity thee much. For, in good faith, I think thee
to be a good simple man, and of thyself wouldest mean well enough, but
that thou hast had shrewd and subtle school-masters, that have seduced
thee, good poor simple soul; and therefore I pity thee. And it were
indeed pity that thou shouldest be burned, for thou art a good fellow,
a tall man, and hast served the king right well in his wars. I have
heard thee well commended, and thou art yet able to do the king as
good service as ever thou wast; and we all will be a mean to his Grace
to be good gracious lord unto thee, if thou wilt take pity of thyself,
and leave thy errors. For I dare say for us all that be commissioners,
that we would be loth that thou shouldest be cast away: for, alas!
poor simple man, we perceive thou hast been seduced, I say, by others.
How sayest thou therefore? thou knowest my Lord of Canterbury's Grace
here is a good gentle lord, and would be loth thou shouldest be east
away. Tell me, canst thou be content to submit thyself unto him, and
to stand unto such order as he and we shall take in this matter? how
sayest thou, man.? Speak!" The poor man therewith falling upon his
knees, and shedding tears, answered, speaking to my Lord's Grace, the
archbishop of Canterbury, in this wise: "My good Lord! for Christ's
sake be good unto me; and I refer myself unto your Grace's order, to
do with me what you please."

Thu archbishop of Canterbury, considering what danger he was ready to
fall in, and pitying the same, (though the simplicity of the man was
so great that he perceived it not,) said, "Nay, Ralph Hare, stand up
and advise thyself well, and commit not thyself to me, for I am but
one man, and in commission but as the others are, so that it lieth in
me to do nothing. But, if thou do commit thyself unto us all, then
thou committest thyself unto the law, and the law is ordained to do
every man right." "Go to, Ralph Hare," said Winchester, "submit
thyself to my Lord and us: it is best for thee to do so." Whereupon he
fell upon his knees again, and said, "My Lords and masters all! I
submit myself wholly unto you." And therewith a book was holden him,
and an oath given him to be obedient unto them, and to all
ecclesiastical laws. And straightway he was enjoined to abjure, and to
bear a faggot three several days; and, moreover, the poor man lost his
whole living that he had at Calais.

This simple man, hearing his penance, piteously lamented, and
earnestly at the first denied to stand thereunto, with piteous
exclamation, saying, "O my Lord of Winchester! my Lord of Winchester!
have you made me a log, ready to be laid upon the fire whensoever any
wicked man falsely, of malice, by provocation of the devil, shall lay
any small trifle to my charge? or shall I be thus handled, nothing
proved to my face against me' Alas! I have always hated errors and
heresies." "Content thyself, Hare, there is now no remedy: thou must
either do thy penance, or be burned," said the commissioners. Thus
have you heard how Ralph Hare did speed.

Then was Thomas Brook called for, against whom it was objected by some
of the council's letters of Calais, that he was a seditious fellow.
Among these accusers, besides the rest, was one Richard Long, another
Francis Hastings, men at arms, who charged the aforenamed Thomas
Brook, and one Jeffery Loveday, esquire, for staying and maintaining
the aforesaid Adam Damlip at Calais, as who had promised unto him a
stipend to preach such heresies and pernicious opinions as afterwards
he taught there; and that these two daily gathered many several sums
of money for the entertainment of the said Adam. Howbeit the aforesaid
Hastings failed in the proof thereof: for Loveday proved that he was,
eight days before Damlip's coming to Calais, and during fourteen days
continually after he began to preach, abiding at Paris, there occupied
about necessary affairs of Charles, duke of Suffolk. And Brook, during
the said time, was at London, daily attendant in the parliament house,
whereof he had enough to bear witness against that untrue surmise.

After that, came three at once against the said Brook, well armed, as
they thought, who had not only consulted together before of the
matter, and put it in writing at Calais, besides their conference and
talk by the way keeping company from thence hither, but also had
obtained from the lord deputy, and others of the council, special
letters, as is aforesaid, and, among other, one letter unto the bishop
of Chichester, for the earnest and speedy furtherance of the
advancement of their accusations against Brook.

The first of these three was a young gentleman lately brought up under
the said Brook in the office of customs, whose name was Edmund Payton.
The other was one Robert Poole, a man (as it was commonly reported)
both base born, and also such a one as, in his youth, for murdering a
man with a club, in Bow Lane in London, was fain, by obtaining the
king's pardon, to save his neck. The third was one Thomas Boyse, who,
showing more honesty than the rest, affirmed not that he himself heard
the said Brook speak any thing of that which was objected against him,
but justified that which each of the other two had stedfastly affirmed
to him, that Brook had spoken unto them those things which, here
beneath, he said were objected against him.

The first young man objected against the said Brook, that he should
say, that the thing which the priest useth to hold up over his head at
mass, is not the natural body of Jesus Christ: for, if that were so,
whoso would might have their stomach full of gods, their entrails full
of gods; and the that had lately received the sacrament before he went
to the sea, might haply cast god up again on shipboard.

And thus much he brought over in writing with him from Calais, and
added thereto, as it should seem, to exasperate the commissioners and
the rest of the clergy against him, certain other heinous words spoken
against bishops and priests: as that the knaves, the bishops and
priests, for their own gain and belly's sake, bare this layman so in
hand, and would shamefully blear our eyes; which words he never spake;
"for it did abhor both his heart and his ears, to hear either so
shameful and unreverent words concerning the blessed sacrament, or so
arrogant and disdainful words, spoken against the bishops, and other
inferior ministers, unto whom God had given authority, though they,
for the most part, were very unworthy thereof,)" confessing,
nevertheless, that he had secret and private talk with the young man
touching the truth of the sacrament, wherein he showed, as reverently
as he could speak to the young man, the right use of the same:
concluding that, albeit with our mouths we received very material
bread and wine, yet, by faith, all Christian men do receive, eat, and
drink, to their great comfort and benefit, the very natural body and
blood of Christ, which was both born of the Virgin Mary, and suffered
death on the cross for the remission of their sins: which most holy
sacrament whoso cometh unworthily unto, the same was so far from
eating of Christ's body and blood,that all such, without hearty
repentance, do eat their own damnation. And, to conclude with him, in
that private talk he told him, that if the gross and unlearned error
of transubstantiation were indeed matter of truth and sincere
doctrine, then not only this should follow of it, that every man who
would, might have everlasting life, (for they might, when they would,
receive the outward sacrament, seen with our eyes, which the priests
call Christ's natural body, and whoso eateth Christ's natural body,
and drinketh his blood, hath everlasting life, saith Christ,) but also
there should great absurdities follow thereby, as when a man happeneth
to go to sea, having lately received the sacrament, he should put it
overboard, or upon the hatches; and, therefore, exhorted the said
Payton to leave that gross error.

The second accuser was Poole, who objected against him, that, about
two years past, he himself, dining with the said Brook with fifteen or
sixteen other honest men, heard him to say thus at the table: that the
thing which the priests use to hold up over their heads, was not the
very body and blood of Christ, but a sacrament to put us in
remembrance thereof. Unto whose objections the said Brook answered,
that a man in mirth might well enough in charity beshrew such a guest
as, when he had dined with a man, could, so long after, remember to
say him such a grace: and required of Poole, from whence the rest of
the guests were. He answered, they were of the town, all. Then
inferred he, that he was sure Poole could as well remember some of
their names which then were present, as freshly to keep in mind (for
so by oath upon a book he had affirmed) every word of the whole matter
which he objected; but for that the matter was utterly untrue.
Whereupon the said Brook desired their Honours to consider the
slenderness of his tale.

To be short, he, with the rest of his fellows, to wit, Ralph Hare,
Coppen, and James the barber, were for that time dismissed.

During the time while these four were thus in examination at London,
the other two, to wit, Sir William Smith, preacher, and John Butler,
by commandment were apprehended in Calais, and bound by surety not to
pass the gates of the town of Calais. In the which town, the said John
Butler, commissary, was accused by Richard Thorpe and John Ford,
soldiers of Calais, saying, that he should say, that if the sacrament
of the altar be flesh, blood, and bone, then there is good aqua vitę
at John Spicer's. Upon which accusation the said Thorpe and Ford
brought for records before the council of Calais, Marraunt, Haynes,
John Luckes, Harry Husson, and Harry Trost, all of the district of
Oye, beside Calais. Whereupon, shortly after, the said John Butler and
Sir William Smith were sent for, and, by one Swallow a pursuivant,
which fetched up the others aforesaid, brought into England, unto the
house of the said Swallow dwelling by St. James's, where the king's
Majesty lay at that time. And the next day, being Thursday, after
dinner, Butler and Smith were brought to the Star-chamber before the
privy council, where both sedition and heresy were objected against
them. And after much talk it was said unto them by the Lord Cromwell,
that they should make their purgation by the law. And from thence, by
the aforesaid Swallow, they were sent to the Fleet.

The next day, being Friday, after dinner, Butler and Smith were sent
for to come to Bath Place, where they were brought into the chapel, 
there sitting Dr. Clerke, bishop of Bath, and Dr. Sampson, then bishop
of Chichester: Dr. Repse, the bishop of Norwich, who was a monk, being
fast asleep. Then was objected unto Butler, with great reverence, the
opprobrious words spoken against the blessed sacrament, rehearsing (as
is aforesaid) the articles. Butler required to have them in writing,
and so he would make answer in writing; the which they would not grant
him: and upon that answer he stood. Then choler gathered in the bishop
of Chichester. The story were too long to write, yet part ye shall
understand.

Chichester found great fault that Butler made not low courtesy, being
stubborn and arrogant, as he said, and, in fine, found fault with his
shirt. Then, turning him about, he called to his brother Banester,
being present, (that time dwelling in Paternoster Row,) to make answer
for the shirt. He said, "I can make answer for the shirt." "No good
answer," said Chichester. "Forsooth," said he, "the shirt is mine; I
lent it him, because he brought none with him, for he was not
permitted to have any servant." "A good answer," said the bishop of
Bath. Then Butler made low courtesy, and said, "The shirt is answered"
Then Chichester said, "Thou mockest us;" but he said "No." And thus
much concerning that time.

Then, after Butler, was Sir William Smith, curate of our Lady's parish
in Calais, called before them, and charged in a manner with the same
heinous errors and pernicious opinions that were objected against the
said Ralph Hare; and thereto was added, that the had spoken and
preached against our blessed Lady, against praying to saints, against
doing of good works, and many other such-like things: and therewithal
one Richard Long, a man-at-arms at Calais, proved against the said Sir
Wiliam Smith, and the aforesaid Brook, by an oath taken upon a book,
that the said Smith and Brook did eat flesh together in Lent, in the
said Brook's house. "For a miller's boy," said he, "came into Brook's
kitchen, and saw half a lamb lie a roasting at the fire." Whereas the
truth is, that the said Sir William Smith, during all the Lent, came
never once within the said Brook's house. And it is as true also, that
the said Richard Long, upon a displeasure taken with his wife, went
shortly after out of his own house, to the jutty end of the haven at
Calais, where desperately he drowned himself; not one boy, but many
men, women, girls, and boys seeing him miserably taken up again stark
dead, all which lamented his pitiful ruin. A terrible example unto all
such as are ready to forswear themselves on a book upon malice, or
whatsoever other cause it be; a thing in these days over-rife every
where, and almost no where regarded as it ought to be. But to return
to Sir William Smith; for the heinousness of his errors, equal every
whit to Ralph Hare's, and worse, (though there was no matter
sufficient in the law to burden him, that could be proved,) yet he
must needs (no remedy was there) recant at Calais, openly in the
pulpit, and so depart the town and marches. Which recantation he did
in such sort, as he in effect denied nothing at all that he had before
preached or taught, but yet it satisfied somewhat his adversaries'
malicious hearts, in that it bore the name of a recantation, and,
therewith, was done according to the commissioners' order, whilst the
other heretic, Ralph Hare, stood before him with a faggot on his
shoulder: and, also, it seemed unto such of the council of Calais, as
had by their letters complained so grievously of the pernicious sects
and heresies of that town, that, now, what with the aforesaid Brooks
inveighing against the six articles in the parliament-house, and the
punishment of these two heretics, they had won their spurs by making
such complaints: insomuch as the matters fell out as you hear.

There was also called before them Sir John Butler, then commissary of
Calais, whom they would have burned with the maintenance, or, at the
least wise, sufferance of the aforesaid Adam Damlip, which preached so
long time there, and was not by him punished. Butler, for his defence,
answered, that the lord deputy, and the whole council there, so highly
entertained, and so friendly used, the said Damlip, and with their own
presence and high commendations outwardly so allowed and commended his
doctrine, that it lay not in him to do otherwise than he did; and
therefore, humbly besought their Lordships and other the commissioners
to be good unto him: at whose hands, after long attendance given, he
was discharged, and so returned home again; being also dismissed of
his commissaryship.

Now, to declare what order was taken with these aforesaid Calais men,
it was appointed that Sir William Smith, priest, Ralph Hare, James
Cocke, and James Barber, should be sent to Calais, there to abjure and
to do penance; where Sir William Smith was enjoined to make the
sermon, Ralph Hare, James Cooke, and James Barber standing with
faggots upon their shoulders. The sermon was made in the market of
Calais. Which being done, they went with their faggots about the
marketplace, the drum and fife going before them; and then, returning
to the commissioners with the testimonial of the same, they departed.
Albeit, in this recantation, the said William Smith, curate of our
Lady's church, handled his sermon after that sort, that, in effect, he
denied nothing at all that he had before preached or taught, but yet
it satisfied somewhat his adversaries' malicious hearts, in that it
bore the name of a recantation, according to the commissioners' order;
appointing him thus openly to preach, and so to depart the town and
marches.

As touching James Barber aforesaid, forasmuch as his dwelling was not
at Calais, but four miles off from the town, it was therefore enjoined
him to bear his faggot, not at Calais, but on the Saturday next
following to stand in the market there where he dwelt, with his faggot
upon his shoulder; and the said Sir William Smith likewise there
preached as before.

And thus much concerning the first commission sent over to Calais, to
inquire upon the heretics there.

A new commission appointed and sent over to Calais.

AFTER all these things done and past, the grudging minds of the
adversaries were not yet satisfied, but still suggested new complaints
to the king's ears against the town of Calais, making the king believe
that, through new opinions, the town was so divided, that it was in
great danger to be overcome of the adversary.

Whereupon, shortly after the week before Easter next following, other
new commissioners were sent over by the king to Calais: to wit, the
earl of Sussex, lord great chamberlain; the Lord St. John; Sir John
Gage, knight; Sir John Baker, knight;

Master Layton, clerk of the closet; and Dr. Currin; with special
instructions besides, signed by the king's Majesty's own hand. For his
Highness had been incensed once again from the council of Calais, that
the town was in peril, through dissension and diversity of opinions.
Upon their arrival, Dr. Currin preached a notable sermon, exhorting
all men to charity, having nothing in his mouth but "charity,"
"charity." But, as it seemed afterwards, such a burning charity was in 
him and the rest of the commissioners, that had not God pitied the
innocency of men's causes, there had a hundred been burned or hanged
shortly after.

But it happened far otherwise, for, of the number of those accusers,
four were, by those commissioners, sent over into England, to wit,
Clement Philpot, servant to the Lord Lisle; Sir Edmund, curate of our
Lady's church; W. Touched, a post-master; Peter Bequet. Of the which
four, Touched and Bequet were sent to their places again; the other
two were drawn, hanged, and quartered at London. But contrary, of all
them that were accused, there was not one that lost one hair of his
head.

After the sermon was done, on the morrow, to wit, on Share-Thursday,
all the commissioners solemnly received the sacrament. And, at
afternoon, the council were with the commissioners; and after their
consultation, tipstaves warned above the number of fourscore, such
perverse persons as the like were not in the town or marches, to
appear on the morrow at eight of the clock before the council at the
Staple inn; who, at their appearance, were commanded upon their
allegiance to present all such heretics, schismatics, and seditious
persons, as they did know; and in no wise to doubt or dread so to do,
for they should have great advantage thereby; yea, they should either
have their livings or their goods: and, besides that, they should have
great thanks at the king's Majesty's hand, and his honourable council,
and what friendship they of the king's council there could show them.

All that Good Friday, even till ten of the clock at night, those
wicked and malicious persons occupied their time in answering to
sundry and divers questions. These things were not so secretly done,
but they were bewrayed and came to honest men's knowledge. Whereupon
such fear and distrust assaulted all men, that neighbour distrusted
neighbour, the master the servant, the servant the master, the husband
the wife, the wife the husband, and almost every one the other, that
lamentable it was to see how mourningly men and women went in the
streets, hanging down their heads, showing evident tokens of the
anguish of their hearts.

Upon Easter Monday, one Hugh Councell, an honest mat., servant to the
said Brook, was convent-ed before them, and by the space of fourteen
days not suffered to return to his master's house, but was kept in
custody; and was many times examined upon articles and
interrogatories, in hope to have found worthy matter, either of heresy
or treason, against the said Brook; and the same day that Brook was
committed to ward, the said Hugh Councell was discharged.

The Wednesday in the Easter week, sundry quests were charged, by their
oaths, to make inquisition for all manner of heresies, erroneous
opinions, and seditious: as a quest of aldermen, another of men-at-
arms. and another of constables and vintners, another of common
soldiers, and another of commoners.

And shortly after their presentments, on Good Friday, there were
convented before the commissioners, and straight were sent to close
prison, Anthony Pickering, gentleman; Harry Tourney, gentleman; Sir
George Darby, priest; John Shepherd, William Pellam, William
Keverdale, John Whitwood, John Boote, Robert Clodder, Copen de Hane,
and Matthew de Hound: upon whom ran sundry bruits. Some said they
should be hanged; some said burned; some said hanged, drawn, and
quartered; some said nailed to the pillory: so that pitiful it was to
see the lamentation that their wives, their children, servants, and
friends, made secretly where they durst; for that they found every
where words of discomfort, and no where of comfort, but still
inquisition was made.

The aforesaid William Stevens, after his return from London above-
mentioned, besides many other articles laid to him for religion, to
the number of forty or well nigh, was, by the lord deputy, charged
that he had stayed the aforesaid Adam Damlip, hired him to preach, and
given him meat, drink, and lodging, coming from the arrant traitor
Cardinal Pole, and suborned by him; and that he had received money of
him, to the intent he should preach in Calais false and erroneous
doctrine, whereby the town, being divided and at contention within
itself, might easily be overcome and won by the Frenchmen. Whereunto
the said Stevens answered, that whatsoever he had done unto the said
Adam Damlip, he had done it at the earnest request and commandment of
the said lord deputy. Whereupon, if it had been treason indeed, he
must have been more faulty.

Then the said William Stevens was again, the second time, by the said
commissioners sent over into England. and clapped in the Tower, and
afterwards, to wit, immediately after the said commissioners' repair
unto the king's Highness, the said lord deputy was sent for over, and
likewise put into the Tower, where he continued a long time. And when
the king's Majesty minded to have been gracious unto him, and to have
let him come forth, God took him out of this world, whose body resteth
in the Tower, and his soul with God, I trust, in heaven: for he died
very repentant. But the wicked lady, his wife, immediately upon his
apprehension, fell distraught of mind, and so continued many years
after. God, for his mercy, if she yet live, give her his grace to
repent.

The second Monday after Easter, the aforesaid Brook was convented
before the commissioners, and committed to close prison in the mayor's
jail, whither no man of his calling was ever committed, unless
sentence of death had first been pronounced against him; for otherwise
the ordinance of the town was, that his prison should be only another
alderman's house, with licence at night to lie at his own house. Then
the council of Calais, doubting lest there should not be any sedition
or heresy proved against him, did call one George Bradway before them,
who occupied the comptroller's office in the Custom-house. This man
was kept in close prison, so that neither his wife, then great with
child, nor any other of his friends, might repair unto him. Where,
after that he had oftentimes been borne in hand, that there were
divers concealments come to light that were made by Brook in the
office of the Customs, and that the said Bradway should he grievously
punished, if he would acknowledge none of them, nor burden the said
Brook with some kind of concealment; the poor simple man, hoping
thereby to get release of his imprisonment, accused the said Brook,
that he had, for a long time, concealed four groats every day for his
clerk's wages; and to that accusation they caused the simple man to
set his own hand before witnesses.

Hereupon, after a day or two, the said Bradway, grieved in his
conscience for the same his most untrue accusation, did, with a knife,
enterprise to cut his own throat: but God, of his mercy, so directed
his wicked purpose, that the back of his knife was towards his
weasand; whereby, though the wound were broad, yet he escaped with
life. And as he gave a groan with the sudden pain that he felt, the
jailor came up, and bereft him of the knife. But, through the
guiltiness of the false accusation, and shame of the world, the man
lost his wits, who then, staring and dismayed, was dismissed out of
prison, and a long time after went, in piteous case, so dismayed about
the street, to the great impoverishing of him, his poor wife, and
family.

This kind of handling of the said Brook made all his friends, but
especially his wife, to be greatly afraid of the malice of his
enemies: the rather, also, for that all his goods and lands were
seized, and his wife thrust into the meanest place of all his house,
with her children and family; the keys of all the doors and chests
also taken from her. Who, for that she was rigorously treated at Sir
Edward Kinglet s hand, comptroller of the town, (an office of no small
charge, though he knew not a "B" from a battledore, nor ever a letter
of the book,) saying unto her, that if she liked not the room, he
would thrust her quite out of the doors: "Well, .sir," said she,
"well; the king's slaughterhouse had wrong, when you were made a
gentleman." And with all speed she wrote a letter to the Lord
Cromwell, therein discoursing how hardly and sore those poor men were
handled, that were committed to ward and close prison; and that all
men feared, (what through the malice of their papistical enemies, and
the great rigour and ignorant zeal of those that were in authority,)
they should shortly, for their faith and consciences, being true men,
and such as reverently feared God, be put to death; but, chiefly, her
husband, who was yet more extremely handled than any other: so that
unless his Honour vouchsafed to be a means to the king's Majesty, that
they, with their causes, might be sent over into England, they were
but dead men. Sundry other letter she wrote to divers friends, to
solicit the cause. But when, at noon time, a servant of hers was seen
to receive again the same packet of letters, of one to whom before he
had taken them to carry them into England, and now, because the
passage served not till the afternoon, to carry them back to his
mistress, he that so saw them declared so much to the commissioners, 
at dinner time. Whereupon they gave very strait commandment that the
thing should be kept close, and strait wait laid for him, to whom any
servant of his should deliver any letter: and that, attaching the
same, they should be brought to them. Whereupon one Francis Hall,
esquire, a man of great wisdom, godliness, and temperance, hearing
what was said, and nothing distrusted of the commissioners, pretended
a sudden qualm to come over his stomach, and rising from the table
speedily told Mistress Brook what had happened; whereupon, with all
speed, she writ as many other letters with like directions, but with
far unlike contents. For unto the Lord Cromwell she highly advanced
the honours, wisdom, and justice which she knew to abound in the
honourable commissioners, doubting only, nevertheless. she said, the
maliciousness of her husband's enemies and their untrue accusations,
and, therewith, the weakness of her husband's body, greatly subject to
sickness when it was best cherished: wherefore, though she assuredly
knew her husband should have, at their Honours, true justice and
equity, so as she would not wish any other in all England to be
commissioners in their places, yet she most humbly besought his
Lordship to write his favourable letters unto them, to this end, that
in respect of his weakness and infirmity, he might have justice with
as much expedition as conveniently might be; and, in the mean time, to
let him have somewhat more liberty, and open air: and in the other
letters to her friends she wrote like honour of the said
commissioners, and also desired them to crave his Lordship's letters
to like effect. These letters, closed and delivered as the first were,
were straightway seized upon and brought to the commissioners, who
immediately sent for her, and, the while opening the letters, and
understanding the effect, they were, in their minds, well pleased with
her; and, therefore, when she fell on her knees before them, and
besought their Honours to be good unto her husband, and to forgive
her, in that she had presumed to write in his behalf, which, she said,
was but her bounden duty; they, thinking thereby to have comforted her
well, bade her never take thought for him, (he was a naughty fellow,) 
saying, they would themselves bestow her much better, and, the rather,
for her father's sake, whom they knew right well to be a man of good
service, whom the king favoured well. So she departed from them, and
the next day also, at three of the clock at afternoon, she sent one
William Manton unto a house without the gates, where he kept himself
close, till a mariner, appointed for that purpose, called him up at
midnight, and, taking him alone into the ship, through God's goodness,
set him on land in the morning before day; who, with speed repairing
to the Lord Cromwell, made discourse of the whole state of his master
and the other honest men.

Whereupon the said Lord Cromwell wrote speedily his letters unto the
commissioners, declaring, that the king's Majesty's pleasure and
commandment was, that the arrant traitor and heretic Brook, with a
dozen or twenty complices, should, with their accusers, be immediately
sent over, that here in England they might receive their judgment, and 
there, at Calais, to the great terror of like offenders hereafter,
suffer according to their demerits. Now, by the time that the said
commissioners had received these letters, they had made out precepts
for eight or nine score honest men more to be cast in prison: but
these letters so appalled them, that they stayed, and afterwards sent
no more to ward. But, making then as diligent inquisition as was
possible, to have found some worthy matter against those before named,
whereby there might have been some colour both of the council's
grievous complaints, and of the commissioners' rigorous dealing; when
no such thing could fall out, because they would be assured that they
should not go unpunished, they first banished them the town and
marches of Calais with a trumpet blown, under pain of death, for a
hundred years and a day, (if that one day had been left out, all had
been marred,) and then sent them back to prison: staying them there
upon hope that the Lord Cromwell should come into captivity sooner
than he did. But, at last, to wit, on May-day, they sent the thirteen
prisoners through the market, the said Brook going before with irons
on his legs, as the chief captain, the rest following him, two and
two, without irons, unto shipboard, and then were they all coupled in
irons, two and two together. Where, because they were loth to go under
the hatches, Sir John Gage, with a staff, smote some of them cruelly.
Whereupon Anthony Pickering said unto him, "Sir, I beseech you yet be
as good to us, as ye would be to your horses or dogs; let us have a
little air that we be not smothered." Yet that request could not be
obtained, but the hatches were put down close, and they guarded and
kept with a great company of men; and so, sailing forward, by God's
merciful providence, were within four-and-twenty hours at anchor
before the Tower of London. But by the way thitherward, upon what
occasion it was not known, whilst the hatch stood open for the
convenience of one of the prisoners, his fellow-prisoner the while for
weariness, lying upon his hack and casting his arm over his face, the
kettle, with the hot scalding beef-broth, fell down upon the
prisoners, namely, upon the gown-sleeve of Brook and the boots of
Tourney, whereby both the fur of the sleeve and the leather of the
boot were scorched and crackled, yet neither the face nor the leg,
through God's goodness, were hurt; which sight caused their keepers to
be amazed, and to say, that surely they were men that God loved, and
were wrongfully punished. And when the Lord Cromwell understood they
were come, be commanded their irons to be smit off at the Tower wharf,
and the prisoners to be brought unto him.

When he saw them, he smiled upon them, stedfastly beholding each of
them, and then said, "Sirs! you must take pain for a time; go your way
to the Fleet, and submit yourselves prisoners there, and shortly you
shall know more." So indeed they did; and that evening he sent them
word they should be of good cheer, for, if God sent him life, they
should shortly go home with as much honesty as they came with shame.

Whilst these thirteen persecuted men lay in the Fleet, and William
Stevens in the Tower, to wit, the twenty-eighth day of July, A. D.
1541, the aforesaid Lord Cromwell, for treason laid against him, was
at Tower-hill beheaded, as is before specified in his story, who made
there a very Christian end. Then had the poor Calais men great cause
to fear, if they had not altogether depended on the merciful
providence of their heavenly Father, whose blessed will they knew
directed all things. But He, in the midst of their deep troubles and
miseries, so comforted them, that even as their dangers and troubles
increased, so likewise did their consolation and joy in him; so far
forth that Matthew de Hound, one of these thirteen, who was in trouble
only for that he heard Copen de Hane read a chapter of the New
Testament, and was as deep in punishment, and in banishment from his
wife, children, and country, as the rest, got, in short time, such
instruction, that having therewith a soul and conscience fraught full
of godly zeal unto God's glory', and the true doctrine of Christ,
within a few months after his deliverance out of the Fleet, for
inveighing constantly against the wicked honouring of images, and
praying to saints departed, he was cruelly, in a most constant faith
and patience, burned in Flanders.

Now, therefore, when all hope in man was past, the right honourable
Lord Audeley, lord chancellor of England, without further examination,
discharged first the said thirteen that were in the Fleet, and at
length, two years after, he delivered William Stevens also, by the
king's own motion, out of the Tower; saying, at the discharging of
those thirteen, "Sirs! pray for the king's Majesty; his pleasure is,
that you shall all he presently discharged. And though your livings he
taken from you, yet despair not, God will not see you lack. But, for
God's sake, sirs, beware how you deal with popish priests; for, so God
save my soul! some of them be knaves all. Sirs," said he, "I am
commanded by the council to tell you, that you are discharged by
virtue of the king's general pardon; but that pardon excepteth and
forbiddeth all sacramentaries, and the most part, or all of you, are
called sacramentaries: therefore I cannot see how that pardon doth you
any pleasure. But pray for the king's Highness, for his Grace's
pleasure is, that I should dismiss you; and so I do, and pity you all.
Farewell, sirs!"

So, giving God most hearty thanks for his mighty and merciful
delivering of them, they departed dismissed as you have heard, being
indeed in very poor estate; but not in so miserable estate as all
those eight councillors of Calais were, within one year and a half
after. For, whereas the other three councillors who seemed more
favourable unto them, (to wit, the Lord Gray, Sir George Carew, and
Sir Richard Grenville,) who purged the town of those slanders that
untruly were raised upon it, were there-for, for a time, in their
prince's high displeasure; within that year they were all three in
greater favour with his Majesty than ever they were before, and that
not without the reward of twenty pounds by year to him and to his
heirs, who had least. The other eight councillors, unjustly charging
them and the town with sedition and heresy, (that is to say, the Lord
Lisle, the Lord Sands, Sir John Wallop, Sir Edward Kingsly, Robert
Fowler, esquire, vice-treasurer; Sir Thomas Palmer, knight, called
Long Palmer; William Simpson, esquire, under-marshal; and John
Rockwood,) were either greatly out of their prince's favour, and in
the Tower, or else were prisoners, or else by very desperate deaths,
in outward appearance, taken out of this world.

For tediousness, I will rehearse but only the horrible end of the said
Rockwood, the chief stirrer-up of all the afflictions afore spoken of;
who, even to his last breath, staring and raging, cried, he was
utterly damned. And being willed to ask God mercy, who was ready to
forgive all that asked mercy of him, he brayed and cried out, "All too
late, for I have sought maliciously the deaths of a number of the most
honest men in the town; and though I so thought them in my heart, yet
I did what lay in me to bring them to an evil death: all too late
therefore, all too late!" Which same words he answered to one, who, at
the departure of the thirteen in irons towards England, said, "Sir! I
never saw men of such honesty so sharply corrected, and taking it so
patiently and joyfully." Rockwood then, fetching a frisk or two,
scoffingly answered, "All too late:" The under-marshal suddenly fell
down in the council-chamber, and never spake a word after, nor showed
any token of remembrance. The plagues of the others also, as I am
credibly informed, were little better.

The second apprehension of Adam Damlip; with his martyrdom.

Concerning Adam Damlip, otherwise called George Bucker, ye heard
before declared, how he, being convented before the bishops at
Lambeth, and afterwards secretly admonished, and having money given
him by his friends to avoid, and not to appear again before the
bishops; after he had sent his allegations in writing unto them,
departed into the west country, and there continued teaching a school
a certain space. about a year or two. After that, the good man was
again apprehended by the miserable inquisition of the six articles,
and brought up to London, where he was, by Stephen Gardiner, commanded
into the Marshalsea, and there lay the space of other two years or
thereabouts.

During the imprisonment of this Damlip in the Marshalsea, John Marbeck
(as partly ye heard before) was committed also unto the same prison,
which was the morrow after Palm Sunday. The manner of that time so
required, that at Easter every person must needs come to confession.
Whereupon Marbeck, with the rest of the prisoners there, was enforced
to come upon Easter-day to Sir George Bucker aforesaid, to be
confessed, who was then confessor to the whole house. By this occasion
John Marbeck, which had never seen him before, entering into
conference with him, perceived what he was, what he had been, what
troubles he sustained, how long he had lain there in prison, by whom
and wherefore; who declared, moreover, his mind to Marbeck, to the
effect as followeth: "And now, because," said he, "I think they have
forgotten me, I am fully minded to make my humble suit to the bishop
of Winchester, in an epistle, declaring therein mine obedience, humble
submission, and earnest desire to come to examination. I know the
west: I can but lose my life present, which I had rather do, than here
to remain, and not to be suffered to use my talent to God's glory.
Wherefore, God willing, I will surely put it in proof."

This Damlip, for his honest and godly behaviour, was beloved of all
the whole house, but especially of the keeper himself, whose name was
Massy, whom he always called master; and being suffered to go at
liberty within the house whither he would, he did much good among the
common and rascal sort of prisoners, in rebuking vice and sin, and
kept them in such good order and awe, that the keeper thought himself
to have a great treasure in him. And no less also Marbeck himself
confesseth to have found great comfort by him; for, notwithstanding
the strait precept given by the bishop of Winchester, that no man
should come to him, nor he to speak with any man, yet the said Adam
many times would find the means to come and comfort him.

Now, when he had made and drawn out his epistle, he delivered the same
to his master the keeper, upon Saturday in the morning, which was
about the second week before Whitsunday following, desiring him to
deliver it at the court, to the bishop of Winchester. The keeper said,
he would; and so did. The bishop, what quick speed he made for his
despatch I know not, but thus it fell out, as ye shall hear.

The keeper came home at night very late, and when the prisoners (who
had tarried supper for his coming) saw him so sad and heavy, they
deemed something to be amiss. At last the keeper, casting up his eyes
upon Sir George, said, "O George! I can tell thee tidings." "What is
that, master?" quoth he. "Upon Monday next thou and I must go to
Calais." "To Calais, master? What to do?" "I know not," quoth the
keeper: and pulled out of his purse a piece of wax with a little label
of parchment hanging out thereat, which seemed to be a precept. And
when Sir George saw it, he said, "Well, well, master, now I know what
the matter is." "What?" quoth the keeper. "Truly, master, I shall die
in Calais" "Nay," quoth the keeper, "I trust it to be not so." "Yes,
yes, master; it is most true, and I praise God for his goodness
therein." And so the keeper and they went together to supper, with
heavy cheer for Sir George, as they there called him; who,
notwithstanding, was merry himself. and did eat his meat as well as
ever he did in all his life: insomuch that some at the board said unto
him, that they marvelled how he could eat his meat so well, knowing he
was so near his death. "Ah, masters!" quoth he, "do you think that I
have been God's prisoner so long in the Marshalsea, and have not yet
learned to die? Yes, yes, and I doubt not but God will strengthen me
therein."

At length it came to pass, that by the bishop of Winchester's diligent
pursuing of the aforesaid Adam Damlip, (for he was always excellent
good at the sucking of innocent blood.) this godly man was gotten
again into their hands, that first laid heresy to his charge: for on
Monday, early in the morning before day, the keeper with three other
of the knight-marshal's servants setting out of London, conveyed the
said Adam Damlip to Calais upon the Ascension even, and there
committed him to the mayor's prison. Upon which day John Butler, the
commissary aforesaid, and Sir Daniel, his curate of St. Peter's, were
also committed to the same prison, and commandment given for no man to
speak with Butler.

Upon Saturday next was the day of execution for Damlip. The cause
which first they laid to Ins charge, was for heresy. But, because by
an act of parliament all such offences, done before a certain day,
were pardoned, (through which act he could not be burdened with any
thing that he had preached or taught before,) yet, for the receiving
of the aforesaid French crown of Cardinal Pole, (as you heard before.;
tie was condemned of treason, and in Calais cruelly put to death;
being drawn, hanged, and quartered.
	The day before his execution, came unto him one Master Mote,
then parson of our Lady's church in Calais, saying, "Your four
quarters shall be hanged at four parts of the town." "And where shall
my head be?" said Damlip. "Upon the Lantern gate," said Mote. Then
Damlip answered, "Then shall I not need to provide for my burial." At
his death, Sir Ralph Ellerker, knight, then knight-marshal there,
would not suffer the innocent and godly man to declare either his
faith, or the cause he died for, but said to the executioner,
"Despatch the knave; have done!" For Sir William Mote, appointed there
to preach, declared to the people, how he had been a sower of
seditious doctrine; and albeit he was for that pardoned by the general
pardon, yet he was condemned for being a traitor against the king. To
the which when Adam Damlip would have replied and purged himself, the
aforesaid Sir Ralph Ellerker would not suffer him to speak a word, but
commanded him to be had away. And so, most meekly, patiently, and
joyfully, the blessed and innocent martyr took his death, Sir Ralph
Ellerker saying, that he would not away before he saw the traitor's
heart out. But, shortly after, the said Sir Ralph Ellerker, in a
skirmish or rout between the Frenchmen and us at Boulogne, was, among
others, slain; whose only death sufficed not his enemies, but after
they had stripped him stark naked, they shamefully mutilated him, and
cut the heart out of his body; and so left him a terrible example to
all bloody and merciless men. For no cause was known why they showed
such indignation against the said Sir Ralph Ellerker, more than
against the rest.

As touching John Butler, and Sir Daniel his curate, imprisoned (as ye
heard) the same day with Damlip, upon Sunday next following they were
committed to John Massy aforesaid, keeper of the Marshalsea, and his
company, and brought to the Marshalsea, where he and his curate
continued nine months and more. At last, being sore laid unto by Sir
George Gage, Sir John Baker, and Sir Thomas Arundel, knights, but
especially by Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, for the
retaining of Adam Damlip, yet, by friends soliciting the king's
Highness for him, (namely Sir Leonard Musgrave, and his brother
Baunster, who were bound for his appearance in a thousand pounds,) he,
at length, by great labour and long time, was discharged, and, at
last, by licence permitted to return to Calais again.

Furthermore, as touching William Stevens above mentioned, who remained
all this while prisoner in the Tower, the same also was condemned with
Adam Damlip of treason; which was, for note and crime of popery, in
lodging Adam Damlip the traitor, who came from Cardinal Pole, in his
house, at the lord deputy's commandment. Notwithstanding, the king
afterward, understanding more of the said William Stevens, how
innocent he was from that crime, being known to all men to be an
earnest and zealous protestant, gave him his pardon, and sent him
borne again to Calais; and so, likewise, all the other thirteen above
mentioned.

The story of a poor labouring man, and also of one Dodd, a Scotchman,
burned in Calais.

By the credible information and writing of the said Calais men, which
were then in trouble, it is reported of a certain poor labouring man
of Calais, that after the preaching of Adam Damlip, being in a certain
company, he said that he would never he-here that a priest could make
the Lord's body at his pleasure. Whereupon he was then accused, and
also condemned by one Harvey, commissary there; which Harvey, in time
of his judgment inveighing against him with opprobrious words, said,
that he was a heretic, and should die a vile death. The poor man,
(whose name yet I have not certainly learned,) answering for himself
again, said that he was no heretic, but was in the faith of Christ:
"And whereas thou sagest," said he, "that I shall die a vile death,
thou thyself shalt die a viler death, and that shortly." And so it
came to pass; for, within half a year after, the said Harvey was
hanged, drawn, and quartered, for treason, in the said town of Calais.

After the burning of this poor man, there was also another certain
scholar, counted to be a Scotchman, named Dodd, who, coming out of
Germany, was there taken with certain German books about him; and,
being examined thereupon, and standing constantly to the truth that he
had learned, was therefore condemned to death, and there burned in the
said town of Calais, within the space of a year, or thereabouts, after
the other godly martyr above mentioned.

The story of William Crossbowmaker, bearing a billet in Calais.

And, forasmuch as I am presently in hand with matters of Calais, I
cannot pass from thence without the memory of another certain honest
man of the same township, named William Button, alias Crossbowmaker;
although the time of this story is a little more ancient in years:
which story is this.

William Crossbowmaker, a soldier of Calais, and the king's servant,
being a man (as some natures be) somewhat pleasantly disposed, used,
when he met with priests, to demand of them certain merry questions of
pastime; as these: Whether, if a man were suddenly taken, and wanted
another thing, he might not without offence occupy one of the pope's
pardons instead of a broken paper?

Another question was, Whether in the world might better be wanting,
dogs or priests? And if it were answered that dogs might rather be
spared; to that he would reply again and infer, that if there were no
dogs, we could make no more; but if there lacked ignorant priests, we
might soon, and too soon, make too many of them.

It happened that in the time of Dr. Darly, parson of our Lady's church
in Calais, being commissary there for Archbishop Warham, there came a
Black Friar to Calais with the pope's pardons, who, for four pence,
would deliver a soul out of purgatory. The friar was full of Romish
virtues, for what money came for pardons by day, he bought no land
with it at night. This aforesaid William Button, alias Crossbowmaker,
coming to the pardoner, and pretending that he would deliver his
father and friends' souls, asked, if the holy father the pope could
deliver souls out of purgatory? The friar said, "There is no doubt of
that." "Why then," quoth Button, "doth not he, of charity, deliver all
the souls thereout?" Of which words he was accused to the commissary;
who, at his appearing before the said commissary, confessed to have
asked such questions. The commissary, being angry thereat, said,
"Doubtest thou thereof, thou heretic?" There was standing by a Black
Friar named Capel, an Englishman, who said to the commissary, "There
be ten thousand of these heretics between Gravelines and Triers."
Button answered, "Master friar! of all men you may keep silence; for
your coat hath been twice cut off from the faith. The first time your
order was enjoined to have your black coat shorter than your white;
and, for the second time, your order must go to the furthest part of
their church, and there sing an anthem of our Lady." The commissary
chafed at these words, calling Button "heretic," with many other
opprobrious words. Then said Button to the commissary, "If your holy
father the pope may deliver souls out of purgatory, and will not of
charity deliver them, then, I would to God the king would make me
pope, and I would surely deliver all out without money." At these
words the commissary raged, and reviled Button exceedingly, causing
him to bear a billet, and procured his wages (which were sixpence a
day) to be taken from him. Then went Button to the king's Majesty,
declaring all the whole matter to his Grace, who sent him to Calais
again, and gave him after that eight-pence a day.

$

205. DR. LONDON AND THE GOLDSMITH.

A notable example, wherein may appear as well the despite of Dr.
London and other papists against the gospellers, as also the fidelity
of a matron towards her husband.

Forasmuch as mention was made a little before of Dr. London, we will
somewhat more add of him, because the matter seemeth neither
impertinent nor unfruitful, to the intent it may more evidently
appear, what truth and trust is to be looked for of this cruel kind of
papists. This Dr. London was warden of New College in Oxford, where it
happened that certain plate was stolen, and conveyed and brought up to
London, and sold to a goldsmith, named William Callaway. This Callaway
was a man of good and honest name and reputation among his neighbours,
but especially earnest and zealous towards the gospel, and a great
maintainer thereof. He had, oftentimes before, bought much plate of
the same man without any peril or danger: wherefore, he doubted the
less of his fidelity.

At last the principal of the theft being taken, and the goldsmith
also, that was the buyer, being known, Dr. London, when he understood
him to be a favourer of the gospel, (whereof he was an extreme
adversary,) began straightways to be in a rage, and to swear great and
deep oaths, that he would spare neither labour nor cost, but would
bring the goldsmith to the gallows, although it should cost him five
hundred pounds. To be short, this good goldsmith was arraigned as
accessory, and an action of felony brought against him. He,
contrariwise, alleged, that they ought not to proceed against him, the
principal being alive. Dr. London, on the contrary part, affirmed that
the principal was hanged; which was most false, for he was one of the
same college, and was alive, and but lately set at liberty. To be
brief, he being found guilty, the judge asked him what he could allege
why he should not die? He required to have the privilege of his book
according to the ancient custom and manner. But here it was objected
against him that he had two wives, and therefore he might not have his
book by the law: notwithstanding that, he never had two wives; but,
because his wife had two husbands, it was imputed to him for bigamy.

Thus this good goldsmith, being secluded from all hope of life by the
crafty spite of his malignant adversaries, his wife, being a woman of
proved honesty and good fame, came in before the judges; and,
perceiving her former marriage to be hurtful unto her husband, to save
her husband's life, she took an oath before the judges that she was
never married to more men than to the said goldsmith: and, although
she had children by her other husband, and continued divers years with
him, yet she sware that she was never married unto him. Thus this
woman, by defaming of herself, to her great praise and singular
example of love, delivered her innocent husband; thinking it better
for her to live with ignominy and reproach, than for her husband to
die; less esteeming the loss of her good name, than of his life.

As touching the quality of this fact or perjury, I intermeddle not
here to discuss, but leave it at large to the judgment of lawyers to
define upon. Truth it is, that perjury neither in man nor woman is to
be commended, neither ought it to be defended. But yet, the true heart
and faithful love between this man and his wife, counterpoising again
as much or more on the other side, the more rare and strange I see it
in many couples now-a-days, the more I think it worthy, not only to be
praised, but also, for example's sake, to be notified. But, in the
mean time, what shall we say to these priests and adversaries, who, in
such sort violently do press and force the poor sheep of Christ, with
peril of their conscience, unto such perjury; and that, in such
causes, where no such truth is sought, but innocency oppressed, true
religion persecuted, and only their spite and wrath against God's word
wreaked.

$

206. QUALIFICATIONS OF THE ACT OF THE SIX ARTICLES.

During the time of these six articles aforesaid, which brought many
good men unto death, yet so it happened by another contrary act, set
forth before for the king's supremacy, (as ye have heard,) that the
contrary sect also of the papists was not all in quiet. For, besides
the death of More, and the bishop of Rochester, and the other
Charterhouse monks, friars, and priests above specified, about this
year, also, were condemned and executed by the same law two others, of
whom one was a priest of Chelsea, named Lark, who was put to death at
London for defending the bishop of Rome's supremacy above the king's
authority: the other was Germain Gardiner, (near kinsman to Stephen
Gardiner, and yet more near to his secret counsel, as it is supposed,)
who, likewise, in practising for the pope against the king's
jurisdiction, was taken with the manner, and so brought unto the
gibbet.

Upon the detection of this Germain Gardiner, being secretary to
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, his kinsman, it seemed to some, and so
was also insinuated unto the king not to be unlike, but that the said
Germain neither would, nor durst, ever attempt any such matter of
popery, without some setting on or consent of the bishop, he being so
near unto him, and to all his secrets, as he was. Whereby the king
began somewhat more to smell and misdoubt the doings of the bishop;
but yet the more in number, as the others who deposed against bishop
so covertly and clearly conveyed his matters, playing under the board,
after his wonted fetches, in such sort that (I cannot tell how) he
still kept in with the king, to the great inquietation of the public
state of the realm, and especially of Christ's church.

In declaring the dreadful law, before set forth, of the six articles,
which was A.D. 1540, ye heard what penalty was appointed for the
breach of the same, in like case as in treason and felony; so that no
remedy of any recantation would serve. This severity was a little
mitigated by another parliament, holden afterwards, A.D. 1544, by
which parliament it was decreed, that such offenders as were convicted
in the said articles for the first time, should be admitted to recant
and renounce their opinions. And if the party refused to recant in
such form as should be laid unto him by his ordinary, or, after his
recantation, if he eftsoons offended again, then, for the second time,
he should be admitted to abjure and bear a faggot; which if he deny to
do, or else, being abjured, if he the third time offended, then he to
sustain punishment according to the law, &c. Although the straitness
and rigour of the former act was thus somewhat tempered, as ye see,
and reformed by this present parliament, yet, notwithstanding, the
venom and poison of the errors and mischief of those articles remained
still behind; not removed, but rather confirmed by this parliament
aforesaid. By the which parliament, moreover, many things were
provided for the advancement of popery, under the colour of religion;
so that all manner of books of the Old and New Testament, bearing the
name of William Tyndale, or any others, having prologues, or
containing any matters, annotations, preambles, words, or sentences,
contrary to the six articles, were debarred. In like manner all songs,
plays, and interludes, with all other books in English, containing
matter of religion tending any way against the said articles, were
abolished.

In the which parliament, furthermore, it was provided, that the text
of the New Testament, or of the Bible, being prohibited to all women,
artificers, prentices, journeymen, servingmen, yeomen, husbandmen, and
labourers; yet was permitted, notwithstanding, to noblemen, and
gentlemen, and gentlewomen, to read and peruse, to their edifying, so
that they did it quietly, without arguing, discussing, or expounding
upon the Scripture.

Over and besides, whereas before, the offender or defendant might not
be suffered to bring in any witnesses to purge and try himself, in
this parliament it was permitted to the party detected or complained
of, to try his cause by witnesses, as many, or more in number, as the
others who deposed against him, &c.

After this parliament, moreover, followed another parliament, A.D.
1545, wherein other qualifications, more special, of the six articles
were provided: that whereas before, the cruel statute of the six
articles was so strait, that if any of the king's subjects had been
complained of by any manner of person, as well being his enemy as
otherwise, he should be indicted presently upon the same, without any
further examination or knowledge given to the party so accused; and so
thereupon to be attached, committed, and in fine to be condemned: it
was, therefore, by this parliament provided, that all such
presentments and indictments should not be brought before the
commissioners, otherwise than by the oaths of twelve men, or more, of
honesty and credit, without corruption or malice accordingly.

"Item, That no such indictments or presentments should be taken, but
within one year of the offences committed; or else the said
indictments to stand void in the law.

"Item, That no person accused upon any such offence against the six
articles, should be attached, or committed to ward, before he were
thereof indicted, unless by special warrant from the king.

"Item, By the authority of the said parliament, it was considered and
enacted, that if any preacher or reader, for any word spoken, supposed
to be against the six articles, should be accused, but not within the
space of forty days of the said his reading or preaching, then the
party accused to be acquitted.

"Item, That the justices or inquirers of such presentments should have
full power to alter and reform all panels of inquiry returned before
them, in like manner as the justices of peace may do in their
sessions, upon any other inquiries.

"Item, That the party so accused or indicted, upon his trial, may have
all manner of challenges, (peremptory only excepted,) as other persons
arraigned for felony may have, by the laws of this realm."

By these qualifications and moderations of the six articles, it may
appear that the king began somewhat to grow out of favour with Stephen
Gardiner, and to descry his doings, whereby he was the more forward to
incline somewhat in furthering the desolate cause of religion, as may
appear both by these premises, and also by other provisions and
determinations of the aforesaid parliament, A.D. 1545, wherein it was
decreed by act of parliament, that the king should have full power and
authority to appoint thirty-two persons; to wit, sixteen of the
clergy, and sixteen of the temporalty, to peruse, oversee, and examine
the canons, constitutions, and ordinances of the canon law, as well
provincial as synodal; and so, according to their discretions, to set
and establish an order of ecclesiastical laws, such as should be
thought by the king and them convenient to be received and used within
this realm: which statute, as it is most needful for the government of
the Church of England, so, would God it had been brought to
perfection!

$

207. JOHN ATHY, JOHN HEYWOOD, KERBY, AND ROGER CLARKE

In this year, touching matters of history, we read no great thing
worthy of memory, but only of two persons, John Athy and John Heywood.
Of which two, we find first John Athy to be indicted by the king's
writ for certain words against the sacrament, which words in the
indictment are specified to be these: "That he would not believe in
the thing which the knave priest made, neither in that which Long's
wife selleth; but only in God that is in heaven. And, when it was told
him that God, through his word, could make it flesh and blood, he
answered, 'So he might, if he would, turn it into a chicken's leg:'
meaning the sacrament of the altar."

The same year also followed the recantation of John Heywood; who
although he was attached for treason, for denying the king's
supremacy, yet, using the clemency of the king, upon his better
reformation and amendment, he made an open and solemn recantation in
the face of all the people, abandoning and renouncing the pope's
usurped supremacy, and confessing the king to be chief supreme head
and governor of this Church of England, all foreign authority and
jurisdiction being excluded.

In the year aforesaid, 1545, as there was no other thing done in
England worthy to be noted, so now the order of story here requireth,
by the course of years, next to infer the discourse of the troubles
and persecutions which happened in Scotland against Master George
Wisehart and divers other good men of the same country, about the same
year of our Lord 1545, and somewhat before. But, because now we are
come to the latter end almost of King Henry's reign, we will make an
end (the Lord willing) with a few other English stories paining to
that time; and, that finished, then set upon those matters of
Scotland, joining them whole together. The tractation whereof thou
shalt see, good reader, in the latter end and closing up of this
king's reign.

Kerby, and Roger Clarke, of Suffolk, martyrs.

Coming now to the year of our Lord 1546, first passing over the
priest, whose name was Saxy, who was hanged in the porter's lodge of
Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and that, as it is supposed,
not without the consent of the said bishop and the secret conspiracy
of that bloody generation; to pass over also one Henry, with his
servant, burned at Colchester; I will now proceed to the story of
Kerby, and of Roger Clarke of Mendlesham, who were apprehended at
Ipswich, A.D. 1546, the Saturday before Gang-Monday, and brought
before the Lord Wentworth, with other commissioners appointed there to
sit upon their examinations, judgments, and causes. The night before
they were arraigned, a bill was set upon the town-house door, (by
whom, it was unknown,) and brought the next day unto the Lord
Wentworth; who answered, that it was good counsel: which bill, in the
latter end, shall appear.

In the mean time Kerby and Roger, being in the jailer's house, named
John Bird, an honest and a good man, (who had checks divers times at
the bar, that he was more meet to be kept, than to be a keeper,) came
in Master Robert Wingfield, son and heir of Humfrey Wingfield, knight,
with Master Bruess of Wenham; who then, having conference with Kerby,
(being then in a several chamber separate from the other,) Master
Wingfield said to Kerby, "Remember the fire is hot, take heed of thine
enterprise, that thou take no more upon thee than thou shalt be able
to perform. The terror is great, the pain will be extreme, and life is
sweet. Better it were betimes to stick to mercy, while there is hope
of life, than rashly to begin, and then to shrink;" with such like
words of persuasion. To whom he answered again, "Ah, Master Wingfield!
be at my burning, and you shall say, There standeth a Christian
soldier in the fire. For I know that fire and water, sword, and all
other things, are in the hands of God, and he will suffer no more to
be laid upon us, than he will give us strength to bear." "Ah, Kerby!"
said Master Wingfield, "if thou be at that point, I will bid thee
farewell; for, I promise thee, I am not so strong that I am able to
burn," And so both the gentlemen, saying that they would pray for
them, shook hands with them, and so departed.

Now first, touching the behaviour of Kerby and Roger when they came to
the judgment-seat, the Lord Wentworth with all the rest of the
justices there ready, the commissary also, by virtue of the statute ex
officio, sitting next to the Lord Wentworth, but one between; Kerby
and Roger lifted up their eyes and hands to heaven with great devotion
in all men's eyes, making their prayers secretly to God for a space of
time, while they might say the Lord's Prayer five or six times. That
done, their articles were declared unto them with all circumstances of
the law: and then it was demanded and inquired of them, Whether they
believed, that after the words spoken by a priest, (as Christ spake
them to his apostles,) there were not the very body and blood of
Christ, flesh, blood, and bone, as he was born of the Virgin Mary, and
no bread after?

Unto the which words they answered and said, No, they did not so
believe; but that they did believe the sacrament which Christ Jesus
did institute at his last supper, on Maundy Thursday at night, to his
disciples, was only to put all men in remembrance of his precious
death and blood-shedding for the remission of sins; and that there was
neither flesh nor blood to be eaten with the teeth, but bread and
wine; and yet more than bread and wine, for that it is consecrated to
a holy use. Then, with much persuasions, both with fair means and
threats besides, (if it would have served,) were these two poor men
hardly laid to; but most at the hands of Foster, an inferior justice,
not being learned in such knowledge. But these two continued both
faithful and constant, choosing rather to die than to live; and so
continued unto the end.

Then sentence was given upon them both, Kerby to be burned in the said
town on the next Saturday, and Roger to be burned at Bury the Gang-
Monday after. Kerby, when his judgment was given by the Lord
Wentworth, with most humble reverence holding up his hands and bowing
himself devoutly, he said, "Praised be Almighty God;" and so stood
still without any more words.

Then did the Lord Wentworth talk secretly, putting hie head behind
another justice that sat between them. The said Roger, perceiving
that, said with a loud voice, "Speak out, my Lord! and if you have
done any thing contrary to your conscience, ask God mercy; and we, for
our parts, do forgive you: and speak not in secret, for ye shall come
before a Judge, and then make answer openly, even before Him that
shall judge all men;" with other like words.

The Lord Wentworth, somewhat blushing, and changing his countenance,
(through remorse, as it was thought,) said, "I did speak nothing of
you, nor have I done any thing unto you, but as the law is." Then were
Kerby and Roger sent forth; Kerby to prison there, and Roger to St.
Edmund's Bury. One of the two, bursting out with a loud voice, (Roger
it is supposed,) thus spake with a vehemency: "Fight," said he, "for
your God; for he hath not long to continue."

The next day, which was Saturday, about ten of the clock, Kerby was
brought to the market-place, where a stake was ready, wood, broom, and
straw, and did off his clothes unto his shirt, having a nightcap upon
his head; and so was fastened to the stake with irons, there being in
the gallery the Lord Wentworth, with the most part of all the justices
of those quarters, where they might see his execution, how every thing
should be done, and also might hear what Kerby did say; and a great
number of people, about two thousand by estimation. There was also
standing in the gallery by the Lord Went worth, Dr. Rugham, who was
before a monk of Bury, and sexton of the house, having on a surplice,
and a stole about his neck. Then silence was proclaimed, and the said
doctor began to disable himself, as not meet to declare the Holy
Scriptures, being unprovided because the time was so short; but that
he hoped, in God's assistance, it should come well to pass.

All this while Kerby was trimming with irons and faggots, broom and
straw, as one that should be married with new garments, nothing
changing cheer nor countenance, but with a most meek spirit glorified
God; which was wonderful to behold. Then Master Doctor, at last,
entered into the sixth chapter of St. John, who, in handling that
matter, so oft as he alleged the Scriptures, and applied them rightly,
Kerby told the people that he said true, and bade the people believe
him. But, when he did otherwise, he told him again, "You say not true;
believe him not, good people." Whereupon, as the voice of the people
was, they judged Dr. Rugham a false prophet. So when Master Doctor had
ended his collation, he said unto Kerby, "Thou, good man! dost not
thou believe that the blessed sacrament of the altar is the very flesh
and blood of Christ, and no bread, even as he was born of the Virgin
Mary?" Kerby, answering boldly, said, "I do not so believe." "How
doest thou believe?" said the doctor. Kerby said, "I do believe that
in the sacrament that Jesus Christ instituted at his last supper, on
Maundy Thursday, to his disciples, (which ought of us likewise to be
done,) is the death and passion, and his blood-shedding for the
redemption of the world, to be remembered: and (as I said before) yet
bread, and more than bread; for that it is consecrated to a holy use."
Then was Master Doctor in his dumps, and spake not one word more to
Kerby after.

Then said the under-sheriff to Kerby, "Hast thou any thing more to
say?" "Yea, sir," said he, "if you will give me leave." "Say on," said
the sheriff.

Then Kerby, taking his nightcap from his head, put it under his arm,
as though it should have done him service again; but, remembering
himself, he cast it from him, and lifting up his hands, he said the
hymn Te Deum, and the Belief, with other prayers in the English
tongue. The Lord Wentworth, while Kerby was thus doing, did shroud
himself behind one of the posts of the gallery, and wept, and so did
many others. Then said Kerby, "I have done: you may execute your
office, good Master Sheriff." Then fire was set to the wood, and with
a loud voice he called unto God, knocking on his breast, and holding
up his hands, so long as his remembrance would serve, and so ended his
life; the people giving shouts, and praising God with great admiration
of his constancy, being so simple and unlettered.

On the Gang-Monday, A.D. 1546, about ten of the clock, Roger Clarke of
Mendlesham was brought out of prison, and went on foot to the gate,
called Southgate, in Bury, and, by the way, the procession met with
them; but he went on, and would not bow cap nor knee, but with most
vehement words rebuked that idolatry and superstition, the officers
being much offended. And without the gate, where was the place of
execution, the stake being ready, and the wood lying by, he came, and
kneeled down, and said Magnificat, in the English tongue, making as it
were a paraphrase upon the same, wherein he declared how that the
blessed Virgin Mary, who might as well rejoice in pureness, as any
others, yet humbled herself to her Saviour. "And what sayest thou,
John Baptist," said he, "the greatest of all men's children? Behold
the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sins of the world." And thus,
with a loud voice, he cried unto the people, while he was in fastening
unto the stake, and then the fire was set to him, where he suffered
pains unmercifully; for the wood was green, and would not burn; so
that he was choked with smoke. And, moreover, being set in a pitch-
barrel, with some pitch sticking still by the sides, he was therewith
sore pained, till be had got his feet out of the barrel. And, at
length, one standing by took a faggot-stick, and striking at the ring
of iron about his neck, so pashed him, and struck him belike upon the
head, that he shrank down on the one side into the fire; and so was
dissolved.

In the beginning of this story of Kerby and Roger, mention was made of
a certain bill put upon the Town-house door, and brought the next day
to the Lord Wentworth, the words of which bill were these.

The bill set upon the Town-house door in Ipswich.

"Judge rightly, ye sons of men: yet, when ye shall judge, minister
your justice with mercy.

"A fearful thing it is to fall into the hands of the living God: be ye
learned, therefore, in true knowledge, ye that judge the earth; lest
the Lord be angry with you.

"The blood of the righteous shall be required at your hands. What
though the veil hanged before Moses' face; yet at Christ's death it
fell down.

"The stones will speak, if these should hold their peace: therefore
harden not your hearts against the verity.

"For fearfully shall the Lord appear in the day of vengeance to the
troubled in conscience. No excuse shall there be of ignorance, but
every vat shall stand on his own bottom. Therefore have remorse in
your conscience; fear him that may kill both body and soul.

"Beware of innocent blood-shedding; take heed of justice ignorantly
ministered; work discreetly as the Scripture doth command: look to it,
that ye make not the truth to be forsaken.

"We beseech God to save our king, King Henry the Eighth, that he be
not led into temptation. So be it."

$

208. KING HENRY'S ACTS AND PROCLAMATIONS, 1545-46

This year also it was ordained and decreed, and solemnly given out in
proclamation, by the king's name and authority, and his council, that
the English procession should be used throughout all England,
according as it was set forth by his said council, and none other to
be used throughout the whole realm.

About the latter end of this year, 1545, in the month of November,
when the king had subdued the Scots, and afterwards, joining together
with the emperor, had invaded France, and had got from them the town
of Boulogne, he summoned his high court of parliament. In the which
was granted unto him, besides other subsidies of money, all colleges,
chantries, free chapels, hospitals, fraternities, brotherhoods,
guilds, and perpetuities of stipendiary priests, to be disposed of at
his will and pleasure. Whereupon, in the month of December following,
the king, after the wonted custom, came into the parliament-house to
give his royal assent to such acts as were there passed; where, after
an eloquent oration made to him by the speaker, he, answering again
unto the same, not by the lord chancellor, (as the manner was,) but by
himself, uttered forth this oration, word for word, as it is reported
and left in story.

In the contents of which oration, first, eloquently and lovingly he
declared his grateful heart to his loving subjects for their grants
and subventions, offered unto him. In the second part, with no less
vehemency he exhorteth them to concord, peace, and unity. Whereunto if
he had also joined the third part, that is, as in words he exhorted to
unity, so he had begun indeed first himself to take away the occasion
of division, disobedience, and disturbance from his subjects; that is,
had removed the stumbling-block of the six articles out of the
people's way, which set brother against brother, neighbour against
neighbour, the superior against the subject, and the wolves to devour
the poor flock of Christ: then, had he not only spoken, but also done,
like a worthy prince. But of this, more shall be said in the sequel
hereof, God willing.

The King's oration in the parliament-house.

"Although my chancellor for the time being hath, before this time,
used very eloquently and substantially to make answer to such orations
as have been set forth in this high court of parliament, yet is he not
so able to open and set forth my mind and meaning, and the secrets of
my heart, in so plain and ample manner as I myself am, and can do.
Wherefore I, taking upon. me to answer your eloquent oration, Master
Speaker! say, that whereas you, in the name of our well-beloved
commons, have both praised and extolled me for the notable qualities
that you have conceived to be in me, I most heartily thank you all
that you put me in remembrance of my duty, which is, to endeavour
myself to obtain and get such excellent qualities, and necessary
virtues, as a prince or governor should or ought to have; of which
gifts I recognise myself both bare and barren.

"But for such small qualities as God hath endued me withal, I render
to his goodness my most humble thanks, intending, with all my wit and
diligence, to get and acquire to me, such notable virtues and princely
qualities, as you have alleged to be incorporate in my person.

"These thanks for your loving admonition and good counsel first
remembered, I eftsoons thank you again,. that you, considering our
great charges, (not for our pleasure, but for your defence; not for
our gain, but to our great cost,) whioh we have lately sustained, as
well in defence against our and your enemies, as for the conquest of
that fortress, which was to this realm most displeasant and noisome,
and shall be, by God's grace, hereafter to our nation most profitable
and pleasant, have freely, of your own mind, granted to us a certain
subsidy here in an act specified; which, verily, we take in good part,
regarding more your kindness than the profit thereof, as he that
setteth more by your loving hearts, than by your substance. Besides
this hearty kindness, I cannot a little rejoice, when I consider the
perfect trust and sure confidence which you have put in me, as men
having undoubted hope, and unfeigned belief, in my good doings and
just proceedings; for that you, without my desire or request, have
committed to mine order and disposition all chantries, colleges,
hospitals, and other places specified in a certain act, firmly
trusting that I will order them to the glory of God, and the profit of
our commonwealth. Surely if I, contrary to your expectation, should
suffer the ministers of the church to decay; or learning, which is so
great a jewel, to be minished; or poor and miserable people to be
unrelieved; you might say that I, being put in so special a trust as I
am in this case, were no trusty friend to you, nor charitable man to
mine even christened, neither a lover of the public wealth, nor yet
one that feared God, to whom account must be rendered of all our
doings. Doubt not, I pray you, but your expectation shall be served
more godly and goodly than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you
shall plainly perceive.

"Now, since I find such kindness on your part towards me, I cannot
choose but love and favour you, affirming that no prince in the world
more favoured his subjects than I do you, nor any subjects or commons
more love and obey their sovereign lord, than I perceive you do me,
for whose defence my treasure shall not be hidden, nor, if necessity
require, shall my person be unadventured. Yet, although I with you,
and you with me, be in this perfect love and concord, this friendly
amity cannot continue, except you, my lords temporal, and you, my
lords spiritual, and you, my loving subjects, study and take pains to
amend one thing, which is surely amiss and far out of order, to the
which I most heartily require you; which is, that charity and concord
is not among you, but discord and dissension beareth rule in every
place. St. Paul saith to the Corinthians, in the thirteenth chapter,
Charity is gentle, charity is not envious, charity is not proud, and
so forth, in the said chapter. Behold then what love and charity is
amongst you, when the one calleth the other heretic, and Anabaptist;
and he calleth him again papist, hypocrite, and Pharisee. Be these
tokens of charity amongst you? Are these the signs of fraternal love
between you? No, no, I assure that this lack of charity amongst
yourselves will be the hinderance and assuaging of the fervent love
between us, as I said before, except this wound be salved and clearly
made whole. I must needs judge the fault and occasion of this discord
to be partly by the negligence of you, the fathers and preachers of
the spiritualty. For if I know a man which liveth in adultery, I must
judge him a lecherous and carnal person. If I see a man boast and brag
himself, I cannot but deem him a proud man. I see and hear daily, that
you of the clergy preach one against another, teach one contrary to
another, inveigh one against another, without charity or discretion.
Some be too stiff in their old mumpsimus, others be too busy and
curious in their new sumpsimus.

"Thus all men almost be in variety and discord, and few or none do
preach truly and sincerely the word of God, according as they ought to
do. Shall I now judge you charitable persons doing this? No, no, I
cannot so do. Alas! how can the poor souls live in concord, when you
preachers sow amongst them, in your sermons, debate and discord? Of
you they look for light, and you bring them to darkness. Amend these
crimes, I exhort you, and set forth God's word, both by true preaching
and good example-giving; or else I, whom God hath appointed his vicar
and high minister here, will see these divisions extinct, and these
enormities corrected, according to my very duty; or else I am an
unprofitable servant, and an untrue officer.

"Although (as I say) the spiritual men be in some fault, that charity
is not kept amongst you, yet you of the temporalty be not clean and
unspotted of malice and envy; for you rail on bishops, speak
slanderously of priests, and rebuke and taunt preachers, both contrary
to good order and Christian fraternity. If you know surely that a
bishop or preacher erreth, or teacheth perverse doctrine, come and
declare it to some of our council, or to us, to whom is committed by
God, the authority to reform and order such causes and behaviours; and
be not judges yourselves of your own fantastical opinions and vain
expositions, for in such high causes ye may lightly err. And although
you be permitted to read Holy Scripture, and to have the word of God
in your mother tongue, you must understand that it is licensed you so
to do, only to inform your own conscience, and to instruct your
children and family; and not to dispute and make Scripture a railing
and a taunting-stock against priests and preachers, as many light
persons do. I am very sorry to know and hear how unreverently that
most precious jewel, the word of God, is disputed, rhymed, sung, and
jangled in every alehouse and tavern, contrary to the true meaning and
doctrine of the same: and yet I am even as much sorry that the readers
of the same follow it, in doing, so faintly and coldly. For of this I
am sure, that charity was never so faint amongst you, and virtuous and
godly living was never less used, nor was God himself amongst
Christians ever less reverenced, honoured, or served. Therefore (as I
said before) be in charity one with another like brother and brother:
love, dread, and fear God (to the which I, as your supreme head and
sovereign lord, exhort and require you): and then, I doubt not but
that that love and league which I spake of in the beginning, shall
never be dissolved or broken between us. And as touching the laws
which be now made and concluded, I exhort you, the makers, to be as
diligent in putting them in execution, as you were in making and
furthering the same; or else your labour shall be in vain, and your
commonwealth nothing relieved."

Notes upon the aforesaid exhortation.

Princes who exhort to concord and charity do well; but princes who
seek out the causes of discord, and reform the same, do much better.
The papist and protestant, heretic and Pharisee, the old mumpsimus and
the new sumpsimus, be terms of variance and dissension, and be, I
grant, symptoms of a sore wound in the commonwealth. But he that will
amend this wound must first begin to search out the causes, and to
purge the occasion thereof: otherwise, to cure the sore outwardly,
which inwardly doth fester and rankle still, it is but vain.

The root and ground of all this grievance riseth hence: from the
prelates and clergy of Rome, seeking, as it seemeth, altogether after
riches, pomp, and honour of this world; who, to maintain the same
under pretence of religion, do in very deed subvert religion. Under
that title of the church, they bring into the church manifest errors
and absurdities intolerable, who, pretending to be fathers of the
church, if they transgressed but in manners and lightness of life, or
negligence of government, they might be borne withal, for peace and
concord's sake; and here modesty, civility, quietness, unity, and
charity, might have place amongst modest natures. But now, they
obscure the glory of the Son of God, which in no case ought to be
suffered; they extinguish the light and grace of the gospel; they clog
men's consciences; they set up idolatry, and maintain idols; they
bring in false invocation, and restrain lawful matrimony, whereby
groweth filthy pollution, adultery, and whoredom in the church
unspeakable; they corrupt the sacraments; they wrest the Scripture to
worldly purposes; they kill and persecute God's people: briefly, their
doctrine is damnable, their laws be impious, their doings are
detestable. And yet, after all this, they creep craftily into the
hearts of princes, under the title of the church, and colour of
concord; making kings and princes believe that all be heretics and
schismatics, who will not be subject to their ordinary power. Now
Almighty God, who is a jealous God, and not suffering the glory of his
Son to be defaced, nor his truth to be trodden under foot, stirreth up
again the hearts of his people to understand his truth, and to defend
his cause. Whereupon, of these two parts, as two mighty flints thus
smiting together, cometh out the sparkle of this division, which can
in no wise be quenched, but that one part must needs yield and give
over. There is no neutrality, nor mediation of peace, nor exhortation
to agreement, that will serve between these two contrary doctrines,
but either the pope's errors must give place to God's word, or else
the verity of God must give place unto them.

Wherefore, as the good intent, and plausible oration of the king, in
this behalf, was to be not discommended, in exhorting his subjects to
charity, so had he much more deserved commendation, if he had sought
the right way to work charity, and to help innocency amongst his
subjects, by taking away the impious law of the six articles, the
mother of all division and manslaughter. For what is this to the
purpose, to exhort in words ever so much to charity, and indeed to
give a knife to the murderer's hand, to run upon his naked brother,
which never in conscience can leave his cause, nor yet hath power to
defend himself? as by experience here followeth to be seen, what
charity ensued after this exhortation of the king to charity, by the
racking and burning of good Anne Askew, with three other poor subjects
of the king, within half a year after; whereof shortly you shall hear
more declared.

When these chantries and colleges thus, by act of parliament, were
given into the king's hands as is above remembered, (which was about
the month of December, A.D. 1545,) the next Lent following, Dr. Crome,
preaching in the Mercer's chapel, among other reasons and persuasions
to rouse the people from the vain opinion of purgatory, inferred this
(grounding upon the said act of parliament): that if trentals and
chantry masses could avail the souls in purgatory, then did the
parliament not well in giving away monasteries, colleges, and
chantries, which served principally to that purpose. But, if the
parliament did well (as no man could deny) in dissolving them, and
bestowing the same upon the king, then is it a plain case, that such
chantries and private masses do nothing to confer and relieve them in
purgatory. This dilemma of Dr. Crome, no doubt, was insoluble. But,
notwithstanding, the charitable prelates, for all the king's late
exhortation unto charity, were so charitable unto him, that on Easter
next they brought him coram nobis, where they so handled him, that
they made him to recant. And if he had not, they would have dissolved
him and his argument in burning fire, so burning hot was their
charity, according as they burned Anne Askew and her fellows in the
month of July the year following: whose tragical story and cruel
handling now, consequently, the Lord willing, you shall hear.

$

209. ANNE ASKEW

The two examinations of the worthy servant of God, Mistress Anne
Askew, daughter of Sir William Askew, knight, of Lincolnshire,
martyred in Smithfield for the constant and faithful testimony of the
truth.

The first examination before the inquisitors, A.D. 1545.

"To satisfy your expectation, good people," (said she,) "this was my
first examination, in the year of Lord 1545, and in the month of
March.

"First, Christopher Dare examined me at Sadler's Hall, being one of
the quest, and asked, If I did not believe that the sacrament hanging
over the altar was the very body of Christ really. Then I demanded
this question of him, Wherefore was St. Stephen stoned to death? and
he said, he could not tell Then I answered that no more would I assoil
his vain question.

"Secondly, he said, that there was a woman who did testify that I
should read, how God was not in temples made with hands. Then I showed
him chapters vii. and xvii. of the Acts of the Apostles; what Stephen
and Paul had said therein. Whereupon he asked me how I took those
sentences? I answered, I would not throw pearls amongst swine, for
acorns were good enough.

"Thirdly, he asked me, wherefore I said, I had rather to read five
lines in the Bible, than to hear five masses in the temple. I
confessed that I said no less; not for the dispraise of either of the
Epistle or the Gospel, but because the one did greatly edify me, and
the other nothing at alL. As St. Paul doth witness in 1 Cor. xiv., 
where he saith, If the trumpet giveth an uncertain sound, who will
prepare himself to the battle?

"Fourthly, he laid unto my charge, that I should say, If an ill priest
ministered, it was the devil, and not God.

"My answer was, that I never spake any such thing. But this was my
saying: that whosoever he were that ministered unto me, his ill
conditions could not hurt my faith, but in spirit I received,
nevertheless, the body and blood of Christ.

"Fifthly, he asked me what I said concerning confession. I answered
him my meaning, which was, as St. James saith, that every man ought to
acknowledge his faults to other, and the one to pray for the other.

"Sixthly, he asked me what I said to the king's book: and I answered
him that I could say nothing to it, because I never saw it.

"Seventhly, he asked me if I had the Spirit of God in me. I answered,
if I had not, I was but a reprobate or castaway.

"Then he said, he had sent for a priest to examine me, who was there
at hand. The priest asked me what I said to the sacrament of the
altar, and required much to know my meaning therein. But I desired him
again to hold me excused concerning that matter: none other answer
would I make him, because I perceived him to be a papist.

"Eighthly, he asked me, if I did not think that private masses did
help the souls departed. I said, it was great idolatry to believe more
in them, than in the death which Christ died for us.

"Then they had me thence unto my lord mayor, and he examined me, as
they had before, and I answered him directly in all things, as I
answered the quest before. Besides this, my lord mayor laid one thing
to my charge, which was never spoken of me, but by them; and that was,
whether a mouse, eating the host, received God or no? This question
did I never ask, bat indeed they asked it of me, whereunto I made them
no answer, but smiled.

"Then the bishop's chancellor rebuked me, and said that I was much to
blame for uttering the Scriptures. For St. Paul, he said, forbade
women to speak or to talk of the word of God. I answered him that I
knew Paul's meaning as well as he, which is, in 1 Cor. xiv., that a
woman ought not to speak in the congregation by the way of teaching:
and then I asked him how many women he had seen go into the pulpit and
preach? He said he never saw any. Then I said, he ought to find no
fault in poor women, except they had offended the law.

"Then my lord mayor commanded me to ward. I asked him if sureties
would not serve me; and be made me short answer, that he would take
none; Then was I had to the Compter, and there remained eleven days,
no friend admitted to speak with me. But, in the mean time, there was
a priest sent unto me, who said that he was commanded of the bishop to
examine me, and to give me good counsel, which he did not. But, first,
he asked me for what cause I was put in the Compter; and I told him, I
could not tell. Then he said, it was great pity that I should be there
without cause, and concluded, that he was very sorry for me.

"Secondly, he said, it was told him that I should deny the sacrament
of the altar. And I answered him again, that what I had said, I had
said.

"Thirdly, he asked me, if I were content to be shriven. I told him, so
that I might have one of these three, that is to say, Dr. Crome, Sir
Guillam, or Huntington, I was contented, because I knew them to be men
of wisdom. As for you, or any other, I will not dispraise, because I
know you not. Then said he, 'I would not have you think but that I, or
any other that shall be brought you, shall be as honest as they: for
if we were not, you may be sure the king would not suffer us to
preach.' Then I answered with the saying of Solomon, By communing with
the wise I may learn wisdom, but by talking with a fool I shall take
scathe, Prov i. .5.

"Fourthly, he asked, If the host should fall, and a beast did eat it,
whether the beast did receive God or no? I answered, 'Seeing that you
have taken the pains to ask the question, I desire you also to assoil
it yourself: for I will not do it, because I perceive you come to
tempt me.' And he said it was against the order of schools, that he
who asked the question should answer it. I told him I was but a woman,
and knew not the course of schools.

"Fifthly he asked me, if I intended to receive the sacrament at
Easter, or no? I answered, that else I were no Christian woman; and
thereat I did rejoice, that the time was so near at hand. And then he
departed thence with many fair words.

"The 23d day of March, my cousin Brittayne came into the Compter unto
me, and asked me whether I might be put to bail, or no? Then went he
immediately unto my lord mayor, desiring him to be so good unto me,
that I might be bailed. My Lord answered him and said, that he would
be glad to do the best that in him lay; howbeit he could not bail me,
without the consent of a spiritual officer: requiring him to go and
speak with the chancellor of London. For, he said, like as he could
not commit me to prison without the consent of a spiritual officer, no
more could he bail me without the consent of the same.

"So, upon that, he went to the chancellor, requiring of him as he did
before of my lord mayor. He answered him, that the matter was so
heinous,that he durst not of himself do it, without my Lord of London
were made privy thereunto. But, he said, he would speak unto my Lord
in it, and bade him repair unto him the next morrow, and he should
well know my Lord's pleasure. And upon the morrow after, he came
thither, and spake both with the chancellor and with my Lord bishop of
London. The bishop declared unto him, that he was very well contented
that I should come forth to communication; and appointed me to appear
before him the next day after, at three of the clock at afternoon.
Moreover he said unto him, that he would there should be at the
examination such learned men as I was affectioned to, that they might
see, and also make report, that I was handled with no rigour. He
answered him, that he knew no man that I had more affection to, than
to other. Then said the bishop, 'Yes, as I understand, she is
affectioned to Dr. Crome, Sir Guillam Whitehead, and Huntington, that
they might hear the matter, for she doth know them to be learned and
of a godly judgment.' Also he required my cousin Brittayne, that he
should earnestly persuade me to utter even the very bottom of my
heart; and he sware by his fidelity, that no man should take any
advantage of my words, neither yet would he lay ought to my charge for
any thing that I should there speak; but, if I said any manner of
thing amiss, he, with others more, would he glad to reform me therein,
with most godly counsel.

"On the morrow after, the bishop of London sent for me at one of the
clock, his hour being appointed at three; and as I came before him, he
said he was very sorry for my trouble, and desired to know my opinions
in such matters as were laid against me. He required me also, in any
wise, boldly to utter the secrets of my heart, bidding me not to fear
in any point, for whatsoever I did say in his house, no man should
hurt me for it. I answered, 'Forasmuch as your Lordship appointed
three of the clock, and my friends will not come till that hour, I
desire you to pardon me of giving answer till they come.' Then said
he, that he thought it meet to send for those four men who were
aforenamed and appointed. Then I desired him not to put them to pain,
for it should not need, because the two gentlemen which were my
friends, were able enough to testify what I should say.

"Anon after he went into his gallery with Master Spilman, and willed
him in any wise that he should exhort me to utter all that I thought.
In the mean while he commanded his archdeacon to commune with me, who
said unto me, 'Mistress, wherefore are you accused and thus troubled
here before the bishop?' To whom I answered again and said, 'Sir,ask,
I pray you, my accusers; for I know not as yet.' Then took he my book
out of my hand, and. said, 'Such books as this have brought you to the
trouble that you are in. Beware,' said he, 'beware, for he that made
this book, and was the author thereof, was a heretic, I warrant you,
and burned in Smithfield.' And then I asked him, if he were certain
and sure that it was true which he had spoken. And he said, he knew
well the book was of John Frith's making. Then I asked him if he were
not ashamed to judge of the book before he saw it within, or yet knew
the truth thereof. I said also, that such unadvised hasty judgment is
a token apparent of a very slender wit. Then I opened the book and
showed it him. He said he thought it had been another, for he could
find no fault therein. Then I desired him no more to be so unadvisedly
rash and swift in judgment, till he thoroughly knew the truth: and so
he departed from me.

"Immediately after came my cousin Brittayne in with divers others, as
Master Hall of Gray's Inn, and such other like. Then my Lord of London
persuaded my cousin Brittayne, as he had done oft before, which was,
that I should utter the bottom of my heart in any wise. My Lord said
after that unto me; that he would I should credit the counsel of such
as were my friends and well-willers in this behalf, which was, that I
should utter all things that burdened my conscience; for he assured
me, that I should not need to stand in doubt to say any thing. For,
like as he promised them, (he said,) he promised me, and would perform
it; which was, that neither he, nor any man for him, should take me at
advantage for any word that I should speak; and therefore he bade me
say my mind without fear. I answered him, that I had nought to say,
for my conscience (I thanked God) was burdened with nothing.

"Then brought he forth this unsavoury similitude; that if a man had a
wound, no wise surgeon would administer help unto it before he had
seen it uncovered. 'In like case,' saith he, 'can I give you no good
counsel, unless I know wherewith your conscience is burdened.' I
answered, that my conscience was clear in all things, and to lay a
plaster unto the whole skin, it might appear much folly.

"'Then you drive me,' saith he, 'to lay to your charge your own
report, which is this: you did. say, 'He that doth receive the
sacrament by the hands of an ill priest, or a sinner, receiveth the
devil, and not God.' To that I answered, 'I never spake such words:
but, as I said before, both to the quest and to my lord mayor, so say
I now again, that the wickedness of the priest should not hurt me, but
in spirit and faith I received no less than the body and blood of
Christ.' Then said the bishop unto me, 'What saying is this, in
spirit? I will not take you at that advantage.' Then I answered, 'My
Lord, without faith and spirit I cannot receive him worthily.'

"Then he laid unto me, that I should say, that the sacrament remaining
in the pix, was but bread. I answered that I never said so; but indeed
the quest asked me such a question, whereunto I would not answer, (I
said,) till such a time as they had assoiled me this question of mine,
Wherefore Stephen was stoned to death? They said they knew not. Then
said I again, no more would I tell them what it was.

"Then said my Lord unto me, that I had alleged a certain text of the
Scripture. I answered that I alleged none other but St. Paul's own
saying to the Athenians, in the seventeenth chapter of the Acts of the
Apostles, that 'God dwelleth not in temples made with hands.' Then
asked he me, what my faith and belief was in that matter? I answered
him, 'I believe as the Scripture doth teach me.'

"Then inquired he of me, 'What if the Scripture doth say, that it is
in the body of Christ?' 'I believe,' said I, 'as the Scripture doth
teach me.' Then asked he again, 'What if the Scripture doth say, that
it is not the body of Christ?' My answer was still, 'I believe as the
Scripture informeth me.' And upon this argument he tarried a great
while, to have driven me to make him an answer to his mind: howbeit, I
would not, but concluded this with him, that I believed therein, and
in all other things, as Christ and his holy apostles did leave them.

"Then he asked me, why I had so few words? And I answered, 'God hath
given me the gift of knowledge, but not of utterance: and Solomon
saith, That a woman of few words is the gift of God,' Prov. ix. 13.

"Thirdly, my Lord laid unto my charge, that I should say that the mass
was superstitious, wicked, and no better than idolatry. I answered
him, 'No, I said not so. Howbeit I say the quest did ask me whether
private mass did relieve souls departed or no? Unto whom then I
answered, 'O Lord! what idolatry is this, that we should rather
believe in private masses, than in the healthsome death of the dear
Son of God?' Then said my Lord again, What an answer is that!' 'Though
it be but mean,' said I, 'yet it is good enough for the question.'

"Then I told my Lord, that there was a priest which did hear what I
said there before my lord mayor and them. 'With that the chancellor
answered, 'Who was the same priest?' 'So she spake it in very deed,'
saith he, 'before my lord mayor and me.'

"Then were there certain priests, as Dr. Standish and others, which
tempted me much to know my mind. And I answered them always thus:
'That I said to my Lord of London, I have said.' Then Dr. Standish
desired my Lord to bid me say my mind concerning the same text of St.
Paul's learning, that I, being a woman, should interpret the
Scriptures; especially where so many wise learned men were.

"Then my Lord of London said, he was informed that one should ask of
me, if I would receive the sacrament at Easter, and I made a mock of
it.

"Then I desired that mine accuser might come forth; which my Lord
would not. But he said again unto me, 'I sent one to give you good
counsel, and at the first word you called him papist.' That I denied
not, for I perceived he was no less, yet made I him none answer unto
it.

"Then he rebuked me, and said that I should report, that there were
bent against me threescore priests at Lincoln. 'Indeed,' quoth I, I
said so. For my friends told me, if I did come to Lincoln, the priests
would assault me, and put me to great trouble, as thereof they had
made their boast: and when I heard it, I went thither indeed, not
being afraid, because I knew my matter to be good. Moreover I remained
there nine days, to see what would be said unto me. And as I was in
the minster, reading upon the Bible, they resorted unto me by two and
two, by five and by six, minding to have spoken unto me, yet went they
their ways again without words speaking.'

"Then my Lord asked if there were not one that did speak unto me. I
told him, yes; that there was one of them at last, which did speak to
me indeed. And my Lord then asked me what he said? And I told him his
words were of small effect, so that I did not now remember them. Then
said my Lord, 'There are many that read and know the Scripture, and
yet follow it not, nor live thereafter.' I said again, 'My Lord! I
would wish that all men knew my conversation and living in all points;
for I am sure myself this hour, that there are none able to prove any
dishonesty by me. If you know that any can do it, I pray you bring
them forth.' Then my Lord went away, and said he would entitle
somewhat of my meaning, and so he wrote a great circumstance: but what
it was, I have not all in my memory; for he would not suffer me to
have the copy thereof. Only do I remember this small portion of it:

"'Be it known,' saith he, 'of all men, that I, Anne Askew, do confess
this to be my faith and belief, notwithstanding many reports made
afore to the contrary. I believe that they which are houseled at the
hands of a priest, whether his conversation be good or not, do receive
the body and blood of Christ in substance really. Also, I do believe,
that after the consecration, whether it be received or reserved, it is
no less than the very body and blood of Christ in substance. Finally,
I do believe in this and all other sacraments of holy church in all
points, according to the old catholic faith of the same. In witness
whereof, I, the said Anne, have subscribed my name.'

"There was somewhat more in it, which, because I had not the copy, I
cannot now remember. Then he read it to me, and asked if I did agree
to it. And I said again, 'I believe so much thereof, as the Holy
Scripture doth agree unto: wherefore I desire you, that ye will add
that thereunto. Then he answered, that I should not teach him what he
should write. With that he went forth into his great chamber and read
the same bill before the audience, who inveigled and willed me to set
to my hand; saying also, that I had favour showed me. Then said the
bishop, I might thank other, and not myself, for the favour that I
found at his hand; for he considered, he said, that I had good
friends, and also that I came of a worshipful stock.

"Then answered one Christopher, a servant unto Master Denny: 'Rather
ought you, my Lord, to have done it in such case for God's sake, than
for man's.' Then my Lord sat down, and took me the writing to set
thereto my hand, and I wrote after this manner: 'I, Anne Askew, do
believe all manner of things contained in the faith of the catholic
church.'"

And forasmuch as mention here is made of the writing of Bonner, which
this godly woman said before she had not in memory, therefore I
thought in this place to infer the same, both with the whole
circumstance of Bonner, and with the title thereunto prefixed by the
registrar, and also with her own subscription: to the intent the
reader, seeing the same subscription neither to agree with the time of
the title above prefixed, nor with the subscription after the writing
annexed, might the better understand thereby what credit is to be
given hereafter to such bishops, and to such registrars. The tenor of
Bonner s writing proceedeth thus:

"The true copy of the confession and belief of Anne Askew, otherwise
called Anne Kyme, made before the bishop of London, the twentieth day
of March, in the year of our Lord God, after the computation of the
Church of England, 1545; and subscribed with her own hand in the
presence of the said bishop and others whose names hereafter are
recited, set forth and published at this present: to the intent the
world may see what credence is now to be given unto the same woman,
who, in so short a time, hath so damnably altered and changed her
opinion and belief; and therefore was rightly, in open court,
arraigned and condemned."

"Be it known to all faithful people, that, as touching the blessed
sacrament of the altar, I do firmly and undoubtedly believe, that
after the words of consecration be spoken by the priest, according to
the common usage of this Church of England, there is present really
the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ, whether the minister
which doth consecrate be a good man or a bad man; and that also,
whensoever the said sacrament is received, whether the receiver be a
good man or a bad man, he doth receive it really and corporally. And
moreover, I do believe that, whether the said sacrament be then
received of the minister, or else reserved to be put into the pix, or
to be brought to any person that is impotent or sick, yet there is the
very body and blood of our said Saviour; so that whether the minister,
or the receiver, be good or bad, yea, whether the sacrament be
received or reserved, always there is the blessed body of Christ
really.

"And this thing, with all other things touching the sacrament and
other sacraments of the church, and all things else touching the
Christian belief, which are taught and declared in the king's
Majesty's book, lately set forth for the erudition of the Christian
people, I, Anne Askew, otherwise called Anne Kyme, do truly and
perfectly believe; and so here presently confess and acknowledge. And
here I do promise, that henceforth I shall never say or do any thing
against the premises, or against any of them. -In witness whereof, I,
the said Anne, have subscribed my name unto these presents.

"Written the 20th day of March, in the year of our Lord God 1545.

"By me, ANNE ASKEW,
otherwise called ANNE KYME."

"Witnesses: Edmund, bishop of London; John, bishop of Bath; Owen
Oglethorp, doctor of divinity; Richard Smith, doctor of divinity; John
Rudde, bachelor of divinity; William Pie, bachelor of divinity; John
Wimsley, archdeacon of London; John Cook; Robert John; Francis
Spilman; Edward Hall; Alexander Brett; Edmund Buts, with divers others
more being then present."

Here mayest thou note, gentle reader, in this confession, both in the
bishop and his register, a double sleight of false conveyance. For
although the confession purporteth the words of the bishop's writing,
whereunto she did set her hand, yet by the title prefixed before,
mayest thou see that both she was arraigned and condemned before this
was registered; and also, that she is falsely reported to have put to
her hand, which indeed, by this her own book, appeareth not so to be,
but after this manner and condition: "I, Anne Askew, do believe all
manner of things contained in the faith of the catholic church, and
not otherwise?" It followeth more in the story:

"Then, because I did add unto it 'the catholic church,' he flung into
his chamber in a great fury. With that, my cousin Brittayne followed,
desiring him, for God's sake, to be good lord unto me. He answered,
that I was a woman, and that he was nothing deceived in me. Then my
cousin Brittayne desired him to take me as a woman, and not to set my
weak woman's wit to his Lordship's great wisdom.

"Then went in unto him Dr. Weston, and said, that the cause why I did
write there 'the catholic church,' was, that I understood not the
church written afore. So, with much ado, they persuaded my Lord to
come out again, and to take my name, with the names of my sureties,
which were my cousin Brittayne, and Master Spilman of Gray's Inn.

"This being done, we thought that I should have been put to bail
immediately, according to the order of the law: howbeit he would not
suffer it, but committed me from thence to prison again until the next
morrow, and then he willed me to appear in the Guildhall, and so I
did. Notwithstanding they would not put me to bail there neither, but
read the bishop's writing unto me, as before, and so commanded me
again to prison. Then were my sureties appointed to come before them
on the next morrow, in Paul's church, which did so indeed.
Notwithstanding, they would once again have broken off with them,
because they would not be bound also for another woman, at their
pleasure, whom they knew not, nor yet what matter was laid unto her
charge! Notwithstanding at the St, after much ado and reasoning to and
fro, they took a bond of them of recognisance for my forth-coming: and
thus I was at the last delivered.

"Written by me, ANNE ASKEW."

The latter apprehension and examination of the worthy martyr of God,
Mistress Anne Askew, A.D. 1546.

"I do perceive, dear friend in the Lord, that thou art not yet
persuaded thoroughly in the truthconcerning the Lord's supper, because
Christ said unto his apostles, Take, eat, this is my body which is
given for you.

"In giving forth the bread as an outward sign or token to be received
with the mouth, he minded them in perfect belief to receive that body
of his which should die for the people, and to think the death thereof
to be the only health and salvation of their souls. The bread and the
wine were left us for a sacramental communion, or a mutual
participation of the inestimable benefits of his most precious death
and blood-shedding, and that we should, in the end thereof, be
thankful together for that most necessary grace of our redemption.
For, in the closing up thereof he said thus, This do ye in remembrance
of me: yea, so oft as ye shall eat it or drink it. Else should we have
been forgetful of that we ought to have in daily remembrance, and also
have been altogether unthankful for it. Therefore it is meet that in
our prayers we call unto God to graft in our foreheads the true
meaning of the Holy Ghost concerning this communion. For St. Paul
saith, The letter slayeth; the Spirit is it only that giveth life.
Mark well the sixth chapter of John, where all is applied unto faith:
note also the fourth chapter of St. Paul's Second Epistle to the
Corinthians, and in the end thereof ye shall find, that The things
which are seen are temporal, but they that are not seen are
everlasting. Yea, look in Hebrews iii., and ye shall find that Christ
as a son (and no servant) ruleth over his house, whose house are we,
and not the dead temple, if we hold fast the confidence and rejoicing
of that hope to the end. Wherefore, as said the Holy Ghost, To-day if
ye shall hear his voice, harden not your hearts, &c."

The sum of my examination before the king's council at Greenwich.

"Your request as concerning my prison-fellows I am not able to
satisfy, because I heard not their examinations. But the effect of
mine was this: I, being before the council, was asked of Master Kyme.
I answered, that my lord chancellor knew already my mind in that
matter. They with that answer were not contented, but said it was the
king's pleasure that I should open the matter unto them. I answered
them plainly, I would not so do; but if it were the king's pleasure to
hear me, I would show him the truth. Then they said, it was not meet
for the king to be troubled with me. I answered, that Solomon was
reckoned the wisest king that ever lived, yet misliked he not to hear
two poor common women, much more his Grace a simple woman and his
faithful subject. So, in conclusion, I made them none other answer in
that matter. Then my lord chancellor asked of me my opinion in the
sacrament. My answer was this, I believe that so oft as I, in a
Christian congregation, do receive the bread in remembrance of
Christ's death, and with thanksgiving, according to his holy
institution, I receive therewith the fruits, also, of his most
glorious passion. The bishop of Winchester bade me make a direct
answer: I said, I would not sing a new song of the Lord in a strange
land. Then the bishop said, I spake in parables. I answered, it was
best for him, 'for if I show the open truth,' quoth I, ye will not
accept it' Then he said I was a parrot. I told him again, I was ready
to suffer all things at his hands, not only his rebukes, but all that
should follow besides, yea, and all that gladly.

"Then had I divers rebukes of the council, because I would not express
my mind in all things as they would have me. But they were not in the
mean time unanswered for all that, which now to rehearse were too
much, for I was with them there about five hours. Then the clerk of
the council conveyed me from thence to my Lady Garnish.

"The next day I was brought again before the council. Then would they
needs know of me what I said to the sacrament. I answered, that I
already had said what I could say. Then, after divers words, they bade
me go by. Then came my Lord Lisle, my Lord of Essex, and the bishop of
Winchester, requiring me earnestly that I should confess the sacrament
to be flesh, blood, and bone. Then said I to my Lord Parre and my Lord
Lisle, that it was a great shame for them to counsel contrary to their
knowledge. Whereunto, in few words, they did say, that they would
gladly all things were well.

"Then the bishop said he would speak with me familiarly. I said, 'So
did Judas, when he unfriendly betrayed Christ' Then desired the bishop
to speak with me alone. But that I refused. He asked me why. I aid,
that in the mouth of two or three witnesses every matter should stand,
after Christ's and Paul's doctrine.

"Then my lord chancellor began to examine me again of the sacrament.
Then I asked him how long he would halt on both sides. Then would he
needs know where I found that. I said, in the Scripture. Then he went
his way. Then the bishop said I should be burned. I answered, that I
had searched all the Scriptures, yet could I never find that either
Christ or his apostles put any creature to death. 'Well, well,' said
I, 'God will laugh your threatenings to scorn.' Then was I commanded
to stand aside. Then came to me Dr. Cox,and Dr. Robinson. In
conclusion, we could not agree.

"Then they made me a bill of the sacrament, willing me to set my hand
thereunto; but I would not. Then, on the Sunday, I was sore sick,
thinking no less than to die: therefore I desired to speak with Master
Latimer, but it would not be. Then was I sent to Newgate in my
extremity of sickness; for in all my life afore I was never in such
pain. Thus the Lord strengthen us in the truth. Pray, pray, pray!"

The confession of me, Anne Askew, for the time I was in Newgate,
concerning my belief.

"I find in the Scripture, that Christ took the bread and gave it to
his disciples, saying, Take, eat, this is my body which shall be
broken for you; meaning in substance, his own very body, the bread
being thereof an only sign or sacrament. For, after like manner of
speaking, he said he would break down the temple, and in three days
build it up again, signifying his own body by the temple, as St. John
declareth it, and not the stony temple itself. So that the bread is
but a remembrance of his death, or a sacrament of thanksgiving for it,
whereby we are knit unto him by a communion of Christian love;
although there be many that cannot perceive the true meaning thereof:
for the veil that Moses put over his face before the children of
Israel, that they should not see the clearness thereof, I perceive the
same veil remaineth to this day. But when God shall take it away, then
shall these blind men see. For it is plainly expressed in the history
of Bel in the Bible, that, God dwelleth in nothing material. O king,
saith Daniel, be not deceived; for God will be in nothing that is made
with hands of men. Oh! what stiff-necked people are these, that will
always resist the Holy Ghost. But, as their fathers have done, so do
they, because they have stony hearts.

"Written by me, Anne Askew, that neither wish death, nor yet fear his
might; and as merry as one that is bound towards heaven."

"Truth is laid in prison. The law is turned to wormwood. And there can
no right judgment go forth.

"Oh! forgive us all our sins, and receive us graciously. As for the
works of our hands, we will no more call upon them; for it is thou,
Lord, that art our God. Thou showest ever mercy unto the fatherless.

"Oh! if they would do this, saith the Lord, I should heal their sores,
yea, with all my heart would I love them.

"O Ephraim, what have I to do with idols any more? Whoso is wise,
shall understand this; and and he that is rightly instructed will
regard it, for the ways of the Lord are righteous. Such as are godly,
will walk in them; and as for the wicked, they will stumble at them.

"Solomon, saith St. Stephen, builded a house for the God of Jacob.
Howbeit, the Highest of all dwelleth not in temples made with hands,
as saith the prophet, Heaven is my seat, and earth is my footstool.
What house will ye build for me, saith the Lord? or what place is it
that I shall rest in? Hath not my hand made all things?

"Woman, believe me, saith Christ to the Samaritan, the time is at
hand, that ye shall neither in this mountain, nor yet at Jerusalem,
worship the Father. Ye worship ye wot not what; but we know what we
worship: for salvation cometh of the Jews. But the hour cometh, and is
now, when the true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and
verity.

"Labour not, saith Christ, for the meat that perisheth, but for that
that endureth unto life everlasting, which the Son of man shall give
you: for him hath God the Father sealed."

The sum of the condemnation of me, Anne Askew, at the Guildhall.

"They said to me there, that I was a heretic, and condemned by the
law, if I would stand in my opinion. I answered, that I was no
heretic, neither yet deserved I any death by the law of God. But, as
concerning the faith which I uttered and wrote to the council, I would
not, I said, deny it, because I knew it true. Then would they needs
know, if I would deny the sacrament to be Christ's body and blood. I
said, 'Yea: for the same Son of God that was born of the Virgin Mary,
is now glorious in heaven, and will come again from thence at the
latter day like as he went up. And as for that ye call your God, it is
a piece of bread. For a more proof thereof, (mark it when you list,)
let it but lie in the box three months, and it will be mouldy, and so
turn to nothing that is good. Whereupon I am persuaded that it cannot
be God.'

"After that, they willed me to have a priest; and then I smiled. Then
they asked me, if it were not good; I said, I would confess my faults
unto God, for I was sure that he would hear with favour. And so we
were condemned by a quest."

"My belief which I wrote to the council was this: 'That the
sacramental bread was left us to be received with thanksgiving, in
remembrance of Christ's death, the only remedy of our soul's recovery;
and that thereby we also receive the whole benefits and fruits of his
most glorious passion.' Then would they needs know, whether the bread
in the box were God or no: I said, 'God is a Spirit, and will be
worshipped in spirit and truth.' Then they demanded, 'Will you plainly
deny Christ to be in the sacrament?' I answered, that I believe
faithfully the eternal Son of God not to dwell there; in witness
whereof I recited again the history of Bel, Dan. xix., Acts vii. and
xvii., and Matt. xxiv., concluding thus: 'I neither wish death, nor
yet fear his might; God have the praise thereof with thanks.'"

My letter sent to the lord chancellor.

"The Lord God, by whom all creatures have their being, bless you with
the light of his knowIedge. Amen.

"My duty to your Lordship remembered, &c.: It might please you to
accept this my bold suit, as the suit of one who, upon due
consideration, is moved to the same, and hopeth to obtain. My request
to your Lordship, is only that it may please the same to be a mean for
me to the king's Majesty, that his Grace may be certified of these few
lines which I have written concerning my belief, which when it shall
be truly conferred with the hard judgment given me for the same, I
think his Grace shall well perceive me to be weighed in an uneven pair
of balances. But I remit my matter and cause to Almighty God, who
rightly judgeth alt secrets. And thus I commend your Lordship to the
governance of him, and fellowship of all saints, Amen.

"By your handmaid, Anne Askew."

My faith briefly written to the king's Grace.

"I, Anne Askew, of good memory, although God hath given me the bread
of adversity, and the water of trouble, yet not so much as my sins
have deserved, desire this to be known unto your Grace, that,
forasmuch as I am by the law condemned for an evil doer, here I take
heaven and earth to record, that I shall die in my innocency: and,
according to that I have said first, and will say last, I utterly
abhor and detest all heresies. And as concerning the supper of the
Lord, I believe so much as Christ hath said therein, which he
confirmed with his most blessed blood. I believe also so much as he
willed me to follow and believe, and so much as the catholic church of
him doth teach: for I will not forsake the commandment of his holy
lips. But look, what God hath charged me with his mouth, that have I
shut up in my heart. And thus briefly I end, for lack of learning.

The cruel handling and racking of Anne Askew after her condemnation.

"The elect of my examination and handling since my departure from
Newgate.

"On Tuesday I was sent from Newgate to the sign of the Crown, where
Master Rich, and the bishop of London, with all their power and
flattering words, went about to persuade me from God: but I did not
esteem their glosing pretences.

"Then came there to me Nicholas Shaxton, and counselled me to recant
as he had done. I said to him, that it had been good for him never to
have been born; with many other like words.

"Then Master Rich sent me to the Tower, where I remained till three
o'clock.

"Then came Rich and one of the council, charging me upon my obedience,
to show unto them, if I knew any man or woman of my sect. My answer
was, that I knew none. Then they asked me of my Lady of Suffolk, my
Lady of Sussex, my Lady of Hertford, my Lady Denny, and my Lady
Fitzwilliam. To whom I answered, if I should pronounce any thing
against them, that I were not able to prove it. Then said they unto
me, that the king was informed that I could name, if I would, a great
number of my sect. I answered, that the king was as well deceived in
that behalf, as dissembled with in other matters.

"Then commanded they me to show how I was maintained in the Compter,
and who willed me to stick to my opinion. I said, that there was no
creature that therein did strengthen me: and as for the help that I
had in the Compter, it was by means of my maid. For as she went abroad
in the streets, she made moan to the prentices, and they, by her, did
send me money; but who they were I never knew.

"Then they said that there were divers gentlewomen that gave me money:
but I knew not their names. Then they said that there were divers
ladies that had sent me money. I answered, that there was a man in a
blue coat who delivered me ten shillings, and said that my Lady of
Hertford wait me; and another in a violet coat gave me eight
shillings, and said my Lady Denny sent it me: whether it were true or
no, I cannot tell; for I am not sure who sent it me, but as the maid
did say. Then they said, there were of the council that did maintain
me: and I said, No.

"Then they did put me on the rack, because I confessed no ladies or
gentlewomen to be of my opinion, and thereon they kept me a long time;
and because I lay still, and did not cry, my lord chancellor and
Master Rich took pains to rack me with their own hands, till I was
nigh dead.

"Then the lieutenant caused me to be loosed from the rack.
Incontinently I swooned, and then they recovered me again. After that
I sat two long hours reasoning with my lord chancellor upon the bare
floor; where he, with many flattering words, persuaded me to leave my
opinion. But my Lord God (I thank his everlasting goodness) gave me
grace to persevere, and will do, I hope, to the very end.

"Then was I brought to a house, and laid in a bed, with as weary and
painful bones as ever had patient Job; I thank my Lord God there-for.
Then my lord chancellor sent me word, if I would leave my opinion, I
should want nothing: if I would not, I should forthwith to Newgate,
and so be burned. I sent him again word, that I would rather die, than
break my faith.

"Thus the Lord open the eyes of their blind hearts, that the truth may
take place. Farewell, dear friend, and pray, pray, pray!"

Touching the order of her racking in the Tower thus it was; first she
was let down into a dungeon, where Sir Anthony Knevet, the lieutenant,
commanded his jailor to pinch her with the rack. Which being done as
much as he thought sufficient, he went about to take her down,
supposing that he had done enough. But Wriothesley, the chancellor,
not contented that she was loosed so soon, confessing nothing,
commanded the lieutenant to strain her on the rack again: which
because he denied to do, tendering the weakness of the woman, he was
threatened therefore grievously of the said Wriothesley, saying, that
he would signify his disobedience unto the king. And so consequently
upon the same, he and Master Rich, throwing off their gowns, would
needs play the tormentors themselves; first asking her, if she were
with child. To whom she answering again, said, "Ye shall not need to
spare for that, but do your wills upon me." And so, quietly and
patiently praying unto the Lord, she abode their tyranny, till her
bones and joints were almost plucked asunder, in such sort as she was
carried away in a chair. When the racking was past, Wriothesley and
his fellow took their horse towards the. court.

In the mean time, while they were making their way by land, the good
lieutenant, eftsoons taking boat, sped him to the court in all haste
to speak with the king before the others, and so did; who there making
his humble suit to the king, desired his pardon, and showed him the
whole matter as it stood, and of the racking of Mistress Askew, and
how he was threatened by the lord chancellor, because, at his
commandment, not knowing his Highness's pleasure, he refused to rack
her; which he, for compassion, could not find in his heart to do, and
therefore humbly craved his Highness's pardon. Which when the king had
understood, he seemed not very well to like of their so extreme
handling of the woman, and also granted to the lieutenant his pardon,
willing him to return and see to his charge.

Great expectation was in the mean season among the warders and other
officers of the Tower, waiting for his return; whom when they saw come
so cheerfully, declaring unto them how he had sped with the king, they
were not a little joyous, and gave thanks to God there-for.

Anne Askew's answer unto John Lacels' letter.

"O friend, most dearly beloved in God! I marvel not a little what
should move you to judge in me so slender a faith as to fear death,
which is the end of all misery. In the Lord I desire you not to
believe of me such wickedness: for I doubt it not, but God will
perform his work in me, like as he hath begun. I understand the
council is not a little displeased, that it should be reported abroad
that I was racked in the Tower. They say now, that what they did there
was but to fear me; whereby I perceive they are ashamed of their
uncomely doings, and fear much lest the king's Majesty should have
information thereof; wherefore they would no man to noise it. Well!
their cruelty God forgive them. "Your heart in Christ Jesus. Farewell
and pray."

The purgation or answer of Anne Askew, against the false surmises of
her recantation.

"I have read the process which is reported of them that know not the
truth, to be my recantation. But, as the Lord liveth, I never meant a
thing less than to recant. Notwithstanding this I confess, that in my
first troubles I was examined of the bishop of London about the
sacrament. Yet had they no grant of my mouth but this: that I believed
therein as the word of God did bind me to believe. More had they never
of me. Then he made a copy, which is now in print, and required me to
set thereinto my hand; but I refused it. Then my two sureties did will
me in no wise to stick thereat, for it was no great matter, they said.

"Then with mach ado, at the last I wrote thus: 'I, Anne Askew, do
believe this, if God's word do agree to the same, and the true
catholic church.' Then the bishop, being in great displeasure with me
because I made doubts in my writing, commended me to prison, where I
was awhile; but afterwards, by means of friends; I came out again.
Here is the truth of that matter. And as concerning the thing that ye
covet most to know, resort to John vi., and be ruled always thereby.
Thus fare ye well, quoth Anne Askew."

The confession of faith which Anne Askew made in Newgate, before she
suffered.

"I, Anne Askew, of good memory, although my merciful Father hath given
me the bread of adversity, and the water of trouble, yet not so much
as my sins have deserved, confess myself here a sinner before the
throne of his heavenly Majesty, desiring his forgiveness and mercy.
And forasmuch as I am by the law unrighteously condemned for an evil
doer concerning opinions, I take the same most merciful God of mine,
who hath made both heaven and earth, to record, that I hold no
opinions contrary to his most holy word. And I trust in my merciful
Lord, who is the giver of all grace, that he will graciously assist me
against all evil opinions which are contrary to his blessed verity.
For I take him to witness, that I have done, and will, unto my life's
end, utterly abhor them to the uttermost of my power.

"But this is the heresy which they report me to hold: that after the
priest hath spoken the words of consecration, there remaineth bread
still. They both say, and also teach it for a necessary article of
faith, that after those words be once spoken, there remaineth no
bread, but even the self-same body that hung upon the cross on Good
Friday, both flesh, blood, and bone. To this belief of theirs say I,
nay. For then were our common creed false, which saith, that he
sitteth on the right hand of God the Father Almighty, and from thence
shall come to judge the quick and the dead. Lo, this is the heresy 
that I hold, and for it must suffer the death. But as touching the
holy and blessed supper of the Lord, I believe it to be a most
necessary remembrance of his glorious sufferings and death. Moreover,
I believe as much therein as my eternal and only Redeemer Jesus Christ
would I should believe.

"Finally, I believe all those Scriptures to be true, which he hath
confirmed with his most precious blood. Yea, and as St. Paul saith,
those Scriptures are sufficient for our learning and salvation, that
Christ hath left here with us; so that I believe we need no unwritten
verities to rule his church with. Therefore look, what he hath said
unto me with his own mouth in his holy gospel, that have I, with God's
grace, closed up in my heart, and my full trust is, as David saith,
that it shall be a lantern to my footsteps.

"There be some do say, that I deny the eucharist or sacrament of
thanksgiving; but those people do untruly report of me. For I both say
and believe it, that if it were ordered like as Christ instituted it
and left it, a most singular comfort it were unto us all. But as
concerning your mass, as it is now used in our days, I do say and
believe it to be the most abominable idol that is in the world: for my
God will not be eaten with teeth, neither yet dieth he again. And upon
these words that I base now spoken, will I suffer death."

A prayer of Anne Askew.

"O Lord! I have more enemies now, than there be hairs on my head: yet,
Lord, let them never overcome me with vain words, but light thou,
Lord, in my stead; for on thee cast I my care. With all the spite they
can imagine, they fall upon me, who am thy poor creature. Yet, sweet
Lord, let me not set by them that are against me; for in thee is my
whole delight. And, Lord, I heartily desire of thee that thou wilt of
thy most merciful goodness forgive them that violence which they do,
and have done, unto me. Open also thou their blind hearts, that they
may hereafter do that thing in thy sight, which is only acceptable
before thee, and to set forth thy verity aright,without all vain
fantasies of sinful men. So be it, O Lord, so be it!

"By me, ANNE ASKEW."
(Illustration: Anne Askew burned at the stake)

Hitherto we have treated of this good woman: now it remaineth that we
touch somewhat as concerning her end and martyrdom. After that she
(being born of such stock and kindred that she might have lived in
great wealth and prosperity, if she would rather have followed the
world than Christ) now had been so tormented, that she could neither
live long in so great distress, neither yet by her adversaries be
suffered to die in secret, the day of her execution being appointed,
she was brought into Smithfield in a chair, because she could not go
on her feet, by means of her great torments. When she was brought unto
the stake, she was tied by the middle with a chain, that held up her
body. When all things were thus prepared to the fire, Dr. Shaxton, who
was then appointed to preach, began his sermon. Anne Askew, hearing
and answering again unto him, where he said well, confirmed the same;
where he said amiss, "There," said she, "he misseth, and speaketh
without the book."

The sermon being finished, the martyrs, standing there tied at three
several stakes ready to their martyrdom, began their prayers. The
multitude and concourse of the people was exceeding; the place where
they stood being railed about to keep out the press. Upon the bench
under St. Bartholomew's church sat Wriothesley, chancellor of England;
the old duke of Norfolk, the old earl of Bedford, the lord mayor, with
divers others. Before the fire should be set unto them, one of the
bench, hearing that they had gunpowder about them, and being alarmed
lest the faggots, by strength of the gunpowder, would come flying
about their ears, began to be afraid: but the earl of Bedford,
declaring unto him how the gunpowder was not laid under the faggots,
but only about their bodies, to rid them out of their pain, which
having vent, there was no danger to them of the faggots, so diminished
that fear.

Then Wriothesley, lord chancellor, sent to Anne Askew letters,
offering to her the king's pardon if she would recant; who, refusing
once to look upon them, made this answer again, that she came not
thither to deny her Lord and Master. Then were the letters likewise
offered unto the others, who, in like manner, following the constancy
of the woman, denied not only to receive them, but also to look upon
them. Whereupon the lord mayor, commanding fire to be put unto them,
cried with a loud voice, Fiat justitia.

And thus the good Anne Askew, with these blessed martyrs, being
troubled se many manner of ways, and having passed through so many
torments, having now ended the long course of her agonies, being
compassed in with flames of fire, as a blessed sacrifice unto God, she
slept in the Lord A.D. 1546, leaving behind her a singular example of
Christian constancy for all men to follow.

$

210. THE MARTYRDOM OF JOHN LACELS, JOHN ADAMS, AND NICHOLAS BELENIAN.

There was, at the same time, also burned together with her, one
Nicholas Belenian, priest of Shropshire; John Adams, a tailor; and
John Lacels, gentleman of the court and household of King Henry.

It happened well for them, that they died together with Anne Askew:
for, albeit that of themselves they were strong and stout men, yet,
through the example and exhortation of her, they, being the more
boldened, received occasion of greater comfort in that so painful and
doleful kind of death; who, beholding her invincible constancy, and
also stirred up through her persuasions, did set apart all kind of
fear.

Thus they, confirming one another with mutual exhortations, tarried
looking for the tormentor and fire, which at the last, flaming round
about then:, consumed their blessed bodies in happy martyrdom, in the
year of our salvation 1546, about the month of June.

There is also a certain letter extant, which the said John Lacels
briefly wrote, being in prison, touching the sacrament of Christ's
body and blood; wherein he doth both confute the error of them, who,
being not contented with the spiritual receiving of the sacrament,
will leave no substance of bread therein, and, also, confuteth the
sinister interpretation of many thereupon: the tenor of which letter
is as hereunder followeth.

The copy of the letter of John Lacels, written out of prison.

"St. Paul, because of sects and dissension among the Corinthians,
wrote this Epistle unto them; and, in like case pertaining to my
conscience, I do protest my whole heart in the blessed supper of the
Lord; wherein I trust in God to bring nothing for me, but I shall be
able, with God's holy word, to declare and manifest the same. And
herein I take occasion to recite the saying of St. Paul, in the said
Epistle, chap. xi., That which I delivered unto you, I received of the
Lord. For the Lord Jesus, the same night in which he was betrayed,
took bread, gave thanks, and brake it, and said, Take ye, eat ye; this
is my body, which is broken for you.

"Here, me seemeth, St. Paul durst not take upon him his Lord and
Master's authority. Wherefore, as at God's hand the breaking of the
most innocent and immaculate body and blood of Christ is the quietness
of all men's consciences, the only remedy of our sins, and the
redemption of mankind, which is called in the Scripture the daily
offering: so the mass, which is the invention of man, (whose author is
the pope of Rome, as it doth appear in Polydore Virgil and many
others,) is the unquietness of all Christendom, a blasphemy unto
Christ's blood, and (as Daniel calleth it) the abominable desolation,
as the Scripture shall hereafter more manifest it. St. Paul was,
belike, to learn of the Romans' church, the manner of the
consecration, as they call it, with the breathing over the host, and
other ceremonies besides, that he durst not take upon him to say, Hoc
est corpus meum. But this I will admit: it was the Lord Jesus that
made the supper; who also did finish it, and made an end of the only
act of our salvation, not only here in this world, but with his Father
in heaven; as he declareth himself, that he will drink no more of this
bitter cup, till he drink it new in his Father's kingdom, where all
bitterness shall be taken away.

"Now, if any man be able to finish the act of our Saviour, in breaking
of his body, and shedding of his blood here, and also to finish it
with the Father in heaven, then let him say it. But I think that if
men will look upon St. Paul's words well, they shall be forced to say,
as St. Paul saith, The Lord Jesus said it; and once for all, which
only was the fulfiller of it. For these words, Hoc est corpus meum,
were spoken of his natural presence, (which no man is able to deny,)
because the act was finished on the cross, as the story doth plainly
manifest it to them that have eyes. Now this bloody sacrifice is made
an end of; the supper is finished, forasmuch as Christ hath once
suffered for sins, the just for the unjust, to bring us to God, and
was killed as pertaining to the flesh, and hath entered in by his own
blood once for all, into the holy place, and found eternal redemption.

"Here now followeth the administration of the supper of the Lord,
which I will take at Christ's hands after the resurrection, although
other men will not be ashamed to bring the wicked counsels of foolish
inventions for them. And it came to pass, as Christ sat at meat with
them, he took bread, blessed, and brake it, and gave it to them; and
their eyes were opened, and knew him, and he vanished out of their
sight. And the apostles did know him in breaking of bread.

"Here, also, it seemeth to me the apostles to follow their Master
Christ, and to take the right use of the sacrament, and also to teach
it to those that were converted to Christ, as mention is made in the
Acts of the Apostles, where it is said, They continued in the
apostles' doctrine and fellowship, in breaking of bread, and
prayer;and they continued daily with one accord in the temple, and
brake bread in every house, and did eat there with gladness and
singleness of heart, praising God; and had favour with all the people.
And St. Paul, following the same doctrine, doth plainly show the duty
of the minister, and also of them that shall receive it: As oft as ye
shall eat this bread, and drink this cup, ye shall show the Lord's
death until he come. Here I do gather, that the minister hath no
further power and authority than to preach and pronounce the Lord's
death, or else to say, the Lord Jesus said it, which did fulfil it on
the cross.

"Furthermore, I do stedfastly believe, that where the bread is broken
according to the ordinance of Christ, the blessed and immaculate Lamb
is present to the eyes of our faith, and so we eat his flesh, and
drink his blood, which is, to dwell with God, and God with us. And in
this we are sure we dwell with God, in that he giveth us his Holy
Spirit, even as the forefathers, that were before Christ's coming, did
presently see the Lord's death, and did eat his body, and drink his
blood.

"In this I do differ from the pope's church, that the priests have
authority to make Christ's natural presence in the bread, for so doth
he more than our Lord and Saviour did; as the example is manifest in
Judas, who at Christ's hands received the same wine and bread as the
other apostles did. But the pope and his adherents are even they whom
Daniel speaketh of, saying, He shall set men to unhallow the
sanctuary, and to put down the daily offering, and to set up the
abominable desolation. Yea, he, of Rome, shall speak marvellous things
against the God of heaven, and God of all gods, wherein he shall
prosper so long, till the wrath be fulfilled, for the conclusion is
devised already. He shall not regard the God of heaven, nor the God of
his fathers, yea, in his place shall he worship the mighty idol, and
the god whom his fathers knew not, which is the god Maozim.

"For lack of time, I leave the commemoration of the blessed supper of
the Lord, and the abominable idol the mass, which is it that Daniel
meaneth by the god Maozim. Read the second and last chapten of Daniel,
and 2 Thess. ii., where they recite the abomination of desolation,
which Matthew saith, standeth in the holy place, that is, in the
consciences of men. Mark saith, where it ought not to stand, which is
a plain denial of all the inventions of men. Farther, Luke saith, the
time is at hand. Paul saith, the mystery of iniquity worketh already,
yea, and shall continue till the appearance of Christ, which in my
judgment is at hand.

"Now for the supper of the Lord, I do protest to take it as reverently
as Christ left it, and as his apostles did use it, according to the
testimonies of the prophets, the apostles, and our blessed Saviour
Christ, which accordingly St. Paul to the Ephesians doth recite.

"Now, with quietness, I commit the whole world to their pastor and
herdsman Jesus Christ, the only Saviour and true Messiah, and I
commend my sovereign lord and master the king's Majesty, King Henry
the Eighth, to God the Father, and to our Lord Jesus Christ: the
queen, and my lord the prince, with this whole realm, ever to the
innocent and immaculate Lamb, that his blood may wash and purify their
hearts and souls from all iniquity and sin, to God's glory, and to the
salvation of their souls. I do protest, that the inward part of my
heart doth groan for this; and I doubt not but to enter into the holy
tabernacle which is above, yea, and there to be with God for ever.
Farewell in Christ Jesu.

"John Lacels, late servant to the king, and now I trust to serve the
everlasting King, with the testimony of my blood in Smithfield."

$

211. ONE ROGERS, A MARTYR, BURNED IN NORFOLK.

Like as Winchester and other bishops did set on King Henry against
Anne Askew and her fellow martyrs, so Dr. Repse, bishop of Norwich,
did incite no less the old duke of Norfolk against one Rogers in the
county of Norfolk; who, much about the same year and time, was there
condemned and suffered martyrdom for the six articles. After which
time it was not long, but within a half year, both the king himself
and the duke's house decayed: albeit, the duke's house, by God's
grace, recovered again afterwards, and he himself converted to more
moderation in this kind of dealing.

$

212. KATHERINE PARR

The story of Queen Katharine Parr, late queen, and wife to King Henry
the Eighth wherein appeareth in what danger she was for the gospel, by
means of Stephen Gardiner and others of his conspiracy; and how
graciously she was preserved by her kind and loving husband the king.

After these stormy stories above recited, the course and order as well
of the time as the matter of the story doth require now somewhat to
treat, likewise, touching the troubles and afflictions of the virtuous
and excellent lady, Queen Katharine Parr, the last wife to King Henry;
the story whereof is this.

About the same time above noted, which was about the year after the
king returned from Boulogne, he was informed that Queen Katharine
Parr, at that time his wife, was very much given to the reading and
study of the Holy Scriptures, and that she, for that purpose, had
retained divers well learned and godly persons to instruct her
thoroughly in the same; with whom as, at all times convenient, she
used to have private conference touching spiritual matters, so also of
ordinary; but especially in Lent, every day in the afternoon, for the
space of an hour, one of her said chaplains, in her privy chamber,
made some collation to her and to her ladies and gentlewomen of her
privy chamber, or others that were disposed to hear; in which sermons
they ofttimes touched such abuses as in the church then were rife. As
these things were not secretly done, so neither were their preachings
unknown to the king; whereof, at first, and for a great time, be
seemed very well to like. Which made her the more bold (being indeed
become very zealous toward the gospel, and the professors thereof)
frankly to debate with the king touching religion, and therein flatly
to discover herself; oftentimes wishing, exhorting, and persuading the
king, that as he had, to the glory of God, and his eternal fame, begun
a good and a godly work in banishing that monstrous idol of Rome, so
he would thoroughly perfect and finish the same, cleansing and purging
his church of England clean from the dregs thereof, wherein as yet
remained great superstition.

And albeit the king grew, towards his latter end, very stern and
opinionate, so that of few he could be content to be taught, but worst
of all to be contended withal by argument; notwithstanding, towards
her he refrained his accustomed manner, (unto others in like case
used,) as appeared by great respects, either for the reverence of the
cause, whereunto of himself he seemed well inclined, if some others
could have ceased from seeking to pervert him, or else, for the
singular affection which, until a very small time before his death, he
always bare unto her. For never handmaid sought with more careful
diligence to please her mistress, than she did, with all painful
endeavour, apply herself, by all virtuous means, in all things to
please his humour.

Moreover, besides the virtues of the mind, she was endued with very
rare gifts of nature, as singular beauty, favour, and comely
personage, being things wherein the king was greatly delighted: and so
enjoyed she the king's favour, to the great likelihood of the setting
at large of the gospel within this realm at that time, had not the
malicious practice of certain enemies professed against the truth,
(which at that time also were very great,) prevented the same, to the
utter alienating of the king's mind from religion, and almost to the
extreme ruin of the queen and certain others with her, if God had not
marvellously succoured her in that distress. The conspirers and
practisers of her death were Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
Wriothesley, then lord chancellor, and others, as well of the king's
privy chamber, as of his privy council. These, seeking (for the
furtherance of their ungodly purpose) to revive, stir up, and kindle,
evil and pernicious humours in their prince and sovereign lord, to the
intent to deprive her of this great favour which then she stood in
with the king, (which they not a little feared would turn to the utter
ruin of their antichristian sect, it it should continue,) and thereby
to stop the passage of the gospel; and consequently, (having taken
away her, who was the only patroness of the professors of the truth,) 
openly, without fear of check or controlment, with fire and sword,
after their accustomed manner, to invade the small remainder, as they
hoped, of that poor flock, made their wicked entry unto this their
mischievous enterprise, after this manner following.

The king's Majesty, as you have heard, misliked to be contended withal
in any kind of argument. This humour of his, although not in smaller
matters, yet in causes of religion, as occasion served, the queen
would not stick, in reverent terms and humble talk, entering with him
into discourse, with sound reasons of Scripture now and then to
contrary; the which the king was so well accustomed unto in those
matters, that at her hands he took all in good part, or, at least, did
never show countenance of offence thereat: which did not a little
appal her adversaries to hear and see. During which time, perceiving
her so thoroughly grounded in the king's favour, they durst not for
their lives once open their lips unto the king in any respect to touch
her, either in her presence, or behind her back. And so long she
continued this her accustomed usage, not only of hearing private
sermons, (as is said,) but also of her free conference with the king
in matters of religion, without all peril; until, at the last, by
reason of his sore leg, (the anguish whereof began more and more to
increase,) he waxed sickly, and therewithal froward, and difficult to
be pleased.

In the time of this his sickness, he had left his accustomed manner of
coming, and visiting the queen, and therefore she, according as she
understood him, by such assured intelligence as she had about him, to
be disposed to have her company, sometime being sent for, at other
times of herself, would come to visit him, either after dinner or
after supper, as was most fit for her purpose: at which times she
would not fail to use all occasions to move him, according to her
manner, zealously to proceed in the reformation of the church. The
sharpness of the disease had sharpened the king's accustomed patience,
so that he began to show some tokens of misliking; and, contrary unto
his manner, upon a day breaking off that matter, he took occasion to
enter into other talk, which somewhat amazed the queen, to whom,
notwithstanding, in her presence he gave neither evil word nor
countenance, but knit up all arguments with gentle words and loving
countenance; and after other pleasant talk, she, for that time, took
her leave of his Majesty; who, after his manner, bidding her
"Farewell, sweet heart!" (for that was his usual term to the queen,)
licensed her to depart.

At this visitation chanced the bishop of Winchester aforenamed to be
present, as also at the queen's taking her leave, (who very well had
printed in his memory the king's sudden interrupting of the queen in
her tale, and falling into other matter,) and thought, that if the
iron were beaten whilst it was hot, and that the king's humour were
holpen, such misliking might follow towards the queen, as might both
overthrow her, and all her endeavours; and only awaited some occasion
to renew in the king's memory the former misliked argument. His
expectation in that behalf did nothing fail him; for the king at that
time showed himself no less prompt and ready to receive any
information, than the bishop was maliciously bent to stir up the
king's indignation against her. The king, immediately upon her
departure from him, used these or like words: "A good hearing," quoth
he, "it is, when women become such clerks; and a thing much to my
comfort, to come in mine old days to be taught by my wife."

The bishop, hearing this, seemed to mislike that the queen should so
much forget herself as to take upon her to stand in any argument with
his Majesty, whom he, to his face, extolled for his rare virtues, and
especially, for his learned judgment in matters of religion, above not
only princes of that and other ages, but also above doctors professed
in divinity; and said that it was an unseemly thing for any of his
Majesty's subjects to reason and argue with him so malapertly, and
grievous to him, for his part, and other of his Majesty's councillors
and servants, to hear the same; and that they all, by proof, knew his
wisdom to be such, that it was not needful for any to put him in mind
of any such matters: inferring, moreover, how dangerous and perilous a
matter it is, and ever hath been, for a prince to suffer such insolent
words at his subjects' hands; who, as they take boldness to contrary
their sovereign in words, so want they no will, but only power and
strength, to overthwart them in deeds.

Besides this, that the religion by the queen so stiffly maintained,
did not only disallow and dissolve the policy and politic government
of princes, but also taught the people that all things ought to be in
common; so that what colour soever they pretended, their opinions were
indeed so odious, and for the prince's estate so perilous, that
(saving the reverence they bear unto her for his Majesty's sake) they
durst be bold to affirm that the greatest subject in this land,
speaking those words that she did speak, and defending those arguments
that she did defend, had, with indifferent justice, by law deserved
death.

Howbeit, for his part, he would not, nor durst he, without good
warrant from his Majesty, speak his knowledge in the queen's case,
although very apparent reasons made for him, and such as his dutiful
affection towards his Majesty, and the zeal and preservation of his
estate, would scarce give him leave to conceal, though the uttering
thereof might, through her, and her faction, be the utter destruction
of him, and of such as indeed did chiefly tender the prince's safety,
without his Majesty would take upon him to be their protector, and as
it were their buckler: which, if he would do, (as in respect of his
own safety he ought not to refuse,) he, with others of his faithful
councillors, could, within short time, disclose such treasons cloaked
with this cloak of heresy, that his Majesty should easily perceive how
perilous a matter it is, to cherish a serpent within his own bosom:
howbeit, he would not, for his part, willingly deal in the matter,
both for reverent respect aforesaid, and, also, for fear lest the
faction was grown already too great, there, with the prince's safety,
to discover the same. And therewithal, with heavy countenance, and
whispering together with them of that sect there present, he held his
peace.

These, and such other kinds of Winchester's flattering phrases,
marvellously whetted the king both to anger and displeasure towards
the queen, and also to be jealous and mistrustful of his own estate;
for the assurance whereof, princes use not to be scrupulous to do any
thing. Thus then Winchester, with his flattering words, seeking to
frame the king's disposition after his own pleasure, so far crept into
the king at that time, and, with doubtful fears he, with other his
fellows, so filled the king's mistrustful mind, that before they
departed the place, the king (to see, belike, what they would do) had
given commandment, with warrant to certain of them made for that
purpose, to consult together about the drawing of certain articles
against the queen, wherein her life might be touched; which the king,
by their persuasions, pretended to be fully resolved not to spare,
having any rigour or colour of law to countenance the matter. With
this commissionthey departed for that time from the king, resolved to
put their pernicious practice to as mischievous an execution.

During the time of deliberation about this matter, they failed not to
use all kind of policies and mischievous practices, as well to suborn
accusers, as otherwise to betray her, in seeking to understand what
books, by law forbidden, she had in her closet. And the better to
bring their purpose to pass, because they would not upon the sudden,
but by means, deal with her, they thought it best, at first, to begin
with some of those ladies, whom they knew to be great with her, and of
her blood; the chiefest whereof, as most of estimation, and privy to
all her doings, were these: the Lady Herbert, afterwards countess of
Pembroke, and sister to the queen, and chief of her privy chamber; the
Lady Lane, being of her privy chamber, and also her cousin german; the
Lady Tyrwit, of her privy chamber, and, for her virtuous disposition,
in very great favour and credit with her.

It was devised that these three above named should, first of all, have
been accused and brought to answer unto the six articles; and, upon
their apprehension in the court, their closets and coffers should have
been searched, that somewhat might have been found whereby the queen
might be charged; which, being found, the queen herself, presently,
should have been taken, and likewise, by barge, carried by night unto
the Tower. This platform thus devised, but yet in the end coming to no
effect; the king, by those aforesaid, was forthwith made privy unto
the device by Winchester and Wriothesley, and his consent thereunto
demanded; who, (belike to prove the bishop's malice, how far it would
presume,) like a wise politic prince, was contented dissemblingly to
give his consent, and to allow of every circumstance; knowing,
notwithstanding, in the end what he would do. And thus the day, the
time, and the place of these apprehensions aforesaid, were appointed;
which device yet after was changed.

The king at that time lay at Whitehall, and used very seldom, being
not well at ease, to stir out of his chamber or privy gallery; and few
of his council, but by especial commandment, resorted unto him; these
only except, who, by reason of this practice, used, oftener than
ordinary, to repair unto him. This purpose so finely was handled, that
it grew now within few days* of the time appointed for the execution
of the matter, and the poor queen neither knew, nor suspected, any
thing at all, and therefore used, after her accustomed manner, when
she came to visit the king, still to deal with him touching religion,
as before she did.

The king, all this while, gave her leave to utter her mind at the
full, without contradiction; not upon any evil mind or misliking (ye
must conceive) to bare her speedy despatch, but rather closely
dissembling with them, to try out the uttermost of Winchester's
fetches. Thus, after her accustomed conference with the king, when she
had taken her leave of him, (the time and day of Winchester's final
date approaching fast upon,) it chanced that the king, of himself,
upon a certain night after her being with him, and her leave taken of
him, in misliking her religion, brake the whole practice unto one of
his physicians, either Dr. Wendy, or else Owen, but rather Wendy, as
is supposed: pretending unto him, as though he intended not any longer
to be troubled with such a doctress as she was; and also declaring
what trouble was in working against her by certain of her enemies, but
yet charging him withal, upon peril of his life, not to utter it to
any creature living: and thereupon declared unto him the parties above
named, with all circumstances, and when and what the final resolution
of the matter should be.

The queen all this while, compassed about with enemies and
persecutors, perceived nothing of all this, nor what was working
against her, and what traps were laid for her by Winchester and his
fellows; so closely was the matter conveyed. But, see what the Lord
God (who from his eternal throne of wisdom seeth and despatcheth all
the inventions of Ahithophel, and comprehendeth the wily, beguily,
themselves) did for his poor handmaiden, in rescuing her from the pit
of ruin, whereinto she was ready to fall unawares.

For, as the Lord would, so came it to pass, that the bill of articles
drawn against the queen, and subscribed with the king's own hand,
(although dissemblingly, you must understand,) falling from the bosom
of one of the aforesaid councillors, was found and taken up of some
godly person, and brought immediately unto the queen; who, reading
there articles comprised against her, and perceiving the king's own
hand unto the same, for the sudden fear thereof fell incontinent into
a great melancholy and agony, bewailing and taking on in such sort as
was lamentable to see, as certain of her ladies and gentlewomen, being
yet alive, who were then present about her, can testify.

The king, hearing what perplexity she was in, almost to the peril and
danger of her life, sent his physicians unto her; who, travailing
about her, and seeing what extremity she was in, did what they could
for her recovery;. Then Wendy, who knew the cause better than the
others, and perceiving, by her words, what the matter was, according
to that the king before had told him, for the comforting ofher heavy
mind, began to break with her in secret manner, touching the said
articles devised against her, which he himself (he said) knew right
well to be true: although he stood in danger of his life, if ever he
were known to utter the same to any living creature. Nevertheless,
partly for the safety of her life, and partly for the discharge of his
own conscience, having remorse to consent to the shedding of innocent
blood, he could not but give her warning of that mischief that hanged
over her head; beseeching her most instantly to use,all secrecy in
that behalf, and exhorting her somewhat to frame and conform herself
unto the king's mind, saying, he did not doubt but, if she would so
do, and show her humble submission unto him, she should find him
gracious and favourable unto her.

It was not long after this, but the king, hearing of the dangerous
state wherein she yet still remained, came unto her himself; unto
whom, after that she had uttered her grief, fearing lest his Majesty
(she said) had taken displeasure with her, and had utterly forsaken
her, he, like a loving husband, with sweet and comfortable words so
refreshed and appeased her careful mind, that she, upon the same,
began somewhat to recover; and so the king, after he had tarried there
about the space of an hour, departed.

After this the queen, remembering with herself the words that Master
Wendy had said unto her, devised how, by some good opportunity, she
might repair to the king's presence. And so, first commanding her
ladies to convey away their books which were against the law, the next
night following, after supper, she (waited upon only by the Lady
Herbert her sister, and the Lady Lane, who carried the candle before
her) went unto the king's bed-chamber, whom she found sitting and
talking with certain gentlemen of his chamber; whom when the king did
behold, very courteously he welcomed her, and, breaking off the talk
which, before her coming, he had with the gentlemen aforesaid, began
of himself, contrary to his manner before accustomed, to enter into
talk of religion, seeming as it were desirous to be resolved by the
queen, of certain doubts which he propounded.

The queen, perceiving to what purpose this talk did tend, not being
unprovided in what sort to behave herself towards the king, with such
answers resolved his questions as the time and opportunity present did
require, mildly, and with reverent countenance, answering again after
this manner:

"Your Majesty," quoth she, "doth right-well know, neither I myself am
ignorant, what great imperfection and weakness by our first creation
is allotted unto us women, to be ordained and appointed as privy
chamber and subject unto man as our head; from which head all our
direction ought to proceed: and that as God made man to his own shape
and likeness, whereby he, being endued with more special gifts of
perfection, might rather be stirred to the contemplation of heavenly
things, and to the earnest endeavour to obey his commandments, even
so, also, made he woman of man, of whom and by whom she is to be
governed, commanded, and directed; whose womanly weaknesses and
natural imperfection ought to be tolerated, aided, and borne withal,
so that, by his wisdom, such things as be lacking in her ought to be
supplied.

"Since, therefore, that God hath appointed such a natural difference
between man and woman, and your Majesty being so excellent in gifts
and ornaments of wisdom, and I a silly poor woman, so much inferior in
all respects of nature unto you, how then cometh it now to pass that
your Majesty, in such diffuse causes of religion, will seem to require
my judgment? which when I have uttered and said what I can, yet must
I, and will I, refer my judgment in this, and in all other cases, to
your Majesty's wisdom, as my only anchor, supreme head and governor
here in earth, next under God, to lean unto."

"Not so, by St. Mary," quoth the king; "you are become a doctor, Kate,
to instruct us, (as we take it,) and not to be instructed or directed
by us."

"If your Majesty take it so," quoth the queen, "then hath your Majesty 
very much mistaken me, who have ever been of the opinion, to think it
very unseemly, and preposterous, for the woman to take upon her the
office of an instructor or teacher to her lord and husband; but rather
to learn of her husband, and to be taught by him. And whereas I have,
with your Majesty's leave, heretofore been bold to hold talk with your
Majesty, wherein sometimes in opinions there hath seemed some
difference, I have not done it so much to maintain opinion, as I did
it rather to minister talk, not only to the end your Majesty might
with less grief pass over this painful time of your infirmity, being
attentive to our talk, and hoping that your Majesty should reap some
ease thereby; but also that I, hearing your Majesty's learned
discourse, might receive to myself some profit thereby: wherein, I
assure your Majesty, I have not missed any part of my desire in that
behalf, always referring myself, in all such matters, unto your
Majesty, as by ordinance of nature it is convenient for me to do."

"And is it even so, sweet heart!" quoth the king, "and tended your
arguments to no worse end? Then, perfect friends we are now again, as
ever at any time heretofore." And as he sat in his chair, embracing
her in his arms, and kissing her, he added this, saying, that it did
him more good at that time to hear those words of her own mouth, than
if he had heard present news of a hundred thousand pounds in money
fallen unto him. And with great signs and tokens of marvellous joy and
liking, with promises and assurances never again in any sort more to
mistake her, entering into other very pleasant discourses with the
queen and lords, and the gentlemen standing by, in the end (being very
far in the night) he gave her leave to depart: whom, in her absence,
to the standers-by, he gave as singular and as affectuous
commendations, as beforetime, to the bishop and the chancellor, (who
then were neither of them present,) he seemed to mislike of her.

Now then, God be thanked! the king's mind was clean altered, and he
detested in his heart (as afterwards he plainly showed) this tragical
practice of those cruel Caiaphases; who, nothing understanding of the
king's well-reformed mind and good disposition toward the queen, were
busily occupied about thinking and providing for their next day's
labour, which was the day determined to have carried the queen to the
Tower.

The day and almost the hour appointed being come, the king, being
disposed in the afternoon to take the air, (waited upon with two
gentlemen only of his bed-chamber,) went into the garden, whither the
queen also came, being sent for by the king himself, the three ladies
above named alone waiting upon her; with whom the king, at that time,
disposed himself to be as pleasant as ever he was in all his life
before: when suddenly, in the midst of their mirth, the hour
determined being come, in cometh the lord chancellor into the garden
with forty of the king's guards at his heels, with purpose indeed to
have taken the queen, together with the three ladies aforesaid, whom
they had before purposed to apprehend alone, even then unto the Tower.
Whom then the king sternly beholding, breaking off with his mirth with
the queen, stepping a little aside, called the chancellor unto him;
who, upon his knees, spake certain words unto the king, but what they
were, (for that they were softly spoken, and the king a pretty good
distance from the queen,) it is not well known, but it is most certain
that the king's replying unto him, was "Knave!" for his answer; yea,
"arrant knave! beast! and fool!" And with that the king commanded him
presently to avaunt out of his presence. Which words, although they
were uttered somewhat low, yet were they so vehemently whispered out
by the king, that the queen did easily, with her ladies aforesaid,
overhear them; which had been not a little to her comfort, if she had
known at that time the whole cause of his coming, as perfectly as
after she knew it. Thus departed the lord chancellor out of the king's
presence as he came, with all his train; the whole mould of all his
device being utterly broken.
(Illustration: King Henry with Queen Katharine and the Lord Chancellor
in the garden)

The king, after his departure, immediately returned to the queen; whom
she, perceiving to be very much chafed, (albeit, coming towards her,
he enforced himself to put on a merry countenance,) with as sweet
words as she could utter, she endeavoured to qualify the king's
displeasure, with request unto his Majesty in behalf of the lord
chancellor, with whom he seemed to be offended; saying, for his
excuse, "that albeit she knew not what just cause his Majesty had at
that time to be offended with him, yet she thought that ignorance, not
will, was the cause of hie error," and so besought his Majesty, (if
the cause were at very heinous,) at her humble suit, to take it.

"Ah! poor soul," quoth he, "thou little knowest how evil he deserveth
this grace at thy hands. Of my word, sweet heart! he hath been towards
thee an arrant knave, and so let him go." To this the queen, in
charitable manner replying, in few words ended that talk; having also,
by God's only blessing, happily, for that time and ever, escaped the
dangerous snares of her bloody and cruel enemies for the gospel's
sake.

$

213. WICKED DEEDS OF BISHOP GARDINER

The pestiferous purpose of this bishop, and of such-like bloody
adversaries practising thus against the queen, and proceedings of
God's gospel, (as ye have heard,) putteth me in remembrance of another
like story of his wicked working in like manner, a little before; but
much more pernicious and pestilent to the public church of Jesus
Christ, than this was dangerous to the private estate of the queen:
which story, likewise, I thought here, as in convenient place, to be
adjoined and notified, to be known to all posterity, according as I
have it faithfully recorded and storied by him who heard it of the
archbishop Cranmer's own mouth declared, in order and form as
followeth.

A discourse touching a certain policy used by Stephen Gardiner, bishop
of Winchester, in staying King Henry the Eighth from redressing of
certain abuses of ceremonies in the church; being ambassador beyond
the seas: also the communication of King Henry the Eighth, had with
the ambassador of France at Hampton Court, concerning the reformation
of religion, as well in France as in England, A.D. 1546, in the month
of August.

IT chanced in the time of King Henry the Eighth, when his Highness did
lastly (not many years before his death) conclude a league between the
emperor, the French king, and himself, that the bishop of Winchester,
Stephen Gardiner by name, was sent in embassage beyond the seas for
that purpose; in whose absence the archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas
Cranmer, attending upon the king's court, sought occasion somewhat to
further the reformation of the corrupt religion, not yet fully
restored unto perfection. For, like as the said archbishop was always
diligent and forward to prefer and advance the sincere doctrine of the
gospel, so was that other bishop a contrary instrument, continually
spurning against the same, in whatsoever coast of the world he
remained. For, even now, he, being beyond the seas, in the temporal
affairs of the realm, forgat not, but found the means, as a most
valiant champion of the bishop of Rome, to stop and hinder, as well
the good diligence of the said archbishop, as the godly disposition of
the king's Majesty in that behalf, which thus chanced:

Whilst the said bishop of Winchester was now remaining beyond the seas
about the affairs aforesaid, the king's Majesty and the said
archbishop having conference together for the reformation of some
superstitions enormities in the church, amongst other things the king
determined forthwith to pull down the roods in every church, and to
suppress the accustomed ringing on Allhallow-night, with a few such-
like vain ceremonies; and therefore, when the said archbishop took his
leave of the king to go into Kent, his diocese, his Highness willed
him to remember that he should cause two letters to be devised: "By
me," quoth the king, "to be signed; the one to be directed unto you,
my Lord, and the other unto the archbishop of York, wherein I will
command you both, to send forth your precepts unto all other bishops
within your provinces, to see those enormities and ceremonies reformed
undelayedly, that we have communed of."

So upon this, the king's pleasure known, when the archbishop of
Canterbury was then come into Kent, he caused his secretary to
conceive and write these letters according to the king's mind; and,
being made in a readiness, sent them to the court to Sir Anthony
Denny, for him to get them signed by the king. When Master Denny had
moved the king thereunto, the king made this answer:

"I am now otherways resolved, for you shall send my Lord of Canterbury
word, that since I spake with him about these matters, I have received
letters from my Lord of Winchester, now being on the other side of the
sea, about the conclusion of a league between us, the emperor, and the
French king, and he writeth plainly unto us, that the league will not
prosper nor go forward, if we make any other innovation, change, or
alteration, either in religion or ceremonies, than heretofore hath
been already commenced and done. Wherefore, my Lord of Canterbury must
take patience herein, and forbear until we may espy a more apt and
convenient time for that purpose."

Which matter of reformation began to be revived again, at what time
the great ambassador from the French king came to the king's Majesty
at Hampton Court, not long before his death; where then no gentleman
was permitted to wait upon his lord and master, without a velvet coat,
and a chain of gold. And, for that entertainment of the ambassador,
were builded in the park there three very notable, great, and
sumptuous banqueting-houses; at the which it was purposed, that the
said ambassador should have been, three sundry nights, very richly
banqueted. But, as it chanced, the French king's great affairs were
then suddenly such, that this ambassador was sent for home in post-
haste, before he had received half the noble entertainment that was
prepared for him, so that he had but the fruition of the first
banqueting-house.

Now, what prince-like order was there used, in the furniture of the
banquet, as well in placing of the noble estates, namely, the king's
Majesty, and the French ambassador, with the noble men both of England
and France on the one part, and of the queen's Highness and the Lady
Anne of Cleves, with other noble women and ladies on the other part,
as also touching the great and sumptuous preparation of both costly
and fine dishes there out of number spent, it is not our purpose here
presently to treat thereof, but only to consider and note the
conference and communication had the first night after the said
banquet was finished, between the king's Majesty, the said ambassador,
and the archbishop of Canterbury, (the king's Highness standing openly
in the banqueting-house, in the open face of all the people, and
leaning one arm upon the shoulder of the archbishop of Canterbury, and
the other arm upon the shoulder of the ambassador,) touching the
establishing of godly religion between those two princes in both their
realms: as, by the report of the said archbishop unto his secretary,
upon occasion of his service to be done in King Edward's visitation,
then being registrar in the same visitation, relation was made on that
behalf in this sort:

When the said visitation was put in a readiness, before the
commissioners should proceed in their voyage, the said archbishop sent
for the said registrar, his man, unto Hampton Court, and willed him in
any wise to make notes of certain things in the said visitation;
whereof he gave unto him instruction: having then further talk with
him touching the good effect and success of the said visitation. Upon
which occasion the registrar said thus unto his master the archbishop.

Registrar:--"I do remember, that you, not long ago, caused me to
conceive and write letters, which King Henry the Eighth should have
signed, and have directed unto your Grace and the archbishop of York,
for the reformation of certain enormities in the churches, as taking
down of the roods, and forbidding of ringing on Allhallow-night, and
such-like vain ceremonies: which letters your Grace sent to the court
to be signed by the king's Majesty, but as yet I think that there was
never any thing done therein."

"Why," quoth the archbishop again, "never heard you how those letters
were suppressed and stopped?" Whereunto the archbishop's servant
answering again: "As it was," said he, "my duty to write those
letters, so was it not my part to be inquisitive what became
thereupon." "Marry:" quoth the archbishop, "my Lord of Winchester then
being beyond the seas, about the conclusion of a league between the
emperor, the French king, and the king our master, and fearing that
some reformation should here pass in the realm touching religion, in
his absence, against his appetite, wrote to the king's Majesty,
bearing him in hand that the league then towards, would not prosper
nor go forwards on his Majesty's behalf, if he made any other
innovation or alteration in religion, or in the ceremonies in the
church. than was already done; which his advertisement herein caused
the king to stay the signing of those letters, as Sir Anthony Denny
wrote to me by the king's commandment."

Then said his servant again unto him, "Forasmuch as the king's good
intent took no place then, now your Grace may go forward in those
matters, the opportunity of the time much better serving thereunto
than in King Henry's days."

"Not so," quoth the archbishop. "It was better to attempt such
reformation in King Henry the Eighth's days than at this time; the
king being in his infancy. For, if the king's father had set forth any
thing for the reformation of abuses, who was he that durst gainsay it?
Marry! we are now in doubt how men will take the change, or alteration
of abuses, in the church; and, therefore, the council hath forborne
especially to speak thereof, and of other things which gladly they
would have reformed in this visitation, referring all those and such-
like matters unto the discretions of the visitors. But, if King Henry
the Eighth had lived unto this day with the French king, it had been
past my Lord of Winchester's power to have visored the king's
Highness, as he did when he was about the same league."

"I am sure you were at Hampton Court," quoth the archbishop, "when the
French king's ambassador was entertained there at those solemn
banqueting-houses, not long before the king's death; namely, when,
after the banquet was done the first night, the king leaning upon the
ambassador and upon me: if I should tell what a communication between
the king's Highness and the said ambassador was had concerning the
establishing of sincere religion then, a man would hardly have
believed it: nor had I myself thought the king's Highness had been so
forward in those matters as then appeared. I may tell you, it passed
the pulling down of roods, and suppressing the ringing of bells. I
take it that few in England would have believed, that the king's
Majesty and the French king had been at this point, not only, within
half a year after, to have changed the mass in both the realms into a
communion, (as we now use it,) but also utterly to have extirped and
banished the bishop of Rome, and his usurped power, out of both their
realms and dominions. Yea, they were so thoroughly and firmly resolved
in that behalf, that they meant also to exhort the emperor to do the
like in Flanders and other his countries and seigniories; or else they
would break off from him. And herein the king's Highness willed me,"
quoth the archbishop, "to pen a form thereof to be sent to the French
king, to consider of. But the deep and most secret providence of
Almighty God, owing to this realm a sharp scourge for our iniquities,
prevented for a time this their most godly device and intent, by
taking to his mercy both these princes."

A brief narration of the trouble of Sir George Blage.

Here would also something be said of Sir George Blage, one of the
king's privy chamber, who, being falsely accused by Sir Hugh Caverley,
knight, and Master Littleton, was sent for by Wriothesley, lord
chancellor, the Sunday before Anne Askew suffered, and the next day
was carried to Newgate, and from thence to Guildhall, where he was
condemned the same day, and appointed to be burned the Wednesday
following. The words which his accusers laid unto him were these:
"What if a mouse should eat the bread? then, by my consent, they
should hang up the mouse:" whereas, indeed, these words he never
spake, as to his life's end he protested. But the truth (as he said)
was this, that they, craftily to undermine him, walking with him in
Paula church after a sermon of Dr. Crome, asked if he were at the
sermon. He said, "Yea." "I heard say," saith Master Littleton, "that
he said in his sermon, that the mass profiteth neither for the quick,
nor for the dead." "No," saith Master Blage. "Wherefore then?" "Belike
for a gentleman when he rideth a hunting, to keep his horse from
stumbling." And so they departing, immediately after he was
apprehended, (as showed,) and condemned to be burned. When this was
heard among them of the privy chamber, the king, hearing them
whispering together, (which he could never abide,) commanded them to
tell him the matter. Whereupon the matter being opened, and suit made
to the king, especially by the good earl of Bedford, then lord privy
seal, the king, being sore offended with their doings, that they would
come so near him, and even into his privy chamber, without his
knowledge, sent for Wriothesley, commanding eftsoons to draw out his
pardon himself, and so was he set at liberty: who, coming after to the
king's presence, "Ah! my pig" (saith the king to him, for so he was
wont to call him). "Yea," said he, "if your Majesty had not been
better to me than your bishops were, your pig had been roasted ere
this time."

But to let this matter of Sir George Blage pass, we will now reduce
our story again to Anne Askew and her fellow martyrs, who, the same
week, were burned, and could find no pardon.

$

213. SUPPRESSION OF BOOKS; TYNDALE'S CONDEMNED.

Then the catholic fathers, when they had brought this Christian woman,
with the residue, as above hath been declared, unto their rest, they,
being now in their ruff and triumph, like as the Pharisees, when they
had brought Christ to his grave, devised with themselves how to keep
him down still, and to overtread truth for ever. Whereupon, consulting
with certain of the council, they made out a strait and hard
proclamation, authorized by the king's name, for the abolishing of the
Scripture, and all such English books as might give any light to the
setting forth of God's true word, and the grace of the gospel: the
copy and tenor of which proclamation is this, as followeth:

"The king's most excellent Majesty -- understanding how, under
pretence of expounding and declaring the truth of God's Scripture,
divers lewd and evil-disposed persons have taken upon them to utter
and sow abroad, by books imprinted in the English tongue, sundry
pernicious and detestable errors and heresies, not only contrary to
the laws of this realm, but also repugnant to the true sense of God's
law and his word, by reason whereof certain men of late, to the
destruction of their own bodies and souls, and to the evil example of
others, have attempted arrogantly and maliciously to impugn the truth,
and therewith trouble the sober, quiet, and godly religion, united and
established under the king's Majesty in this his realm; his Highness,
minding to foresee the dangers that might ensue of the said books, is
enforced to use his general prohibition, commandment, and
proclamation, as followeth:

"First, That from henceforth no man, woman, or person, of what estate,
condition, or degree soever be or they be, shall, after the last day
of August next ensuing, receive, have, take, or keep in his or their
possession, the text of the New Testament, of Tyndale's or Coverdale's
translation in English, nor any other than is permitted by the act of
parliament made in the session of the parliament holden at Westminster
in the thirty-fourth and thirty-fifth year of his Majesty's most noble
reign; nor, after the said day, shall receive, have, take, or keep in
his or their possession, any manner of books printed or written in the
English tongue, which be, or shall be, set forth in the names of
Frith, Tyndale, Wickliff, Joye, Roy, Basil, Bale, Barnes, Coverdale,
Turner, Tracy, or by any of them; or any other book or books
containing matter contrary to the said act made in the year thirty-
four, or thirty-five; but shall, before the last day of August next
coming, deliver the same English book or books, to his master in that
household, if he be a servant, or dwell under any other; and the
master or ruler of the house, and such others as dwell at large, shall
deliver all such books of these sorts aforesaid as they have, or shall
come to their hands, delivered as afore or otherwise, to the mayor,
bailiff, or chief constable of the town where they dwell, to be by
them delivered over openly within forty days next following after the
said delivery, to the sheriff of the shire, or to the bishop's
chancellor, or commissary of the same diocese; to the intent the said
bishop, chancellor, commissary, and sheriff, and every of them, may
cause them incontinently to be openly burned: which thing the king's
Majesty's pleasure is, that every of them shall see executed in most
effectual sort, and of their doings thereof make certificate to the
king's Majesty's most honourable council, before the first day of
October next coming.

"And, to the intent that no man shall mistrust any danger of such
penal statutes as be passed in this behalf, for the keeping of the
said books, the king's Majesty is most graciously contented, by this
proclamation, to pardon that offence to the said time appointed by
this proclamation for the delivery of the said books; and commandeth
that no bishop, chancellor, commissary, mayor, bailiff, sheriff, or
constable, shall be curious to mark who bringeth forth such books, but
only order and burn them openly, as is in this proclamation ordered.
And if any man, after the last day of August next coming, shall have
any of the said books in his keeping, or be proved and convicted, by
sufficient witness, before four of the king's most honourable council,
to have hidden them, or used them, or any copy of any of them, or any
part of them, whereby it should appear that he willingly hath offended
the true meaning of this proclamation, the same shall not only suffer
imprisonment and punishment of his body at the king's Majesty's will
and pleasure, but also shall make such fine and ransom to his Highness
for the same, as by his Majesty, or four of his Grace's said council,
shall be determined, &c.

"Finally, His Majesty straitly chargeth and commandeth, that no person
or persons, of what estate, degree, or condition soever he or they be,
from the day of this proclamation, presume to bring any manner of
English book, concerning any manner of Christian religion, printed in
the parts beyond the seas, into this realm, to sell, give, or
distribute any English book, printed in outward parts, or the copy of
any such book, or any part thereof, to any person dwelling within this
his Grace's realm, or any other his Majesty's dominions, unless the
same shall be specially licensed so to do by his Highness's express
grant, to be obtained in writing for the same, upon the pains before
limited; and therewithal to incur his Majesty's extreme indignation."

Forasmuch as it is, and always hath been, the common guise and
practice of the pope's church, to extinguish, condemn, and abolish all
good books and wholesome treatises of learned men, under a false
pretence of errors and heresies, whereof examples abundantly appear in
this history above: now, for the better trial hereof, to see and try
the impudent and shameless vanity of these catholic clergymen, in
mistaking, falsifying, depraving, blaspheming, and slandering, where
they have no cause, against all right and honest dealing, yea, against
their own knowledge, conscience, and manifest verity of God's word; I
shall therefore desire the attentive reader, before we pass any
further, to consider and expend here two things by the way: First,
what opinions and articles these men gather out of their books for
errors and heresies. Secondly, how wittingly and willingly they wrest,
pervert, and misconstrue their sayings and writings in such sense as
the writers never spake nor meant; and all, to bring them into hatred
of the world, after they have burned their books.

So did they before with John Wickliff, John Huss, and Jerome: so did
they with Martin Luther, Tyndale, Frith, Lambert, Barnes, Joye, Roy,
Seton; and, briefly, yet do still with all the protestants, either
perverting their sayings otherwise than they meant, or noting for
heresies such as are manifest principles and grounds of our religion:
or else falsely belying them, or untruly mistaking them, either in
mangling the places, or adding to their words, as may serve for their
most advantage, to bring them out of credit with princes and all the
people.

For the more evident probation and experience whereof, thou shalt see
here, Christian reader, as in a table laid before thine eyes, the book
or catalogue of such errors, blasphemies, and heresies, which the
catholic papists in their own registers have extracted out of their
books, whom in this, and other proclamations, they have condemned.
Whereunto, moreover, we have annexed the very places also of the
authors, out of which every article is gathered, keeping the same
signature of verse and page, which they in their registers do send us
unto. So that with little diligence thou mayest now, loving reader,
easily perceive, conferring the articles and places together, what
truth and fidelity these bloody catholics have used toward the
children of God: first, in burning up their bodies; then, in consuming
and abolishing their books; and afterwards, in drawing out articles,
such as they list themselves, out of their works, to make the people
believe what damnable heretics they were, as by these articles 
hereunder ensuing, collected and contained in their own registers, may
well appear. In all which articles, there is not one (speaking of
these writers which here they have condemned) but either it is a
perfect truth, and a principle of Christian doctrine, or else it is
falsely gathered, or perversely recited, or craftily handled, and
maliciously mangled; having either something cut from it, or some more
added, or else racked out of his right place, or wrested to a wrong
meaning, which the place giveth not, or else which some other place
following doth better expound and declare. This false and malicious
dealing hath always been a common practice amongst God's enemies from
the beginning, to falsify, wrest, and deprave all things, whatsoever
maketh not to their faction and affection, be it ever so true and
just. So began they with Stephen, the first martyr of Jesus Christ,
and so have they continued still, and yet do to this present day.

Long it were to recite, but more grievous to behold, what spite and
falsehood were used in the articles of the Albigenses, Waldenses,
Wickliff, Swinderby, Brute, Thorpe, Armachanus, Sir John Oldcastle,
John Huss, the Bohemians, and such others: which thing, if the books
and places whence these articles were gathered against them had been
suffered to remain, we might more plainly understand. In the mean
season, as touching these articles here present, forasmuch as the
bishops' own registers have offered them unto us, and do yet remain
with the selfsame books from whence they be excerpted, I shall
therefore desire thee, friendly reader, first to consider the
articles, and lay them with the places which the registers themselves
do assign, and then judge thyself, what is to be thought thereof. The
articles, gathered out of the aforesaid books, with the bishops'
decree prefixed before the same, are as hereunder follow:

A public instrument by the bishops, for the abolishing of the
Scripture, and other books, to be read in English.

"In the name of God, Amen. Be it known to all and singular true and
faithful people, to whom these present letters testimonial, or this
present public and authentic instrument, shall come to be seen, read,
heard, or understood, and whom this underwritten shall or may teach,
or appertain unto in any manner of wise in time to come; William, by
the sufferance of Almighty God, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of
all the realm of England, sendeth greeting in our Lord God
everlasting. We signify unto you all, and let you well to wit and know
by these presents, that the king, our sovereign lord, hearing of many
books in the English tongue, containing many detestable errors, and
damnable opinions, printed in the parts beyond the seas, to be brought
into divers towns, and sundry parts of this his realm of England, and
sown abroad in the same, to the great decay of our faith catholic, and
perilous corruption of his people, unless speedy remedy were briefly
provided; his Highness, willing evermore to employ all his study and
mind, in thehigh degree which Almighty God hath called him unto, to
the wealth of his subjects, that they might live not only in
tranquillity and peace, but also be kept pure and clean of all
contagion, and wrong opinions in Christ's religion: considering also,
that he, being defender of the faith, would be full loth to suffer
such evil seed sown amongst his people, and so take root that it might
overgrow the corn of the catholic doctrine before sprung in the souls
of his subjects: for the repelling of such books, calling unto him of
his great goodness and gracious disposition, not only certain of the
chief prelates and clerks of his realm, but also of each university a
certain number of the chief learned men, proposed such of those books
as his Grace had ready to be read unto them, requiring to hear in that
behalf their advice and judgment of them: who, both by great diligence
and mature deliberation, perusing over the said books, found in them
many errors and heresies, both detestable and damnable, being of such
sort, that they were like briefly to corrupt a great part of his
people (if they might be suffered to remain in their hands any space);
gathering also out of them many great errors and pestilent heresies,
and noting them in writing, to the intent to show for what cause they
reputed the said books damnable; of which hereafter, out of each book
gathered, many do ensue: albeit many more there be in the said books,
which books totally do swarm full of heresies and detestable
opinions."

Heresies and errors collected by the bishops out of the book of
Tyndale, named The Wicked Mammon, with the places of the book annexed
to the same, out of which every article is collected.

First article. "Faith only justifieth." Fol. 62. This article being a
principle of the Scripture, and the ground of our salvation, is plain
enough by St. Paul and the whole body of the Scripture; neither can
any make this a heresy, but they must make St. Paul a heretic, and
show themselves enemies unto the promises of grace, and to the cross
of Christ.

II. "The law maketh us to hear God, because we be born under the power
of the devil." Fol. 62.

III. "It is impossible for us to consent to the will of God." Fol. 62.

The place of Tyndale from whence these articles be wrested, is in The
Wicked Mammon, as followeth: which place I beseech thee indifferently
to read, and then to judge.

"In the faith which we have in Christ, and in God's promises, find we
mercy, life, favour, and peace. In the law we find death, damnation,
and wrath: moreover, the curse and vengeance of God upon us. And it,
that is to say the law, is called of Paul, the ministration of death
and damnation. (2 Cor. iii.) In the law we are proved to be enemies of
God, and that we hate him: for how can we be at peace with God, and
love him, seeing we are conceived and born under the power of the
devil, and are his possession and kingdom, his captives and bondmen,
and led at his will, and he holdeth our hearts, so that it is
impossible for us to consent to the will of God: much more is it
impossible for a man to fulfil the law by his own strength and power,
seeing that we are by birth and nature the heirs of eternal
damnation," &c.

IV. "The law requireth impossible things of us." Fol. 62.

Read the place:

"The law, when it commandeth that thou shalt not lust, giveth thee not
power so to do, but damneth thee because thou canst not so do. If thou
wilt therefore be at peace with God, and love him, then must thou turn
to the promises, and to the gospel, which is called of Paul the
ministration of righteousness, and of the Spirit."

V. "The Spirit of God turneth us and our nature, that we do good, as
naturally as a tree doth bring forth fruit." Fol. 65.

The place is this:

"The Spirit of God accompanieth faith, and bringeth with her light,
wherewith a man beholdeth himself in the law of God, and seeth his
miserable bondage and captivity, and humbleth himself, and abhorreth
himself. She bringeth God's promises of all good things in Christ. God
worketh with his word, and in his word, and as his word is preached,
faith rooteth herself in the hearts of the elect. And as faith
entereth, and the word of God is believed, the power of God looseth
the heart from the captivity and bondage under sin, and knitteth and
coupleth him to God, and to the will of God; altereth him and changeth
him clean; fashioneth and forgeth him anew; giveth him power to love
and to do that which before was impossible for him either to love or
do, and turneth him into a new nature; so that he loveth that which
before he hated, and hateth that which he before loved, and is clean
altered and changed and contrarily disposed, and is knit and coupled
fast to God's will, and naturally bringeth forth good works, that is
to say, that which God commandeth to do, and not things of his own
imagination: and that doth he of his own accord, as a tree bringeth
forth fruit of her own accord," &c.

VI. "Works do only declare to thee that thou art justified." Fol. 67.

If Tyndale say that works do only declare our justification, he doth
not thereby destroy good works; but only showeth the right use and
office of good works to be nothing to merit our justification, but
rather to testify a lively faith, which only justifieth us. The
article is plain by the Scripture and St. Paul.

VII. "Christ with all his works did not deserve heaven." Fol. 69.

Read the place:

"All good works must be done freely, with a single eye, without
respect of any thing, so that no profit be sought thereby. That
commandeth Christ, where he saith, Freely have ye received, freely
give again. For look, as Christ with all his works did not deserve
heaven, (for that was his already,) but did us service therewith; and
neither looked [for], nor sought his own profit, but ours, and the
honour of God his Father only: even so we, with all our works, may not
seek our own profit, neither in this world nor in heaven; but must and
ought freely to work to honour God withal, and without all manner [of]
respect seek our neighbour's profit, and do him service," &c.

VIII. "Labouring by good works to come to heaven, thou shamest
Christ's blood." Fol. 70. Read the place:

"If thou wouldest obtain heaven with the merits and deservings of
thine own works, so doest thou wrong, yea, and shamest the blood of
Christ, and unto thee Christ is dead in vain. Now is the true believer
heir of God by Christ's deservings, yea, and in Christ was
predestinate and ordained unto eternal life before the world began.
And when the gospel is preached unto us, we believe the mercy of God;
and, in believing, we receive the Spirit of God, which is the earnest
of eternal life; and we are in eternal life already, and feel already
in our hearts the sweetness thereof, and are overcome with the
kindness of God and Christ, and, therefore, love the will of God, and
of love are ready to work freely; and not to obtain that which is
given us freely, and whereof we are heirs already."

IX. "Saints in heaven cannot help us thither." Fol. 70.

Whether saints can help us unto heaven, see the Scripture; and mark
well the office of the Son of God, our only Saviour and Redeemer, and
thou shalt not need to seek any further.

X. "To build a church in the honour of our Lady, or any other saint,
is in vain; they cannot help thee, they be not thy friends." Fol. 71.
Read the place of Tyndale:

"What, buildest thou churches, foundest abbeys, chantries, and
colleges, in the honour of saints, to my Mother, to St. Peter, Paul,
and saints that be dead, to make of them thy friends? They need it
not, yea, they are not thy friends, [but theirs which lived then when
they did, of whom they were holpen.] Thy friends are thy poor [which
are now in thy time and live with thee, thy poor] neighbours, which
need thy help and succour. Them make thy friends with the unrighteous
mammon, that they may testify of thy faith, and that thou mayest know
and feel that thy faith is right, and not feigned."

XI. "All flesh is in bondage of sin, and cannot but sin." Fol. 74.

This article is evident enough of itself, confirmed by the Scripture,
and needeth no allegations.

XII. "Thou canst not be damned without Christ be damned, nor Christ be
saved without thou be saved." Fol. 75, 76.

Read the place:

"A physician serveth but for sick men, and that for such men as feel
their sickness, and mourn therefor, and long for health. Christ,
likewise, serveth but for such sinners only as feel their sin, and
that for such sinners that sorrow and mourn in their hearts for
health. Health is the power or strength to fulfil the law, or to keep
the commandments: Now, he that longeth for that health, that is to
say, for to do the law of God, is blessed in Christ, and hath a
promise that his lust shall be fulfilled, and that he shall be made
whole: Blessed are they which hunger and thirst for righteousness'
sake, (that is, to fulfil the law,) for their lust shall be fulfilled.
Matt. v.

"This longing, and the consent of the heart unto the law of God, is
the working of the Spirit, which God hath poured into thine heart, in
earnest, that thou mightest be sure that God will fulfil all his
promises that he hath made thee. It is also the seal and mark which
God putteth on all men that he chooseth unto everlasting life. So long
as thou seest thy sin, and mournest, and consentest to the law, and
longest, (though thou be never so weak,) yet the Spirit shall keep
thee in all temptations from desperation, and certify thine heart,
that God, for his truth, shall deliver thee, and save thee; yea, and
by thy good deeds shalt thou be saved -- not which thou hast done, but
which Christ hath done for thee. For Christ is thine, and all his
deeds are thy deeds. Christ is in thee, and thou in him, knit together
inseparably; neither canst then be damned; except Christ be damned
with thee; neither can Christ be saved, except thou be saved with
him."

The like comfortable words he hath afterwards, fol. 82, which are
these:

"He that desireth mercy, the same feeleth his own misery and sin, and
mourneth in his heart to be delivered, that he might honour God, and
God for his truth must hear him, which saith by the mouth of Christ,
Blessed are they which hunger and thirst after righteousness, for they
shall be satisfied. God, for his truth's sake, must put the
righteousness of Christ in him, and wash his unrighteousness away in
the blood of Christ. And be the sinner never so weak, so feeble and
frail, though he have sinned never so oft and so grievous; yet so long
as this lust, desire, and mourning to be delivered, remaineth in him,
God seeth not his sins, reckoneth them not, for his truth's sake, and
love to Christ. He is not a sinner in the sight of God, that would be
no sinner: he that would be delivered, hath his heart loose already:
his heart sinneth not, but mourneth, repenteth, and consenteth unto
the law and will of God, and justifieth God, that is, beareth record
that God which made the law, is righteous and just. And such a heart,
trusting in Christ's blood, is accepted for full righteousness, and
his weakness, infirmity, and frailty is pardoned, and his sins are not
looked upon, until God put more strength in him, and fulfil his
desire.

XIII. "The commandments be given us, not to do them, but to know our
damnation, and to call for mercy of God." Fol. 76.

Read the place:

"If thou wilt enter into life, keep the commandments. First remember,
that when God commandeth us to do any thing, he doth it not therefore,
because that we, of ourselves, are able to do that he commandeth, but
that by the law we might see and know our horrible damnation and
captivity under sin, and so repent and come unto Christ, and receive
mercy," &c.

XIV. "Fasting is only to avoid surfeit, and to tame the body; all
other purposes be nought." Fol. 81.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"Fasting is to abstain from surfeiting or overmuch eating, from
drunkenness and cares of the world, as thou mayest read in Luke xxi.
And the end of fasting, is to tame the body, that the spirit may have
a free course unto God, and may quietly talk with God. For overmuch
eating and drinking, and care of worldly business, press down the
spirit, choke her, and tangle her, that she cannot lift up herself to
God. Now he that fasteth for any other intent than to subdue the body,
that the spirit may wait on God, and freely exercise herself in the
things of God, the same is blind, and wotteth not what he doth;
erreth, and shooteth at a wrong mark; and his intent and imagination
is abominable in the sight of God."

XV. "To bid the poor man pray for me, is only to remember him to do
his duty; not that I have any trust in his prayer." Fol. 82.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"When we desire one another to pray for us, that do we to put our
neighbour in remembrance of his duty, and not that we trust in his
holiness: our trust is in God, in Christ, and in the truth of God's
promises. We have also a promise, that when two or three or more agree
together in one thing, according to the will of God, God heareth us.
Notwithstanding, as God heareth many, so heareth be few, and so
heareth he one, if he pray after the will of God, and desire the
honour of God."

XVI. "Though thou give me a thousand pounds to pray for thee, I am no
more bound now than I was before." Fol. 83.

The words be these:

"If thou give me a thousand pounds to pray for thee, I am no more
bound than I was before. Man's imagination can make the commandment of
God neither greater nor smaller; neither can to the law of God either
add or diminish. God's commandment is as great as himself?'

XVII. "A good deed done, and not of fervent charity, as Christ's was,
is sin." Fol. 83.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"Though thou show mercy unto thy neighbour, yet if thou do it not with
such burning love as Christ did unto thee, so must thou acknowledge
thy sin, and desire mercy in Christ."

XVIII. "Every man is lord of another man's goods." Fol. 83.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"Christ is Lord over all, and every Christian is heir annexed with
Christ, and therefore lord of all, and every one lord of whatsoever
another hath. If thy brother or neighbour therefore need, and thou
have to help him, and yet showest not mercy, but withdrawest thy hands
from him, then robbed thou him of his own, and art a thief?'

Read more hereof in the twentieth article following.

XIX. "I am bound to love the Turk with the very bottom of my heart."
Fol. 84.

The place of this article is this:

"I am bound to love the Turk with all my might and power, yea, and
above my power, even from the ground of my heart, after the ensample
that Christ loved me; neither to spare goods, body, nor life, to win
him to Christ. And what can I do more for thee, if thou gavest me all
the world? Where I see need, there can I not but pray, if God's Spirit
be in me."

XX. "The worst Turk living hath as much right to my goods at his
needs, as my household, or mine own self." Fol. 84.

Read and mark well the place in The Wicked Mammon:

"In Christ, we are all of one degree without respect of persons.
Notwithstanding, though a Christian man's heart be open to all men,
and receiveth all men, yet, because that his ability of goods
extendeth not so far, this provision is made, that every man shall
care for his own household; as father and mother, and thine elders
that have holpen thee; wife, children, and servants. If thou shouldest
not care and provide for thine household, then were thou an infidel, 
seeing thou hast taken on thee so to do; and forasmuch as that is thy
part, committed unto thee of the congregation. When thou hast done thy
duty to thine household, and yet hast further abundance of the
blessing of God, that owest thou to the poor that cannot labour, or
would labour and can get no work, and are destitute of friends: to the
poor, I mean, which thou knowest; to them of thine own parish. If thy
neighbours which thou knowest be served, and thou yet have
superfluity, and hearest necessity to be among the brethren a thousand
miles off, to them art then debtor: yea, to the very infidels we be
debtors, if they need, so far forth as we maintain them not against
Christ, or to blaspheme Christ. Thus is every man that needeth thy 
help, thy father, mother, sister, and brother in Christ; even as every
man that doth the will of the Father, is father, mother, sister, and
brother unto Christ.

"Moreover, if any be an infidel and a false Christian, and forsake his
household, his wife, children, and such as cannot help themselves,
then art thou bound to them, and thou have wherewith, even as much as
to thine own household; and they have as good right in thy goods, as
thou thyself," &c.

"If the whole world were thine, yet hath every brother his right in
thy goods, and is heir with thee, as we are all heirs with Christ."

XXI. "Alms deserve no meed." Fol. 84. The place is this:

"He that seeketh with his alms more than to be merciful, to be a
neighbour, to succour his brother's need, to do his duty to his
brother, to give his brother that be oweth him, the same is blind, and
seeth not what it is to a Christian man, and to have fellowship in
Christ's blood."

XXII. "There is no work better than another to please God, to pour
water, to wash dishes, to be a souter, or an apostle, all is one; to
wash dishes and to preach is all one, as touching the deed to please
God." Fol. 85.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"As pertaining to good works, understand that all works are good which
are done within the law of God, in faith and with thanksgiving to God;
and understand that thou, in doing them, pleasest God, whatsoever thou
doest within the law of God; as when thou pourest water, &c.

"Moreover, put no difference between works, but whatsoever cometh into
thy hands, that do, as time, place, and occasion giveth, and as God
hath put thee in degree, high or low: for as touching to please God,
there is no work better than another. God looketh not first on thy
works, as the world doth, as though the beautifulness of the works
pleased him, as it doth the world, or as though he had need of them.
But God looketh first on the heart; what faith thou had to his words;
how thou believest him, and how thou lovest him for his mercy that he
hath showed thee. He looketh with what heart thou worked, and not what
thou worked; how thou acceptest the degree that he hath put thee in,
and not of what degree thou art, whether thou be an apostle or a
shoemaker.

"Set this ensample before thine eyes: Thou art a kitchen-page, and
washest thy master's dishes. Another is an apostle, and preacheth the
word of God. Of this apostle hark what St. Paul saith, If I preach,
(saith he,) I have nought to rejoice in, for necessity is put unto me.
As who should say, God hath made me so: woe is unto me if I preach
not. If I do it willingly, (saith he,) then have I my reward; that is,
then am I sure that God's Spirit is in me, and that I am elect to
eternal life. If I do it against my will, an office is committed unto
me; that is, if I do it not of love to God, but to get a living
thereby, and for a worldly purpose, and had rather otherwise live;
then do I that office which God hath put me in, and yet please not God
myself, &c.

"Moreover, howsoever he preacheth, he hath not to rejoice in that he
preacheth. But and if he preach willingly, with a true heart, and of
conscience to God, then hath he his reward; that is, then feeleth he
the earnest of eternal life, and the working of the Spirit of God in
him. And as he feeleth God's goodness and mercy, so be thou sure he
feeleth his own infirmity, weakness, and unworthiness, and mourneth
and acknowledgeth his sin, in that the heart will not arise to work
with that full lust and love that is in Christ our Lord: and,
nevertheless, is he yet at peace with God, through faith and trust in
Christ Jesu. For the earnest of the Spirit that worketh in him,
testifieth and beareth witness unto his heart, that God hath chosen
him, and that his grace shall suffice him, which grace is now not idle
in him. In his works putteth he no trust.

"Now thou that ministerest in the kitchen, and art but a kitchen-page,
receivest all things of the hand of God, knowest that God hath put
thee in that office, submittest thyself to his will, and servest thy
master, not as a man, but as Christ himself, with a pure heart,
according as Paul teacheth us; puttest thy trust in God, and with him
seekest thy reward. Moreover, there is not a good deed done, but thy
heart rejoiceth therein; yea, when thou hearest that the word of God
is preached by this apostle, and seest the people turn to God, thou
consented unto the deed; thy heart breaketh out in joy, springeth and
leapeth in thy breast, that God is honoured; and thou, in thine heart,
doest the same that the apostle doth, and haply with greater
delectation and a more fervent spirit. Now, he that receiveth a
prophet in the name of a prophet, shall receive the reward of a
prophet (Matt. x.); that is, he that consenteth to the deed of a
prophet, and maintaineth it, the same hath the same Spirit, and
earnest of everlasting life, which the prophet hath, and is elect as
the prophet is.

"Now if thou compare deed to deed, there is great difference betwixt
washing of dishes and preaching the word of God: but, as touching to
please God, none at all. For neither that nor this pleaseth, but as
far forth as God hath chosen a man; hath put his Spirit in him, and
purified his heart, by faith and trust in Christ," &c.

XXIII. "Ceremonies of the church have brought the world from God."
Fol. 86.

Read the place of Tyndale:

"Seek the word of God in all things, and without the word of God do
nothing, though it appear ever so glorious. Whatsoever is done without
the word of God, that count idolatry. The kingdom of heaven is within
us. Wonder therefore at no monstrous shape, nor at any outward thing
without the word. For the world was never drawn from God, but with an
outward show, and glorious appearance and shining of hypocrisy, and of
feigned and visored fasting, praying, watching, singing, offering,
sacrificing, hallowing of superstitious ceremonies, and monstrous
disguising."

XXIV. "Beware of good intents: they are damned of God." Fol. 87.

XXV. "See thou do nothing but that God biddeth thee." Fol. 87.

The words of Tyndale out of which these two articles be gathered are
these:

"Beware of thy good intent, good mind, good affection or zeal, as they
call it. Peter, of a good mind, and of a good affection or zeal, chid
Christ, because he said that he must go to Jerusalem and there be
slain. But Christ called him Satan for his labour, (a name that
belongeth to the devil,) and said that he perceived not godly things,
but worldly.

Of a good intent, and of a fervent affection to Christ, the sons of
Zebedee would have had fire to come down from heaven to consume the
Samaritans; but Christ rebuked them, saying, that they wist not of
what spirit they were; that is, they understood not how that they were
altogether worldly and fleshly minded. Peter smote Malchus of a good
zeal, but Christ condemned his deed. The very Jews, of a good intent
and of a good zeal, slew Christ, and persecuted the apostles, as Paul
beareth them record. I bear them record (saith he) that they have a
fervent mind to God-ward, but not according to knowledge. It is
another thing, then, to do of a good mind, and to do of knowledge.
Labour for knowledge, that thou mayest know God's will, and what he
would have thee to do. "Our mind, intent, and affection or zeal, are
blind, and all that we do of them is damned of God; and for that cause
hath God made a testament between him and us, wherein is contained
both what he would have us to do, and what he would have us to ask of
him. See, therefore, that thou do nothing to please God withal but
that he commandeth; neither ask any thing of him but that he hath
promised thee."

XXVI. "Churches are for preaching only, and not as they be used now."
Fol. 87.

This article containeth neither error nor heresy, but is plain enough
of itself, to all them that have their minds exercised in the
Scriptures of God.

XXVII. "To worship God otherwise than to believe that he is just and
true in his promise, is to make God an idol." Fol. 87.

Read the words of Tyndale with this article.

"God is honoured on all sides, in that we count him righteous in all
his laws and ordinances, and also true in all his promises. Other
worship of God is none, except we make an idol of him."

XXVIII. "Pharaoh had no power to let the people depart at God's
pleasure." Fol. 95.

XXIX. "Our prelates, in sin say they have power." Fol. 95.

Read the place in The Wicked Mammon, out of the which these two
articles are gathered.

"Paul saith, if thou confess with thy mouth that Jesus is the Lord,
and believe with thine heart that God raised him from death, thou
shalt be safe: that is, if thou believe he raised him up again for thy
salvation. Many believe that God is rich and almighty, but not unto
themselves: and that he will be good to them, and defend them, and be
their God. Pharaoh, for pain of the plague, was compelled to confess
his sins; but had yet no power to submit himself unto the will of God,
and to let the children of Israel go, and to lose so great profit for
God's pleasure: as our prelates confess their sins, saying, Though we
be never so evil, yet have we the power. And again, The scribes and
the Pharisees, say they, sat in Moses' seat: Do as they teach, but not
as they do. Thus confess they that they are abominable."

Here follow other heresies and errors, collected by the bishops out of
Tyndale's book named The Obedience of a Christian Man, with the places
of the book annexed to the same.

First Article.--"Tyndale saith, 'We are bound to make satisfaction to
our neighbour, but not to God."'Fol. 132.

"Satisfaction is a full recompence or amends-making to him whom we
have offended, which recompence we are able to make one man to
another, and are bound so to do; but to God no man can make any amends
or recompence, but only God's own Son Christ Jesus our Saviour: for
else, if man could have made satisfaction to God, then had Christ died
in vain."

Lo! what heresy or error is in this article?

II. "He saith, that children ought not to marry without the consent of
their parents." Fol. 120. The words of Tyndale in The Obedience, be
these:

"Let the fathers and mothers mark how they themselves were disposed at
all ages, and, by experience of their own infirmities, help their
children, and keep them from occasions. Let them provide marriages for
them in season, teaching them also to know, that she is not his wife
which the son taketh, nor he her husband which the daughter taketh,
without the consent and good will of their elders, or them that have
authority over them. If their friends will not marry them, then are
they not to blame, if they marry themselves. Let not the fathers and
mothers always take the uttermost of their authority of their
children, but, at all times, suffer with them, and bear their
weakness, as Christ doth ours."

III. "He saith, that vows are against the ordinance of God." Fol. 109.

They that say that this article is a heresy, let them show where these
vows in all the New Testament be ordained of God; especially such vows
of single life, and wilful poverty, as by the canon law be obtruded on
young priests and novices. St. Paul plainly forefendeth any widows to
be admitted under the age of threescore years. Is not here, trow you,
a perilous heresy?

IV. "He saith, that a Christian man may not resist a prince being an
infidel and an ethnic. This taketh away free-will." Fol. 112.

St. Peter willeth us to be subject to our princes. St. Paul also doth
the like; who was also himself subject to the power of Nero; and,
although every commandment of Nero against God he did not follow, yet
he never made resistance against the authority and state of Nero; as
the pope useth to do against the state not only of infidels, but also
of Christian princes.

V. "'Whatsoever is done before the Spirit of God cometh and giveth us
light, is damnable sin.' This is against moral virtues." Fol. 113.

What heresy Aristotle in his Ethics can find by this article, I cannot
tell. Sure I am, that the Word and Spirit of God, well considered, can
find none, but rather will pronounce the contrary to be a damnable
heresy.

VI. "He reproveth men that make holy saints their advocates to God,
and there he saith, that saints were not rewarded in heaven for their
holy works." Fol. 114.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"They turn from God's word, and put their trust and confidence in the
saint and his merits, and make an advocate, or rather a god, of the
saint." * * * "They ascribe heaven unto their imaginations and mad
inventions, and receive it not of the liberality of God, by the merits
and deserving of Christ."

VII. "God-moved the hearts of the Egyptians to hate the people;
likewise he moved kings," &c. Fol. 118.

The words in The Obedience be these:

"In Psalm cvi., thou readest, He destroyed the rivers, and dried up
the springs of water, and turned the fruitful land into barrenness,
for the wickedness of the inhabitants thereof. When the children of
Israel had forgotten God in Egypt, God moved the hearts of the
Egyptians to hate them, and to subdue them with craft and wiliness."

"In 2 Kings ii., God was angry with his people, and moved David to
number them, when Joab and the other lords wondered why he would have
them numbered; and because they feared lest some evil should follow,
dissuaded the king: yet it holped not. God so hardened his heart in
his purpose, to have an occasion to slay the wicked people."

VIII. "Paul was of higher authority than Peter." Fol. 125.

The words in "The Obedience" be these:

"I suppose; saith he, (meaning Paul,) that I was not behind the high
apostles; meaning in preaching Jesus Christ and his gospel, and in
ministering the Spirit. And, in the same chapter, he proveth by the
doctrine of Christ, that he was greater than the high apostles: for
Christ saith, To be great inthe kingdom of God, is to do service, and
take pain for other." Upon which rule Paul disputeth, saying, If they
be the ministers of Christ, I am more: in labours more abundant, in
stripes above measure, in prison more plenteous, in death oft, &c. If
Paul preached Christ more than Peter, and suffered more for his
congregation, then is he greater than Peter, by the testimony of
Christ."

IX. "A priest ought to have a wife for two causes." Fol. 133.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"He must have a wife for two causes; one, that it may thereby be known
who is meet for the room; he is unapt for so chargeable an office,
which had never household to rule. Another cause is, that chastity is
an exceeding seldom gift, and unchastity exceeding perilous for that
degree, inasmuch as the people look as well onto the living as unto
the preaching, and are hurt at once if the living disagree, and fall
from the faith, and believe not the word."

X. "He condemneth auricular confession." Fol. 140.

Of this read above.

XI. "Every man is a priest, and we need no other priest to be a mean
for us unto God." Fol. 144.

The words in The Obedience be these:

"There is a word called in Latin, sacerdos, in the Greek,
?e?e??[iereus], in Hebrew, cohan; that is, a minister, an officer, a
sacrificer, or priest, as Aaron was a priest, and sacrificed for the
people, and was a mediator between God and them; and in the English it
should have had some other name than priest: but antichrist hath
deceived us with unknown and strange terms to bring us into confusion
and superstitious blindness. Of that manner is Christ a priest for
ever, and all we are priests through him, and need no more of any such
priest to be a mean for us unto God," &c.

XII. "He destroyeth the sacraments of matrimony and orders." Fol. 144.

As truly as matrimony and orders be sacraments, so truly is this
article a heresy.

XIII. "He saith that purgatory is the pope's invention, and,
therefore, he may do there whatsoever he will." Fol. 150.

One of the pope's own writers saith thus: "Souls being in purgatory,
are under the pope's jurisdiction, and the pope may, if he will,
evacuate all purgatory." Furthermore the old fathers make little
mention of purgatory; the Greek church never believed the purgatory;
St. Augustine doubteth of purgatory; and the Scriptures plainly
disprove purgatory. St. John saith, "The blood of Jesus Christ the Son
of God purgeth us from all sin;" and the pope saith," Sin cannot be
purged but by the fire of purgatory." Now, whose invention can
purgatory he, but only the pope's?

XIX. "Saints be saved not by their merits, but only by the merits of
Christ." Fol. 151.

What can be more manifest and plain by the Scriptures, than this?
Isaiah saith, "All we have erred, every man in his own ways, and God
hath laid upon him all our iniquities," &c.

XV. "He saith, 'No man may be hired to pray.' "Fol. 155.

The words in The Obedience be true, which are these:

"To pray one for another, are we equally bound: and to pray, is a
thing that we may always do, whatsoever we have in hand: and that to
do, may no man hire another: Christ's blood hath hired us already;
"&c.

XVI. "He saith, Why should I trust in Paul's prayer or holiness?' If
St. Paul were alive, he would compare himself to St. Paul, and be as
good as he." Fol. 159.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"Why, am not I also a false prophet, if I teach thee to trust in Paul,
or in his holiness or prayer, or in any thing save in God's word, as
Paul did? If Paul were here, and loved me as he loved them of his
time, to whom he was a servant to preach Christ, what good could he do
for me, or wish me, but preach Christ, and pray to God for me, to open
my heart, to give me his Spirit, and to bring me to the full knowledge
of Christ? Unto which port or haven when I am once come, I am as safe
as Paul, joint-heir with Paul of all the promises of God;" &c

XVII. "He saith, that all that be baptized, become Christ himself."
Fol. 163.

With this article confer the words of The Obedience, which be these:

"In Matt. xxv., saith Christ, Inasmuch as ye have done it to one of
the least of them my brethren, ye have done it to me: and inasmuch as
ye have not done it unto one of the least of these, ye have not done
it unto me. Here seest thou that we are Christ's brethren, and even
Christ himself, and whatsoever we do one to another, that do we to
Christ?" &c.

XVIII. "He saith, that the children of faith be under no law." Fol.
163.

The words of Tyndale be these:

"I serve thee not because thou art my master or my king, for hope of
reward or fear of pain, but for the love of Christ. For the children
of faith are under no law, as thou seest in the Epistles to the
Romans, to the Galatians, and the First of Timothy, but are free. The
Spirit of Christ hath written the lively law of love in their hearts,
which driveth them to work of their own accord, freely and willingly,
for the great love's sake only which they see in Christ; and,
therefore, need they no law to compel them," &c.

XIX. "There is no deed so good, but that the law condemneth it." Fol.
167.

The place in The Obedience is this:

"Thou hast the story of Peter, how he smote Malchus' ear, and how
Christ healed it again. There hast thou, in the plain text, great
learning, great fruit, and great edifying, which I pass over. Then
come I, when I preach of the law and the gospel, and borrow this
example, to express the nature of the law and of the gospel, and to
paint it unto thee before thine eyes; and of Peter and his sword make
I the law, and of Christ the gospel, saying, As Peter's sword cutteth
off the ear, so doth the law. The law damneth, the law killeth, and
mangleth, the conscience. There is no ear so righteous, that can abide
the hearing of the law. There is no deed so good, but that the law
damneth it. But Christ (that is to say, the gospel, the promises and
testament that God hath made in Christ) healeth the ear and
conscience, which the law hath hurt"

XX. "To ask of God more than he hath promised, cometh of a false
faith, and is plain idolatry." Fol. 171.

The words of Tyndale are these:

"Look wherein thou canst best keep the commandments; thither get
thyself, and there abide," &c. "If we have infirmities that draw us
from the laws of God, let us cure them with the remedies that God hath
made. If thou burn, marry; for God hath promised thee no chastity, as
long as thou mayest use the remedy that he hath ordained; no more than
he hath promised to slack thine hunger without meat. Now, to ask of
God more than he hath promised, cometh of a false faith, and is plain
idolatry," &c.

XXI "Our pains-taking in keeping the commandments, doth nothing but
purge the sin that remaineth in the flesh; but to look for any other
reward or promotion in heaven, than God hath promised for Christ's
sake, is abominable in the sight of God." Fol. 171.

Consider the place in The Obedience, which is this:

"To look for any other reward or promotion in heaven, or in the life
to come, than that which God hath promised for Christ's sake, and
which Christ hath deserved for us with his pain.taking, is abominable
in the sight of God; for Christ only hath purchased the reward. And
our pain-taking to keep the commandments, doth but purge the sin that
remaineth in the flesh, and certify us that we are chosen and sealed
with God's Spirit, unto the reward that Christ hath purchased for us."

XXII. "The pope hath no other authority but to preach only." Fol. 173.

Christ said to Peter, "Feed my sheep;" "and thou being converted,
confirm thy brethren." And to his apostles he said, "Go ye into all
the world and preach the gospel," &c. Again, St. Paul saith, that
Christ sent him not to baptize, but to preach: to what other office or
function he sent the pope, let them judge, which consider the
Scriptures.

XXIII. "If thou bind thyself to chastity, to obtain that which Christ
purchased for thee, so surely art thou an infidel." Fol. 175.

Read and confer the place of Tyndale, which is this:

"Chastity canst thou not give to God, further than God lendeth it
thee. If thou canst not live chaste, thou art bound to marry, or to be
damned. Last of all, for what purpose thou bendest thyself, must be
seen. If thou do it to obtain thereby that which Christ hath purchased
for thee, so art thou an infidel, and hast no part with Christ. If
thou wilt see more of this matter, look in Deuteronomy, and there thou
shalt find it more largely treated of."

XXIV. "He denieth, rebuketh, and damneth miracles." Fol. 176.

The words in Tyndale's Obedience be these:

"And when they cry Miracles, Miracles, remember that God hath made an
everlasting testament with us in Christ's blood; against which we may
receive no miracles, no, neither the preaching of Paul himself, if he
came again, (by his own teaching to the Galatians,) neither yet by the
preaching of the angels of heaven," &c.

"The end of God's miracles is good: the end of these miracles is evil.
For the offerings, which are the cause of the miracles, do but
minister and maintain vice, sin, and all abomination, and are given to
them that have too much, so that for very abundance they foam out
their own shame, and corrupt the whole world with the stench of their
filthiness." Fol. 159.

XXV. "He saith, that no man should serve God with good intent or zeal;
for it is plain idolatry." Fol. 177.

The place is this in The Obedience:

"Remember Saul was cast away of God for ever, for his good intent. God
requireth obedience unto his word, and abhorreth all good intents and
good seals which are without God's word; for they are nothing else but
plain idolatry, and worshipping of false gods."

Here follow other heresies and errors, collected by the bishops, out
of the book called The Revelation of Antichrist, with the places of
the book, out of which they were gathered, annexed to the same.

I. "To bind a man perpetually to any vow of religion, is without doubt
an error." Fol. 19. The place of the book called The Revelation,
whence this article is gathered, is this that followeth; "Which the
fathers did neither make nor keep: he meaneth vows, but, with the
liberty of the spirit, binding no man perpetually to them. For, if
they did, without doubt, they erred according to man's fragility."

II. "To say the constitutions of religion are good, because holy men
did ordain them, as Augustine, Benedict, Francis, Dominic, and such
others, and to follow such examples of fathers, is to leave the
faith." Fol. 19.

The place of the article is this:

"But they object, The statutes and ordinances are good: holy men did
make them, as Augustine, Benedict, Bernard, Francis, Dominic, and such
others. To this I answer, that is even it that Christ and the apostles
did mean, that these works should be like to those things which are
taught in the gospel, for that they call counterfeiting of the
doctrine, and privily bringing in of sects and heresies, because they
take only of the fathers' examples of works, and leave the faith," &c.

III. "All moral divines have a wicked conscience, full of
scrupulosity." Fol. 3.

Moral divines be they, whose doctrine and hope of salvation consisteth
in moral virtues, rather than in Christian faith, apprehending the
free promises of God in Christ. And they that be such, can never be
certified in conscience of their salvation, but always be full of fear
and scrupulosity. St. Paul, therefore, saith, It is therefore of
faith, that it might come by grace, and the promise might be firm and
sure to the whole seed.

IV. "Moral virtues, as justice, temperance, strength, chastity,
described by natural reason, make a synagogue, and corrupt Christ's
faith." Fol. 64.

The place of this article, gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"So many he (the pope he meaneth) corrupteth, as he hath subdued and
led under his laws and empery. And who is be in the world that is not
subject under him, except they be infants, or peradventure some simple
persons, we reserved by the inscrutable counsel and provision of God?
O thou man of sin! O thou son of perdition! O thou abomination! O thou
corrupter! O thou author of evil consciences! O thou false master of
good consciences! O thou enemy of faith and Christian liberty! Who is
able to rehearse, yea, or to comprehend in his mind, the infinite
waves of this monstrous king's evils?"

"If he had ordained these his laws in those works of virtues that are
commended in the ten precepts, or else in such as the philosophers and
natural reason did describe, as are justice, strength, temperance,
chastity, mildness, truth, goodness, and such others, peradventure
they should only have made a synagogue, or else have ordained in the
world a certain civil justice; for, through these, faith also should
have been corrupted, as it was among the Jews. Howbeit, now he keepeth
not himself within these bounds, but runneth at riot, and more at
large, raising infinite tempests of mischief, enticing and drawing us
to ceremonies, and his own feigned traditions, and bindeth us like
asses and ignorant fools, yea, and like stocks unto them," &c.

V. "Christ took away all laws, and maketh us free and at liberty; and
most of all be suppresseth all ceremonies." Fol. 63, 65.

The place of this article, gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"Christ, taking away all laws to make us free and at liberty, did most
of all suppress and disannul the ceremonies, which did consist in
places, persons, garments, meats, days, and such other; so that their
use should be to all men most free and indifferent," &c.

What he meaneth by taking away all laws, he declareth a little before,
saying:

"He hath not delivered us from the law, but from the power and
violence of the law, which is the very true loosing. But, for all
that, he hath not taken away from the powers and officers, their 
right, sword, and authority to punish the evil: for such pertain not
to his kingdom, until they are made spiritual; and then freely and
with a glad heart they serve God."

VI. "If the pope would make all the observations of the ceremonies, as
Lent, fasting, holy-days, confession, matrimony, mass, matins, and
relics, &c., free and indifferent, he should not be antichrist; but
now, because he commandeth them in the name of Christ, he utterly
corrupteth the church, suppresseth the faith, and advanceth sin?" Fol.
67.

If the pope will infer a necessity of those things which Christ
leaveth free and indifferent, then what doth he make himself but
antichrist? The article is plain, and is founded upon the doctrine of
Christ, and St. Paul.

VII. "To believe in Christ, maketh sure inheritors with Christ." Fol.
1.

VIII. "If a man say, 'Then shall we do no good works?' I answer as
Christ did: 'This is the work of God to believe in him whom he hath
sent'" Fol. 1.

The place of these two articles, gathered out of The Revelation, is
this:

"Who is this light, that we are exhorted to believe in? Truly it is
Christ, as St. John doth testify. He was the true light, that
lighteneth all men who come into the world. To believe in this light,
maketh us the children of light, and the sure inheritors with Jesus
Christ. Even now have we cruel adversaries, who set up their bristles,
saying, Why! shall we then do no good works? To these we answer, as
Christ did to the people, in the sixth of St. John, which asked him
what they should do, that they might work the works of God. Jesus
answered and said unto them, This is the work of God, that ye believe
in him whom he hath sent, And after it followeth, Verily, verily I say
unto you, he that believeth on me hath everlasting life. To this also
consenteth St. John, in his Epistle, saying, These things have I
written unto you that believe on the name of the Son of God, that you
may surely know, how that you have eternal life.-- What is the name of
the Son of God? Truly his name is Jesus, that is to say, a Saviour;
therefore thou must believe that he is a Saviour.

"But what availeth this? The devils do thus believe and tremble. They
know, that he is the Son of God, and said unto him, crying, O Jesu,
the Son of God! what have we to do with thee? They know, that he hath
redeemed mankind by his passion, and they laboured to let it: for when
Pilate was set down to give judgment, his wife sent unto him, saying,
Have thou nothing to do with that just man; for I have suffered many
things this day in my sleep about him. No doubt she was vexed of the
devil, to the intent that she should persuade her husband to give no
sentence upon him, so that Satan might the longer have had
jurisdiction over mankind. They know, that he hath suppressed sin and
death; as it is written, Death is consumed into victory. Death, where
is thy sting? Hell, where is thy victory? The sting of death is sin;
the strength of sin is the law; but thanks be unto God which hath
given us victory through our Lord Jesus Christ: who by sin damned sin
in the flesh. For God made him to be sin for us, that is to say, a
sacrifice for our sin, (and so is sin taken in many places,) which
knew no sin, that we, by his means, should be that righteousness,
which before God is allowed. It is not, therefore, sufficient to
believe that he is a Saviour and Redeemer; but that he is a Saviour
and Redeemer unto thee," &c.

IX. "Numbering of sins maketh a man more a sinner, yea, a blasphemer
of the name of God." Fol. 3.

The place of this article, gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"Knowledge thyself a sinner, that thou mayest be justified. Not that
the numbering of thy sins can make thee righteous, but rather a
greater sinner, yea, and a blasphemer of the holy name of God, as thou
mayest see in Cain, which said that his sins were greater than that he
might receive forgiveness; and so was a reprobate," &c.

X. "God bindeth us to that which is impossible for us to accomplish."
Fol. 3.

The place of this article, gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"If thou ask of me, why he bindeth us to that which is impossible for
us to accomplish, thou shalt have St. Augustine's answer, who saith,
in the second book that he wrote to Jerome, that the law was given us,
that we might know what to do, and what to eschew; to the intent that
when we see ourselves not able to do that which we are bound to do,
nor avoid the contrary, we may then know what we shall pray for, and
of whom we shall ask this strength, so that we may say unto our
Father, Good Father! command whatsoever it pleaseth thee, but give us
thy grace to fulfil what thou commandest. And when we perceive that we 
cannot fulfil his will, yet let us confess that the law is good and
holy, and that we are sinners and carnal, sold under sin. But let us
not here stick; for now we are at hell-gates, and doubtless should
fall into utter desperation, except God did bring us again, showing us
his gospel and promise, saying, Fear not, little flock; for it is your
Father's pleasure to give you a kingdom," &c.

XI. "Sin cannot condemn us, for our satisfaction is made in Christ
which died for us." Fol. 4.

The place of this article, gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"Sin hath no power over us, neither can condemn us, for our
satisfaction is made in Christ, which died for us that were wicked and
naturally the children of wrath. But God, which is rich in mercy,
through the great love wherewith he loved us, even when we were dead
through sin, hath quickened us with Christ, and with him hath raised
us up, and, with him hath made us sit in heavenly places, through
Jesus Christ; for to show, in times to come, the exceeding riches of
his grace in his kindness towards us through Christ Jesus. For by
grace are ye saved, through faith; and that not of yourselves, for it
is the gift of God, and cometh not of works, lest any man should boast
himself," &c.

XII. "I will show thee an evident argument and reason, that thou
mayest know without doubt, who is antichrist. All they that do pursue,
are antichrist. The pope, bishops, cardinals, and their adherents do
pursue: therefore the pope, bishops, and cardinals, and their
adherents, are antichrists. I ween our syllogismus be well made." Fol.
9. The place of this article gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"I will show thee an evident reason, that thou mayest know without
doubting who is the very antichrist: and this argument may be grounded
upon their furious persecution, which Paul doth confirm, writing to
the Galatians. We, dear brethren, are the children of promise, as
Isaac was; not the sons of the bondwoman, as Ishmael. But, as he that
was born after the flesh did persecute him that was born after the
Spirit, even so it is now. Mark Paul's reason. By Isaac, are signified
the elect; and by Ishmael, the reprobate. Isaac did not persecute
Ishmael; but, contrary, Ishmael did persecute Isaac. Now let us make
our reason:

"All they that do persecute as Ishmael, be reprobates and antichrists.

"But all the popes, cardinals, bishops, and their adherents, do
persecute.

"Therefore all the popes, cardinals, bishops, and their adherents, be
Ishmael; reprobates and antichrists.

"I ween our syllogismus is well made, and in the first figure."

Read the place, and see how he proveth the parts of this argument more
at large.

XIII. "I think verily, that so long as the successors of the apostles
were persecuted and martyred, there were good Christian men, and no
longer." Fol. 10.

The bishops of Rome in the primitive church, were under persecution
the space of well near three hundred years, under the which
persecution, as good as thirty of them, and more, died martyrs. Since
that time have succeeded two hundred and four popes, which have lived
in great wealth and abundance, amongst whom if the book of The
Revelation think that there be not four to be found good Christian
men, I think no less but that he may so think without any heresy.

XIV. "It is impossible that the word of the cross should be without
affliction and persecution." Fol. 10.

St. Paul saith, Whosoever will live virtuously in Christ Jesus, shall
suffer persecution. And how then can this be truth in Paul, and in
this man heresy.

XV. "That the apostles did ever curse any man, truly we cannot read in
Scripture: for Christ commanded them to bless those that cursed them."
Fol. 11.

Upon what good ground of The Revelation this heresy is wrung out, let
the place be conferred, which is written in these words following:

"They are as merciful as the wolf is on his prey. They were ordained
to bless men; but they curse as the devil were in them. Paul saith,
that he hath power to edify, and not to destroy. But I wot not of whom
these bloody beasts have their authority, which do so much rejoice in
cursing and destruction. We read how Paul did excommunicate the
Corinthian, (and that for a great transgression,) to the intent that
he might be ashamed of his iniquity, and desired again the Corinthians
to receive him with all charity: but, that the apostles did curse any
man, truly we cannot read in Scripture; for Christ commanded them to
bless those that cursed them, and to pray for those that persecuted
them," &c.

XVI. "By works, superstitions, and ceremonies, we decay from the
faith, which alone doth truly justify and make holy." Fol. 15.

Note here, good reader, how perversely and corruptly this article is
drawn. For whereas the place of this book, which is written in fol.
15, expressly speaketh of trusting to works, meaning that we should
put no confidence in works, but only in faith in Christ Jesus, this
article, to make it appear more infamous and heretical, leaveth out
the false trust, and speaketh simply as though works should decay
faith. Read the place, which is written in these words following:

"Daniel calleth not this word peschiam, any manner of sin, but those
special and chief sins, which resist and fight against the troth and
the faith: as are the trusting in works, superstitions, and
ceremonies, by which we decay from the faith," &c.

XVII. "The abusion of the mass with all its solemnities, with vigils,
year-minds, foundations, burials, and all the business that is done
for the dead, is but a face and a cloak of godliness, and a deceiving
of the people; as they were good works rather for the dead than for
the quick." Fol. 24.

True godliness consisteth in faith, that is, in the true knowledge of
the Son of God, whom he hath sent, and in the observation of God's
commandments. All their rites and additions instituted by man, are no
part of true godliness. And whoso putteth trust and confidence
therein, as being things meritorious for the dead, is deceived. Such
funerals St. Augustine calleth rather refreshings of the living, than
relievings and helps of the dead.

XVIII. "To keep and observe one day to fast, another to abstain; to
forbear such a meat upon the fasting day to deserve heaven thereby; is
a wicked face and cloak, and against Paul." Fol. 29.

The truth of this article is manifest enough to be void of all error
and heresy, unless it be heresy to believe and hold with the
Scripture. St. Paul saith, If heaven, and our righteousness, come by
the law, then Christ died in vain.

XIX. "The multiplication of holy-days, of feasts of Corpus Christi, of
the Visitation of our Lady, &c., is a wicked face and colour; and
indeed foolish, unprofitable, and vain." Fol. 30.

This article, likewise, needeth no declaration, containing in it a
true and necessary complaint of such superfluous holy-days of the
pope's making: which, as they bring with them much occasion of
wickedness, idleness, drunkenness, and vanity, and so having also
joined unto than opinion of religion, and meritorious devotion and
God's service, they gender superstition, and nourish the people in the
same.

XX. "Keeping of virginity and chastity of religion is a devilish
thing." Fol. 30.

The place, cited in the book of The Revelation of Antichrist, doth
sufficiently open itself, speaking and meaning only of those monkish
vows, which, by the canonical constitution of the pope, are violently
forced upon priests and monks, the coaction whereof St. Paul doth
rightly call the doctrine of devils. And here note by the way another
trick of a popish caviller: for, where the words of the book speak
plainly of the chastity of the religious, he, fraudulently turning it
to a universality, saith, "the chastity of the religion," whereby it
might seem to the simple reader more odious and heretical. The words
of the place be these:

"Keeping of virginity and chastity of the religious seemeth to be a
godly and a heavenly thing; but it is a devilish thing: of the which
it is spoken in I Tim. iv., Forbidding to many, &c. Whereas, again,
our most reverend father maketh that thing necessary, that Christ
would have free, whereof Daniel speaketh, He shall not be desirous of
women. Here Daniel meaneth, that he shall refuse and abstain from
marriage, for a cloak of godliness, and not for love of chastity."

XXI. "Worshipping of relics is a proper thing, and a cloak of
advantage against the precept of God, and nothing but the affection of
men." Fol. 30, 31.

These be the words in The Revelation:

"This (the worshipping of relics he meaneth) is a proper and most
fruitful cloak of advantage. Out of this were invented innumerable
pilgrimages, with which the foolish and unlearned people might lose
their labour, money, and time; nothing, in the mean season, regarding
their houses, wives, and children; contrary to the commandment of God;
when they might do much better deeds to their neighbours, which is the
precept," &c.

XXII. "There is but one special office that pertaineth to thine
orders, and that is, to preach the word of God." Fol. 36.

Of this matter sufficient hath been said before in the twenty-second
article alleged out of the book of The Obedience.

XXIII. "The temple of God is not stones and wood, neither in the time
of Paul was there any house which was called The temple of God." Fol.
37.

The place of this article is this:

"Which is an adversary, (the pope he meaneth,) and is exalted above
all that is called God, or that is worshipped: so that he shall sit in
the temple of God, and show himself as God. Doth he not sit in the
temple of God, which saith and professeth himself to be the master in
the whole church? What is the temple of God? Is it stones and wood?
Doth not Paul say,.The temple of God is holy, which temple are ye?
Neither in the time of Paul was there any house, which was called the
temple of God, as we now call them. What meaneth this sitting, but
reigning, teaching, and judging? Who, since the beginning of the
church, durst presume to call himself the master of the whole church,
but only the pope?" &c.

XXIV. "He that fasteth no day, that saith no matins, and doth none of
the precepts of the pope, sinneth not, if he think that he doth not
sin." Fol. 43.

The place in The Revelation is this:

"Because he feareth the consciences under the title and pretence of
Christ's name, he maketh of those things which in themselves are no
sins, very grievous offences. For he that believeth that he doth sin
if he eat flesh on the apostles' even, or say not matins and prime in
the morning, or else leave undone any of the pope's precepts, no doubt
he sinneth; not because the deed which he doth is sin, but because be
believeth it is sin, and because against this foolish belief and
conscience he offendeth; of which foolish conscience the pope only is
head-author; for another, doing the same deed, thinking that he doth
not sin, truly offendeth not. And this is the cause, that the spirit
of Paul complaineth that many shall depart from the faith. And for
this foolish conscience men's traditions be pernicious and noisome,
the snares of souls, hurting the faith and the liberty of the gospel.
If it were not for this cause, they should do no hurt. Therefore the
devil, through the pope, abuseth these consciences to establish the
laws of his tyranny, to suppress the faith and liberty, and to
replenish the world with error, sin, and perdition," &c.

XXV. "Christ ordained the sacrament of the altar only to nourish the
faith of them that live; but the pope maketh it a good work, and a
sacrifice to be applied both to the quick and dead." Fol. 48.

The place is this:

"Satan hated the sacrament, and knew no way how to suppress and
disannul it; therefore he found this craft: that the sacrament, which
Christ did only ordain to nourish and establish the faith of them that
live, should be counted for a good work and sacrifice, and bought and
sold. And so faith is suppressed, and this wholesome ministry is
applied, not to the quick, but unto the dead; that is to say, neither
to the quick, nor yet to the dead. Oh this incredible fury of God!"
&c.

XXVI. "These signs (he speaketh of miracles and visions, or
apparitions) are not to the increase of faith and gospel, for they are
rather against the faith and gospel, and they are the operation of
Satan, and lying signs." Fol. 49.

The place is as followeth:

"Who is able to number the monstrous marvels only of them that are
departed? Good Lord! what a sea of lies hath invaded us, of
apparitions, conjurings, and answers of spirits? by which it is
brought to pass, that the pope is also made the king of them that are
dead, and reigneth in purgatory, to the great profit of his priests,
who have all their living, riches, and pomp out of purgatory. Howbeit
they should have less, if they did so well teach the faith of them
that live, as they do [teach] riddles of them that are dead: neither
was there, since the beginning of the world, any work found of so
little labour and great advantage. For truly to this purpose were
gathered almost the possessions of all princes and rich men; and,
through these riches, sprang up all pleasures and idleness, and of
idleness came very Babylon and Sodom, &c.

"Neither are these signs to the increase of the faith and gospel (for
they are rather against the faith and gospel); but they are done to
establish the tyranny of these faces and riddles, and to set up and
confirm the trust in works. Among these illusions are those miracles
to be reputed, which are showed in visions, pilgrimages, and
worshippings of saints, as there are plenty now-a-days, which the pope
confirmeth by his bulls, yea, and sometimes doth canonize saints that
he knoweth not. Now behold what is the operation of Satan in lying
signs," &c.

XXVII. "The people of Christ do nothing because it is commanded, but
because it is pleasant and acceptable unto them." Fol. 63.

The words out of which this article is gathered, are these:

"They are the people of Christ, which willingly do hear and follow
him, not for any fear of the law, but only enticed and led with a
gracious liberty and faithful love; not doing any thing because it is
commanded, but because it is pleasant and acceptable unto them, though
it were not commanded: for they that would do otherwise, should be
counted the people of the law and synagogue," &c.

XXVIII. "In the whole new law is no urgent precept, nor grievous; but
only exhortations to observe things necessary for soul's health." Fol.
63.

The place of this article, gathered out of The Revelation, is this:

"A Christian should work nothing by compulsion of the law, but all
through the spirit of liberty, as Paul saith: The law is not given to
a righteous man. For whatsoever is done by compulsion of the law, is
sin, for it is not done with a glad and willing spirit, but with a
contrary will, and rebelling against the law; and this truly is sin.
Therefore, in Corinthians, he calleth the preachers of the New
Testament the ministers of the Spirit, and not of the letter, because
they teach grace, and not the law. Wherefore in the whole New
Testament are there no urgent or grievous precepts, but only
exhortations to observe those things which are necessary to our
health: neither did Christ and his apostles at any time compel any
man. And the Holy Ghost was for that cause called Paracletus, that is
to say, an exhorter and comforter," &c.

XXIX. "All things necessary are declared in the New Testament, but no
man is compelled, but to do according to his own will. Therefore
Christ teacheth, that a rebel should not be killed, but avoided." Fol.
63, 66.

The words in The Revelation are these:

"In the New Testament are all things declared, which we ought to do
and leave undone; what reward is ordained for them that do and leave
undone; and of whom to seek, find, and obtain help to do and to leave
undone. But no man is compelled, but suffered to do according to their
own will. Therefore in Matthew, he teacheth that a rebel should not be
killed, but avoided, and put out of company like a Gentile," &c.

XXX. "Christ forbade that one place should be taken as holy, and
another profane; but would that all places should be indifferent."
Fol. 68.

The place is this:

"Christ taketh away the difference of all places; will be worshipped
in everyplace. Neither is there in his kingdom one place holy, and
another profane, but all places are indifferent; neither canst thou
more heartily and better believe, trust, and love God, in the temple,
at the altar, in the church-yard, than in thy barn, vineyard, kitchen,
or bed. And, to be short, the martyrs of Christ have honoured him in
dark dungeons and prisons," &c.

XXXI. "He raileth against all the rites and ceremonies of the mass, as
he were mad." Fol. 68.

The place out of which this article is collected, is as followeth:

"If a nun touch the altar-cloth, or corporal, (as they call it,) it is
a sin. To touch the chalice is a great transgression. To say mass with
an unhallowed chalice, is a grievous offence. To do sacrifice in
vestments which are not consecrated, is a heinous crime. It is reputed
for a sin, if in ministering any sacrament, the priest doth lack any
ornament that pertaineth thereunto. If he call a child, or speak in
the words of a canon, it is a sin. He offendeth also that doth stutter
or stammer in the words of the canon. He sinneth that toucheth the
holy relics of saints. He that toucheth the sacrament of the altar
either with hand or finger, though it be for necessity, to pluck it
from the roof of his month, committeth such villanous iniquity, that
they will scrape and shave off the quick flesh from the part which did
touch it. I think, at length, they will flay the tongue, the roof of
the mouth, the throat, and the belly, because they touch the
sacrament. But to hurt thy neighbour, or privily to convey away any of
his goods, or not to help him in his need, is in a manner counted for
no sin, nor yet regarded," &c.

XXXII. "No labour is now-a-days more tedious than saying of mass,
matins, &c., which, before God, are nothing but grievous sins." Fol.
70.

XXXIII. "The sins of Manasseh, and other wicked kings, sacrificing
their own children, are but light and childish offences to those. The
cursed sacrifices of the Gentiles my not be compared to ours; we are
seven times worse Gentiles than we were before we knew Christ." Fol.
70.

The words out of which these two articles are gathered, are these:

"They are so oppressed, (those he meaneth who are under the servitude
of the pope's laws and decrees,) that they fulfil them only with the
outward work; for their wills are clean contrary, as we see by
experience in the troublesome business of vigils, masses, and hours,
which must be both said and sung: in the which they labour with such
weariness, that now-a-days no labour is more tedious. Yet,
nevertheless, the cruel exactors of these most hard works compel men
to work such things without ceasing, which before God are nothing but
grievous sins; although before men they be good works, and counted for
the service of God. Here are invented the enticements of the senses
through organs, music, and diversity of songs; but these are nothing
to the spirit, which rather is extinct through these wanton trifles.
Ah, Christ! with what violence, with what power, are they driven
headlong to sin, and perish through this abomination.

"It is horrible to look into these cruel whirlpools of consciences,
which perish with so great pains and labour. What light offences to
these are the sins wherein Manasseh and other wicked kings sinned, by
doing sacrifice with their own children and progeny! Truly, the cursed
sacrifices of the most rude Gentiles, no not of the Lestrigones, may
be compared unto ours. The saying of Christ may be verified in us:
seven more wicked spirits make the end worse than the beginning. For I
say, that we are worse Gentiles seven times, than we were before we
knew Christ," &c.

XXXIV. "It were better to receive neither of the parts of the
sacrament of the altar, than the one alone." Fol. 73.

The words be these:

"Plainly I think that the whole is taken away, since I see manifestly
the one part gone (for the bread and the wine is but one sacrament);
the other is left only for a laughing-stock. For he that in one part
offendeth against God, is guilty in at Therefore it were better to
receive neither of the parts, than the one alone; for so we might the
more surely eschew the transgression of that which Christ did
institute," &c.

XXXV. "The law of the pope, that commandeth all men to communicate
together upon one day, is a most cruel law, constraining men to their
own destruction." Fol. 73.

The place is this:

"He (the pope he meaneth) setteth a most cruel and deadly snare to
tangle the consciences; suffereth not the use of this sacrament to be
free; but compelleth all together, on one certain day once in the
year, to communicate. Here, I pray thee, Christian brother! how many
dost thou think to communicate only by the compulsion of this precept,
who truly, in their heart, had rather not communicate? and all these
sin, (for they do not communicate in spirit, that is to say, neither
in faith nor will, but by the compulsion of this letter and law,)
since this bread requireth a hungry, and not a full heart, and much
less a disdaining and hateful mind. And of all these sins the pope is
author, constraining all men, by his most cruel law, to their own
destruction; whereas he ought to. leave this communion free to every
man, and only call and exhort them, and not compel and drive them unto
it," &c.

XXXVI. "The Spirit would that nothing should be done, but that which
is expressly rehearsed in the Scripture." Fol. 81.

In things appertaining to God's worship and service, true it is that
he is not to be worshipped, but only according to that which he hath
revealed and. expressed unto us in his own word. And this is the
meaning of the author, as by his words doth plainly appear.

XXXVII. "St. Thomas Aquinas savoureth nothing of the Spirit of God."
Fol. 83.

The doctrine of Thomas Aquinas referreth the greatest, or a very great
part of our righteousness to opus operatum, and unto merits. The
Spirit of God referreth all our righteousness before God, only to our
faith in Christ. Now, how these savour together, let any indifferent
reader judge.

XXXVIII. "The pope did condemn the truth of the word of God openly at
Constance in John Huss, persevering unto this day in the same
stubbornness." Fol. 86.

Touching the condemnation of John Huss, and the manner of his
handling, and the cause of his death, read his story before; and
consider, moreover, his prophecy of the hundred years after him
expired, how truly the sequel did follow in Martin Luther, and then
judge of his cause, good reader, as the truth of God's word shall lead
thee. And thus much concerning these slanderous articles.

Here follow other heresies and errors, collected by the bishops out of
the book named The Sum of the Scripture, with the places of the book
annexed to the same.

I. First article:--"The water of the font hath no more virtue in it
than hath any other water." Fol. I.

II. "The virtue of baptism lieth not in hallowed water, or in other
outward thing, but only in faith." Fol. 6.

The place of these two articles gathered out of The Sum of the
Scripture, is this:

"The water of baptism taketh not away our sin; for then were it a
precious water, and then it behoved us daily to wash ourselves
therein; neither hath the water of the font more virtue in itself,
than the water that runneth in the river of Rhine. When Philip
baptized the eunuch, the servant of Candace the queen of Ethiopia,
there was then no hallowed water, nor candle, nor salt, nor cream,
neither white habit; but he baptized him in the first water they came
to upon the way. Here mayest thou perceive that the virtue of baptism
lieth not in hallowed water, nor in the outward things that we have at
the font, but in the faith only, &c. Christ hath healed us (saith St.
Paul) by the hath of regeneration, and renovation of the Holy Ghost"

III. "Godfathers and godmothers be bound to help their children that
they be put to school, that they may understand the gospel, and the
epistles of St. Paul." Fol. 15.

The place of this article, gathered out of the said book, is this:

"The godfathers and godmothers be bound to help the children that they
be put to school, to the intent that they may understand the gospel,
the joyful message of God, with the epistles of St. Paul. God hath
commanded to publish, and to show the gospel, not only to priests, but
to every creature: Go ye (saith Christ unto his disciples) into the
universal world, and preach the gospel to every creature. For we be
all equally bound to know the gospel and the doctrine of the New
Testament, &c. And St. Paul, writing to the Corinthians, confesseth
that he sendeth his epistles to all the church; that is to say, to all
the assembly of Christian men, and to all them that call on the name
of Jesus," &c.

IV. "We think, when we believe that God is God, and ken our creed,
that we have the faith that a Christian man is bound to have; but so
doth the devil believe." Fol. 17.

V. "To believe that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, be one
God, is not the principal that we must believe: our faith doth not lie
principally in that; for so believeth the devil." Fol. 18.

The place out of the which these two articles are collected, is this:

"We think, when we believe that God is God, and ken our creed, that we
have the faith which a Christian is bound to have. The devil believeth
also that there is a God, and life everlasting, and a hell, but he is
never the better for it; and he trembled always for his faith, as
saith St. James, The devils believe, and they tremble. A man might
ask, What shall I then believe? Thou shalt believe plainly and
undoubtedly, that the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, is one only
God, &c. But this, likewise, believeth the wicked spirits, and are
nothing the better therefor. There is yet another faith which Christ
so much requireth of us in the gospel, and whereunto, St. Paul in
almost all his epistles so strongly exhorteth us; that is, that we
believe the gospel. When-our Lord first began to preach, he said, (as
rehearseth St Mark,) Repent and believe the gospel."

Of this faith read before in the first article gathered out of The
Wicked Mammon, and in the ninth and tenth of The Revelation of
Antichrist.

VI. "If we believe that God hath promised everlasting life, it is
impossible that we should perish." Fol. 20.

Lo here, good reader! another manifest example of the unhonest dealing
and false cogging of these men. For where the place of the author
speaketh expressly of putting our trust in God and his promises, the
article prettily leaveth out our trusting in God's promise, and saith
only, if we believe that God hath promised. Read the place, and confer
it with the article, and then judge whether there be no difference
betweentrusting in the promise that God hath made of everlasting life,
and believing only that God hath made the promise of everlasting life.
The place here followeth as it is there written:

"When with a perfect courage we put all our trust in God and in his
promises, it is impossible that we should perish, for he hath promised
us life everlasting. And forasmuch as he is Almighty, he may well 
perform that which he hath promised; and in that he is merciful and
true, he will perform his promise made unto us, if we can believe it
stedfastly, and put all our trust in him."

VII. "If thou canst surely and stedfastly believe in God, he will hold
his promise: for he hath bound himself to us, and by his promise he
oweth us heaven, in case that we believe him." Fol. 21.

Seeing all our hope standeth only upon the promise of God, what heresy
then is in this doctrine, to say that God oweth us heaven by his
promise, which is to mean no other but that God cannot break promise?
And now judge thou, good reader, whether is more heresy to say, that
God oweth us heaven by his promise, as we say; or this, that God oweth
us heaven by the condignity and congruity of our works, as the papists
say.

VIII. "All Christ's glory is ours." Fol. 27.

IX. "We need not to labour for to be Christ's heirs, and sons of God,
and to have heaven; for we have all these things already." Fol. 24.

The words out of the which these two heresies are gathered, be these:

"We be made his heirs, and all his glory is ours, as St. Paul largely
declareth. This hath God given us without our deserving, and we need
not to labour for all these things, for these we have already," &c.

They which note these articles for heresy, by the same judgment they
may make heresy of St. John's Gospel, and of Paul's Epistle, and of
all together. St. John saith, The glory which thou gayest me, I have
given them, that they may be one, as we also are one. As many as
received him, to them gave he power to be the sons of God. St. Paul
saith, The same Spirit certifieth our spirit, that we are the sons of
God. If we be sons, then are we also heirs, the heirs I mean of God,
and heirs annexed with Christ.

X. "We need not to labour, by our good works, to get everlasting life,
for we have it already; we be all justified; we be all the children of
God." Fol. 28.

XI. "All that think that good works help or profit any thing to get
the gift of salvation, they blaspheme against God, and rob God of his
honour." Fol. 28.

XII. "If we be circumcised, that is to say, if we put any trust in
works, Christ shall not help us." Fol. 18.

XIII. "We deserve nothing of God.," Fol. 30.

XIV. "We deserve not everlasting life by our good works; for God hath
promised it unto us, before that we began to do good." Fol. 40.

XV. "Every Christian man must keep God's commandments by love, and not
by hope to get for his service everlasting life." Fol. 42.

XVI. "The Jews kept the commandments, and the law of God; yet they
could not come to heaven." Fol. 43.

XVII. "Men, trusting in their good works, are like to the thief on the
left side, and are such men as come to the church daily, keep holy-
days and fasting-days, and hear masses, and these people be soonest
damned; for this is one of the greatest errors in Christendom, to
think that thy good works shall help thee to thy salvation." Fol. 47.

If these articles be made heresies, which refer the benefit of our
inheritance of life and salvation to God's gift, and not to our
labours; to grace, and not to merits; to faith, and not to the law of
works; then let us shut up clean the New Testament, and away with
God's word, and set up a new divinity of the pope's making; yea, let
us leave Christ with his heretical gospel, and, in his stead, set up
the bishop of Rome with his Talmud, and become the disciples of his
decretals. And, certes, except Christian princes begin betimes to take
some zeal of God unto them, and look more seriously upon the matter,
the proceedings of these men seem to tend to little better, than to
drive us at length from true Christianity, to another kind and form of
religion of their own invention, if they have not brought it well near
to pass already.

XVIII. "To serve God in a tediousness, or for fear of hell, or for the
joys of heaven, is but a shadow of good works, and such service doth
not please God." Fol. 41.

The place is this:

"Works done in faith be only pleasant unto God, and worthy to be
called good works; for they be the works of the Holy Ghost, that
dwelleth in us by this faith. But they that are done by tediousness,
and evil will, for fear of hell, or for desire of heaven, be nothing
else but shadows of works, making hypocrites. The end of our good
works is only to please God, knowledging that if we do ever so much,
we can never do our duty; for they that for fear of hell, or for the
joys of heaven, do serve God, do a constrained service, which God will
not have. Such people do not serve God, because he is their God and
their Father, but to have their reward, and to avoid his punishments;
and such people are hired men and waged servants, and are not
children. But the children of God serve their Father for love," &c.

XIX. "We must love death, and more desire to die, than to fear death."
Fol. 36.

Although our nature be frail, and full of imperfection, so that we do
not as we should, yet doing as we ought, and as we are led by the
Scriptures to do, we should not dread, but desire rather to die, and
be with Christ, as the place itself doth well declare, which is this:

"We must love death, and more desire to die, and to be with God, as
did St. Paul, than to fear death. For Jesus Christ died for us, to the
intent that we should not fear to die; and he hath slain death, and
destroyed the sting of death, as writeth St. Paul, saying, death,
where is thy sting? Death is swallowed up in victory! And to the
Philippians, Christ is to me life, and death is to me advantage."

XX. "God made us his children and his heirs, while we were his
enemies, and before we knew him." Fol. 44.

I marvel what the papists mean in the registers to condemn this
article as a heresy, unless their purpose be utterly to impugn and
gainstand the Scripture, and the writings of St. Paul, who, in the
fifth chapter to the Romans, and other his epistles, importeth even
the same doctrine in all respects, declaring, in formal words, that we
be made the children and heirs of God, and that we were reconciled
unto him when we were his enemies.

XXI. "It were better never to have done good works, and ask mercy
there-for, than to do good works, and think that for them God is bound
to a man by promise." Fol. 48.

XXII. "We can show no more honour to God, than faith and trust in
him." Fol. 48.

The place out of which these two articles be gathered, is this:

"It were better for thee a thousand fold, that thou hadst been a
sinner, and never had done good deeds, and to acknowledge thine
offences and evil life unto God, asking mercy with a good heart,
lamenting thy sins, than to have done good works, and in them to put
thy trust, thinking that therefore God were bound to thee. There is
nothing which (after the manner of speaking) bindeth God, but firm and
stedfast faith and trust in him and his promises, &c.: for we can show
unto God no greater honour; than to have faith and trust in him: for
whosoever doth that, he confesseth that God is true, good, mighty, and
merciful," &c.

XXIII. "Faith without good works, is no little or feeble faith, but it
is no faith." Fol. 50.

XXIV. "Every man doth as much as he believeth." Fol. 50.

The place out of the which these two articles be gathered, is this:

"If thy faith induce thee not to do good works, then hast not thou the
right faith, thou doest but only think that thou hast it. For St.
James saith, That faith without works is dead in itself. He saith not,
that it is little or feeble, but that it is dead; and that which is
dead, is not. Therefore, when thou art not moved by faith unto the
love of God, and by the love of God unto good works, thou hast no
faith, but faith is dead in thee; for the Spirit of God, that by faith
cometh into our hearts to stir up love, cannot be idle. Every one doth
as much as he believeth, and loveth as much as he hopeth, as writeth
St. John: He that hath this hope, that he is the son of God, purifieth
himself as he is pure. He saith not, he that purifieth himself hath
this hope, for the hope must come before, proceeding from the faith;
as it behoveth that the tree must first be good, which must bring
forth good fruit."

XXV. "We cannot be without motions of evil desires; but we must
mortify them in resisting them." Fol. 52.

They that note this article of heresy, may note themselves rather to
be like the Pharisee, who, foolishly flattering himself in the false
opinion of his own righteousness, was not subdued to the righteousness
which standeth before God by faith; and, therefore, went home to his
house less justified than the publican. If the Scriptures condemn the
heart of man to be crooked, even from his youth; and also condemn all
the righteousness of man to be like a dyed cloth; and if St. Paul
could find in his flesh no good thing dwelling, but showeth a
continual resistance between the old man and the new; then must it
follow, that these Pharisees, who condemn this article of heresy,
either carry no flesh and no old man about them to be resisted; or,
verily, say what they will, they cannot choose but be cumbered with
evil motions, for the inward man continually to fight against. The 
place of the author sufficiently defendeth itself, as followeth:

"St. Paul biddeth us mortify all our evil desires and carnal lusts, as
uncleanness, covetousness,wrath, blasphemy, detraction, pride, and
other like vices. And unto the Romans, he saith, Let not sin reign in
your mortal bodies: that is to say, albeit that we cannot live without
the motion of such evil desires, yet we shall not suffer them to rule
in us, but shall mortify them in resisting them," &c.

XXVI. "All true Christianity lieth in love of our neighbours for God:
and not in fasting, keeping of holy-days, watching, praying, and
singing, and long prayers, daily and all day long hearing mass,
running on pilgrimage," &c. Fol. 52.

The place of this article is this:

"Thou hast always occasion to mortify thine evil desires, to serve thy
neighbour, to comfort him, and to help him with word and deed, with
counsel and exhortation, and other semblable means. In such love
towards our neighbour for the love of God, lieth all the law and the
prophets, as saith Christ, yea, and all Christianity; and not in
fasting, keeping of holy-days, watching, singing, and long prayers;
daily and all day long hearing of masses, setting up of candles,
running on pilgrimages, and such other things, which as well the
hypocrites, proud people, envious, and subject to all wicked
affections, do," &c.

XXVII. "Many doctors in divinity, and not only common people, believe
that it is the part of Christian faith only to believe that Jesus
Christ hath lived here on earth." Fol. 53, 54.

The place is this:

"We believe that Jesus Christ hath here lived on earth, and that he
hath preached, and that he died for us, and did many other things.
When we believe these things after the story, we believe that this is
our Christian faith. This not only the simple people believe, but also
doctors in divinity, which are taken for wise men. Yea, the devil hath
also this faith; as saith St. James, The devils believe, and they
tremble. For, as we have said before, the devil believeth that God is
God, and that Jesus Christ hath here preached, that he died, was
buried, and rose again. This must we also believe, but this is not the
faith whereof speaketh the gospel, and St. Paul," &c.

Of this faith, and what it is, read before in the place of the fourth
and fifth articles of this book, and of the first article gathered out
of The Wicked Mammon, and the ninth and tenth articles of The
Revelation of Antichrist.

XXVIII. "He that doth good against his will, he doth evil." Fol. 56.

The place is this:

"All good deeds, which are not done by love and good will, are sin
before God, as saith St. Augustine: He that doth good against his
will, doth evil; albeit that he doth good: for that which I do against
my will, I hate; and when I hate the commandment, I hate also him that
hath commanded it," &c.

XXIX. "No man doth more than he is bound to do, and therefore no man
may make others partakers of their good works." Fol. 59.

The words be these:

"The prophet Isaiah saith, We are all as an unclean thing, and all our
justice is as it were a filthy cloth: and therefore I can never marvel
enough, that many of the religious persons would make others partakers
of their good works, seeing that Christ saith in the gospel, When ye
have done all those things which are commanded you, say, We are
unprofitable servants; we have done but that which was our duty to do.
For none can do too much. None doth more than he is bound to do, but
only Jesus Christ (which only, as saith St. Peter, never did sin,
neither was there deceit found in his mouth) hath done that he was not
bound to do; and, as the prophet Isaiah saith, hath taken upon him our
infirmities, and borne our sorrows; he was wounded for our offences,
and smitten for our wickedness, and by his stripes are we made whole,"
&c.

XXX. "Christ hath gotten heaven by his passion; but that right hath he
no need of, but hath granted it to all them that believe in his
promises." Fol. 59.

Read the place:

"Jesus Christ possesseth the kingdom of heaven by double right: first,
because he is the Son of God, and very inheritor of his kingdom:
secondly, because he hath gotten it by his passion and death. Of his
second right he hath no need, and therefore he giveth it to all them
that believe and trust in him and his promises."

XXXI. "If God had promised us heaven for our good works, we should
ever be unsure of our salvation." Fol. 59.

XXXII. "Be our sins ever so great, so that it seemeth impossible to us
to be saved, yet without any doubt we must believe to be saved." Fol.
59.

The words out of the which these two articles be gathered are these:

"If God had promised heaven unto us because of our works, we should
ever then be unsure of our salvation: for we should never know how
much, nor how long, we should labour to be saved, and should ever be
in fear that we had done too little, and so we should never die
joyfully. But God would assure us of heaven by his promise, to the
intent we should be certain and sure, for he is the truth, and cannot
lie; and also to the intent that we should have trust and hope in him.
And, notwithstanding that after the greatness and multitude of our
sins, it seem to us a thing impossible, yet always we must believe it
without any doubt, because of his sure promise: and whosoever doth
this, he may joyfully die, and abide the judgment of God, which, else,
were intolerable."

Read more hereof before in the eleventh article taken out of The
Wicked Mammon.

XXXIII. "If thou love thy wife because she is thy wife, that is no
love before God, but thou shalt love her because she is thy sister in
God." Fol. 83.

The words be these:

"Our Saviour Christ hath commanded nothing so straitly, as to love one
another; yea, to love our enemies also: then how much more should the
man and wife love together! But there be but few that know how to love
the one the other as they ought to do. If thou love thy wife only
because she is thy wife, and because she serveth and pleaseth thee
after the flesh, for beauty, birth, riches, and suchlike, this is no
love before God. Of such love speaketh not St. Paul, for such love is
among harlots, yea, among brute beasts: but thou shalt love her
because she is thy sister in the Christian faith; and because she is
inheritor together with thee in the glory of God; and because ye serve
together one God; because ye have received together one baptism, &c.
Thou shalt also love her for her virtues, as shamefacedness, chastity,
and diligence, sadness, patience, temperance, secrecy, obedience, and
other godly virtues," &c.

XXXIV. "It is nothing but all incredulity, to run in pilgrimage, and
seek God in one certain place, which is alike mighty in all places."
Fol. 62.

The matter of this article is evident to all indifferent and learned
judgments, to be void of all doubt of heresy.

XXXV. "Men should see that their children come to church, to hear the
sermon." Fol. 89. The place of this article is this:

"On the festival days thou shalt bring thy children to the church, to
hear the sermon; and when thou shalt come home, thou shalt ask them
what they have kept in memory of the sermon. Thou shalt teach them the
Christian faith. Thou shalt admonish them to live well, and to put all
their hope and trust in God, and rather to die, than to do any thing
that is against the will of God; and principally, thou shalt learn
them the contents of the prayer of our Saviour Christ, called the
Pater-noster; that is to say, how they have another Father in heaven,
of whom they must look for all goodness, and without whom they can
have no good thing; and how that they may seek nothing in all their
works, and in all their intents, but the honour of their heavenly
Father: and how they must desire that this Father would govern all
that they do or desire: and how that they must submit all to his holy
will, which cannot be but good, &c. Thou shalt buy them wholesome
books, as the holy Gospel, the Epistles of the holy apostles, yea,
both the New and the Old Testament, that they may understand and drink
of the sweet fountain and waters of life."

XXXVI. "Thou shalt not vex or grieve, by justice or otherwise, the
poor that oweth unto thee: for thou mayest not do it without sin."
Fol. 97.

The place is this:

"Thou shalt not vex or grieve by justice, &c., as Christ saith, Resist
not evil, but whosoever striketh thee on the right cheek, turn to him
the other also, &c. St. Paul saith, Render not evil for evil; and, if
it be possible, and as much as is in you, live in peace with all men,
not revenging yourselves, my well-beloved, but give place to wrath:
for it is written, To me be the vengeance, and I will render it, saith
the Lord God."

XXXVII. "Some text of canon law suffereth war, but the teaching of
Christ forbiddeth all wars. Nevertheless, when a city is besieged, or
a country invaded, the lord of the country is bound to put his life in
jeopardy for his subjects." Fol. 119.

XXXVIII. "So a lord may use horrible war charitably and Christianly."

As touching war, to be moved or stirred first of our parts against any
people or country, upon any rash cause, as ambition, malice, or
revenge, the gospel of Christ giveth us no such sword to fight withal.
Notwithstanding, for defence of country and subjects, the magistrate,
being invaded or provoked by others, may lawfully, and is bound to do
his best: as the city of Marburg did well in defending itself against
the emperor, &c.

XXXIX. "The gospel maketh all true Christian men servants to all the
world." Fol. 79.

He that compiled this article, to make the matter to appear more
heinous, craftily leaveth out the latter part which should expound the
other, that is, "by the rule of charity;" for that the author addeth
withal. By which rule charity, and not of office and duty, every
Christian man is bound one to help another; as Christ himself, being
Lord of all, yet, of charity, was a servant to every man to do him
good.

Read the place of the Sum of the Scripture, in the page as in the
article it is assigned.

XL. "The gospel is written for persons of all estates, prince, duke,
pope, emperor." Fol. 112.

They which noted this article for a heresy, I suppose could little
tell either what God, or what the Scripture, meaneth.

XLI. "When judges have hope that an evildoer will amend, they must be
always merciful, as Christ was to the woman taken in advoutry. The
temporal law must obey the gospel; and them that we may amend by
warning, we shall not correct by justice." Fol. 113.

The purpose of the book whence this article is wrested, being well
understood, intendeth not to bind temporal judges and magistrates from
due execution of good laws, but putteth both them, and especially
spiritual judges, in remembrance, by the example of Christ, to discern
who be penitent offenders, and who be otherwise; and where they see
evident hope of earnest repentance and amendment, if they be
ecclesiastical judges, to spare them; if they be civil magistrates,
yet to temper the rigour of the law as much as conveniently they may,
with merciful moderation, which the Greeks do call ep?e??e?a
[epieikeia].

And thus much hitherto of these heresies and articles collected by the
bishops, and inserted in their own registers out of the books above
specified. The names of the bishops and collectors were these, Sir
Thomas More, lord chancellor; William Warham, archbishop of
Canterbury; Tonstall, bishop of London; Stephen Gardiner, bishop of
Winchester; Richard Sampson, dean of the chapel; Richard Woolman,
master of the requests; John Bell, Dr. Wilson, with a great number
more, as in the registers doth appear.

I shall not need, I trust, gentle reader, further here to tarry thee
with reciting more places, when these already rehearsed may suffice
for a taste and a trial for thee, sufficient to note and consider how
falsely, and most slanderously, these catholics have depraved and
misreported the books and writings of good men, who might almost
gather heresies as well of St. John's Gospel, and St. Paul's Epistles,
as out of these places. Thus may we see, what cannot malice do, being
set on mischief? or what cannot the spirit of spite and cavilling find
out, being inflamed with hatred, and blown with the bellows of
ambition and iniquity? And as they have done with these, the like
parts they have and do practise still against all others, whosoever,
in defence of troth, dare touch ever so little either the pope's
crown, or the bellies of his clergy: for these two sores in no case
they can abide to be touched.

And hereof only cometh all this crying out, Heresy, Heresy; Blasphemy,
Error, and Schism. Although the doctrine be ever so sound and perfect
after the Scripture, yet if the writer be not such, in all points,
(especially in these two above touched,) as will sing after their
tune, and dance after their pipe, he is by and by heretic, by virtue
of their inquisition. So did they with the articles of the learned
Earl Johannes Picus Mirandula. So did they also with John Reveline or
Capnion. So did they also with good John Colet here in England. Also,
with the like spirit of lying and cavilling, the catholic faculties of
Louvain, Spain, and Paris, condemned the works and writings of
Erasmus, and many more. So full they are of censures, articles,
suspicions, offences, inquisitions. So captious they be in taking, so
rash in judging, so slanderous of report, so practised in depraving,
misconstruing, and wresting, true meanings into wrong purposes.
Briefly, so pregnant they be in finding heresies where none are, that
either a man must say nothing, or serve their devotion, or else he
shall procure their displeasure, that is, shall be deemed for a
heretic. Yea, and though no just cause of any heresy be ministered,
yet where they once take disliking, they will not stick sometimes,
with false accusations, to press him with matter which be never spake
nor thought. If Luther had not stirred against the pope's pardons and
authority, he had remained still a white son of the mother catholic
church, and all had been well done, whatsoever he did. But, because he
adventured to touch once the triple crown, what floods of heresies,
blasphemies, and articles were cast out against him, enough to drown a
whole world! what lies and forged crimes were invented against him!

Here now cometh Staphylus and furious Suring, with their fraternity,
and say, that he learned his divinity of the devil. Then followeth
another certain chronographer, who, in his lying story reporteth most
falsely, that Luther died of drunkenness. With like malice the said
chronographer writeth also of Master Bucer, falsely affirming upon his
information, that he should deny at his death Christ our Messias to be
come; when not only Dr. Redman, who preached at his burial, but also
all Englishmen who knew the name of Bucer, did know it to be contrary.

So was it laid against one Singleton, chaplain some time to Queen Anne
Bullen, that he was the murderer of Packington, and afterwards, that
he was a stirrer-up of sedition and commotion; who also suffered as a
traitor for the same. Whereas,:in very deed, the true cause was for
nothing else, but for preaching the gospel unto the people; whose
purpose was ever so far from stirring sedition, that he never once
dreamed of any such matter, as he himself declared and protested to
one Richard Lent his scholar, who is yet alive, and can testify the
truth hereof. But this is no new practice amongst the Romish bishops;
whereof enough hath been said before in the story of Sir John
Oldcastle, and Sir Roger Acton, &c.

Another like practice of such malicious slander we find also in one
Merial a bricklayer, whose name, with his abjuration, remaineth yet in
the registers of the bishop of London.

The story is this, and not unworthy to be remembered. In the year of
our Lord 1534, which was about the first beginning of Queen Anne
Bullen, at what time purgatory and such trumpery began to grow in
contempt, Stokesley, bishop of London, made a sermon in the Shrouds,
upon the Sunday before May-day; where he, preaching in the
commendation and virtue of masses, declared to the people, that, for a
little cost, if they procured masses to be said, wives might deliver
their husbands, and husbands their wives, out of the bitter pains of
purgatory. At this sermon, besides many others, was Thomas Merial, a
zealous favourer of God's word; who, being in the watch on May-even,
made relation of these words of the bishop unto the company about him,
amongst whom then was one John Twyford, a furious papist, and who had
the same time the setting up of the stakes in Smithfield, whereat the
good saints of God were burned.

This Twyford, who then kept a tavern, and had an old grudge against
the said Merial for striking his boy, hearing these words, allured
home to his house certain lewd persons, to the number of ten, whose
names were these: Blackwell, Laurence, Wilson, Thomas Clark, John
Duffield, William Kenningham, Thomas Hosier, Worme, a cutler, Allen
Ryse, with another that was the tenth. Besides thesehe procured also
secretly Master Chambers's clerk, whose name was Bright. And when he
had craftily overcome them with wine, and made them to report what
words he listed, and which they knew not themselves, the clerk by and
by received the same in writing. Whereupon this article was gathered
against Merial, that he should hold and affirm, that the passion of
Christ doth not help them that came after him, but only them that were
in limbo before: and also that he should say, that his wife was as
good as our Lady. Upon this writing of the notary, he was immediately
brought to Bishop Stokesley, and there, by the deposition of these ten
false witnesses, wrongfully accused, and also for the same should have
been condemned, bad not Dr. Barret the same time bid him speak one
word (which he knew not) as the sentence was in reading, whereby the
condemnation was stayed, and be put to do open penance, and to bear a
faggot. Notwithstanding the said Merial sware before the bishop that
he never spake nor meant any such word as there was said unto him, but
only recited the words of the bishop's sermon, reporting the same in
the person of the bishop, and not his own; which also was testified to
be true, by the oaths of three others, to wit, William Tompson,
Gregory Newman, and William Wit, who, being in the aforesaid watch the
same time, did take upon their oath before the bishop, that his words
were no other, but as is above declared. These three witnesses, at the
second edition hereof, were also living, with the wife of the
aforesaid Merial, who would then also be sworn that the same was true:
whereas, contrary, the other ten persons be all gone, and none of them
all remaining. Of whom, moreover, the most of all the said ten came to
a miserable end; whereas the other three who testified the truth with
Merial, being living at the second edition hereof, did see the end of
all the others. And as for Twyford, which was the executioner of
Frith, Bayfield, Bainham, Tewkesbury, Lambert, and other good men, he
died rotting above the ground, that none could abide him, and thus
came to a wretched end.

Of this malicious and perverse dealing of these men contrary to all
truth and honesty, in defaming them for heretics which indeed are
none, and with opprobrious railing to slander their cause, which is
nothing else but the simple truth of Christ's gospel, whoso listeth to
search, further, (if these examples hitherto recited do not suffice,)
let him read the story of Merindol and Angrogne. Let him consider the
furious bull of Pope Martin, the like slanderous bull also of Pope Leo
the Tenth, with the edict of Charles the emperor against Luther. Also
let him survey the railing stories of Surius the monk of Cologne; the
book of Hosius; of Lindanus; the chronography of Genebarde; the story
of Cochleus against the Hussites and the Lutherans, with the preface
of Conradus Brunus the lawyer prefixed before the same, wherein he,
most falsely ad untruly railing against these protestants, whom he
calleth heretics, chargeth them to be blasphemers of God, contemners
of God and men, church-robbers, cruel, false liars, crafty deceivers,
unfaithful, promise-breakers, disturbers of public peace and
tranquillity, corrupters and subverters of commonweals, and all else
that naught is.

In much like sort was Socrates accused of his countrymen for a
corrupter of the youth, whom Plato notwithstanding defendeth.
Aristides the just lacked not his unjust accusers. Was it not objected
unto St. Paul, that he was a subverter of the law of Moses, and that
we might do evil that good might come thereof? How was it laid to the
Christian martyrs in the primitive church, for worshipping of an ass's
head, and for sacrificing of infants. And, to come more near to these
our latter days, you heard likewise how falsely the Christian
congregation of the Frenchmen, gathered together in the night at
Paris, to celebrate the holy communion, were accused of filthy
commixion of men and women together, and the king the same time (Henry
the Second) was made to believe that beds with pillows and mats were
found there on the floor where they lay together; whereupon the same
time divers were condemned to the fire, and burned. Finally, what
innocency is so pure, or truth so perfect, which can be void of these
slanders and criminations, when also our Saviour Christ himself was
noted for a wine drinker, and a common haunter of the publicans, &c.

Even so, likewise, it pleaseth our Lord and Saviour Christ to keep and
to exercise his church under the like kind of adversaries now reigning
in the church, who, under the name of the church, will needs maintain
a portly state and kingdom in this world; and because they cannot
uphold their cause by plain Scripture and the word of God, they bear
it out with facing, railing, and slandering; making princes and the
simple people believe, that all be heretics, schismatics, blasphemers,
rebels, and subverters of all authority and commonweals, whosoever
dare reply with any Scripture against their doings.

It is written of Nero, that when he himself had burned the city of
Rome six days and seven nights, he made open proclamations that the
innocent Christians had set the city on fire, to stir the people
against them, whereby he might burn and destroy them as rebels and
traitors.

Not much unlike seemeth the dealing of these religious catholics, who,
when they be the true heretics themselves, and have burned and
destroyed the church of Christ, make out their exclamations, bulls,
briefs, articles, books, censures, letters, and edicts against the
poor Lutherans, to make the people believe, that they be the heretics,
schismatics, disturbers of the whole world; who, if they could prove
them, as they reprove them to be heretics, they were worthy to be
heard. But now they cry out upon them heretics, and can prove no
heresy; they accuse them of error, and can prove no error. They call
them schismatics, and what church since the world stood hath been the
mother of so many schisms as the mother church of Rome? They charge
them with dissension and rebellion; and what dissension can be greater
than to dissent from the Scripture and word of God? or what is so like
rebellion, as to rebel against the Son of God, and against the will of
his eternal Testament? They are disturbers, they say, of peace and
public authority; which is as true, as that the Christians set the
city of Rome on fire. What doctrine did ever attribute so much to
public authority of magistrates, as do the protestants? or who ever
attributed less to magistrates, or deposed more dukes, kings, and
emperors, than the papists? He that saith that the bishop of Rome is
no more than the bishop of Rome, and ought to wear no crown, is not by
and by a rebel against his king and magistrates, but rather a
maintainer of their authority; which, indeed, the bishop of Rome
cannot abide. Briefly, wilt thou see whether be the greater heretics,
the protestants or the papists? Let us try it by a measure, and let
this measure be the glory only of the Son of God, which cannot fail.
Now judge, I beseech thee, whosoever knowest the doctrine of them
both, whether of these two do ascribe more or less to the majesty of
Christ Jesus our King and Lord; the protestants, which admit no other
head of the church, nor justifier of our souls, nor forgiver of our
sins, nor advocate to his Father, but him alone; or else the papists,
who can abide none of these articles, but condemn the same for heresy?
This being so, (as they themselves will not deny,) now judge, good
reader, who hath set the city of Rome on fire -- Nero, or the
Christians.

But to return again to the purpose of our former matter, which was to
show forth the proclamation of the bishops for the abolishing of
English books above rehearsed as being corrupt and full of heresy,
which, notwithstanding, we have declared to contain no heresy, but
sound and wholesome doctrine, according to the perfect word and
scripture of God.

Here now, when the prelates of the pope's side had procured this edict
and proclamation aforesaid, for the condemnation of all such English
books, printed or unprinted, which made against their advantage, they
triumphed not a little, weening they had made a great hand against the
gospel's ever rising again, and that they had established their
kingdom for ever; as indeed, to all men's thinking, it might seem no
less. For who would have thought, after so strait, so precise, and so
solemn proclamation, set forth and armed with the king's terrible
authority; also after the cruel execution of Anne Askew, Lacels, and
the rest: item, after the busy search, moreover, and names-taking of
many other, of whom some were chased away, some apprehended and laid
up, divers in present peril, and expectation oftheir attachment, who
would have thought it (I say) otherwise possible, but that the gospel
must needs have an overthrow, seeing what sure work the papists here
had made, in setting up their side, and throwing down the contrary?

But it is no new thing with the Lord, to show his power against man's
presumption, that when man counteth himself most sure, then is he
furthest off, and when he supposeth to have done all, then is he anew
to begin again. So was it in the primitive church before Constantine's
time, that when Nero, Domitian, Maxentius, Decius, and other emperors,
impugning the gospel and profession of Christ, did not only constitute
laws and proclamations against the Christians, but also did engrave
the same laws in tables of brass, minding to make all things firm for
ever and a day; yet we see how, with a little turning of God's hand,
all their puissant devices and brazen laws turned all to wind and
dust: so little doth it avail for man to wrestle against the Lord and
his proceedings! Howsoever man's building is mortal and ruinous, of
brittle brick and mouldering stones, yet that which the Lord taketh in
hand to build, neither can time waste, nor man pluck down. What God
setteth up, there is neither power nor striving to the contrary. What
he intendeth, standeth; what he blesseth, that prevaileth. And yet
man's unquiet presumption will not cease still to erect up towers of
Babel against the Lord, which, the higher they are builded up, fall
with the greater ruin: for what can stand, that standeth not with the
Lord? Which thing, as in example of all ages it is to be seen, so, in
this late proclamation devised by the bishops, is it in like manner
exemplified; the which proclamation, though it was sore and terrible
for the time, yet, not long after, by reason of the king's death,
(whom the Lord shortly thereupon took to his mercy,) it made at length
but a castle come down. So that where the prelates thought to make
their jubilee, it turned them to the "threnes" of Jeremy. Such be the
admirable workings of the Lord of hosts, whose name be sanctified for
ever!

This I do not infer for any other purpose, but only for the works of
the Lord to be seen; premonishing thee, good reader, withal, that as
touching the king, (who in this proclamation had nothing but the name
only,) here is nothing spoken but to his laud and praise; who, of his
own nature and disposition, was so inclinable and forward in all
things virtuous and commendable, that the like enterprise of redress
of religion hath not lightly been seen in any other prince christened:
as in abolishing the stout and almost invincible authority of the
pope, in suppressing monasteries, in repressing custom of idolatry and
pilgrimage, &c.; which enterprises, as never king of England did
accomplish (though some began to attempt them) before him, so, yet to
this day, we see but few in other realms dare follow the same. If
princes have always their council about them, that is but a common
thing. If sometimes they have evil counsel ministered, that I take to
be the fault rather of such as are about them, than of princes
themselves. So long as Queen Anne, Thomas Cromwell, Archbishop
Cranmer, Master Denny, Doctor Butts, with such like, were about him,
and could prevail with him, what organ of Christ's glory did more good
in the church than he? as is apparent by such monuments, instruments,
and acts set forth by him, in setting up the Bible in the church, in
exploding the pope with his vile pardons, in removing divers
superstitious ceremonies, bringing into order the inordinate orders of
friars and sects, in putting chantry priests to their pensions, in
permitting white meat in Lent, in destroying pilgrimage-worship, in
abrogating idle and superfluous holy-days, both by act public, and
also by private letters sent to Bonner tending to this effect.

A private letter of the king to Bishop Bonner.

"Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well beloved, we greet
you well! And whereas, considering the manifold inconveniences which
have ensued, and daily do ensue to our subjects, by the great
superfluity of holy-days, we have, by the ascents and consents of all
you the bishops and other notable personages of the clergy of this our
realm, in full congregation and assembly had for that purpose,
abrogated and abolished such as be neither canonical, nor meet to be
suffered in a commonwealth, for the manifold inconveniences which do
ensue of the same, as is rehearsed. And to the intent our
determination therein may be duly observed and accomplished, we have
thought convenient to command you immediately upon the receipt hereof,
to address your commandments, in our name, to all the curates,
religious houses, and colleges within your diocese, with a copy of the
act made for the abrogation of the holy-days aforesaid, a transumpt
whereof ye shall receive herewith; commanding them and every of them,
in no wise, either in the church or otherwise, to indict or speak of
any of the said days and feasts abolished, whereby the people might
take occasion either to murmur at, or to contemn the order taken
therein, and to continue in their accustomed idleness, the same
notwithstanding; but to pass over the same with such secret silence,
as they may have like abrogation by disuse, as they have already by
our authority in convocation. And forasmuch as the time of harvest now
approacheth, our pleasure is ye shall, with such diligence and
dexterity, put this matter in execution, as that it may immediately
take place for the benefit of our subjects at this time accordingly,
without failing, as ye will answer unto us for the contrary.

"Given under our signet, at our monastery of Chertsey, the eleventh
day of August."

Thus, while good counsel was about him, and could be heard, the king
did much good. So again, when sinister and wicked counsel, under
subtle and crafty pretences, had gotten once the foot in, thrusting
truth and verity out of the prince's ears, how much religion and all
good things went prosperously forward before, so much, on the contrary
side, all revolted backward again. Whereupon proceeded this
proclamation above mentioned, concerning the abolishing and burning of
English books: which proclamation, bearing the name of the king's
Majesty, but being the very deed of the popish bishops, no doubt had
done much hurt in the church among the godly sort, bringing them
either into great danger, or else keeping them in much blindness, had
not the shortness of the king's days stopped the malignant purposes of
the aforesaid prelates, causing the king to leave that by death unto
the people, which by his life he would not grant. For, within four
months after, the proclamation coming out in August, he deceased in
the beginning of January, in the thirty-eighth year of his reign, A.D.
1547; leaving behind him three children, who succeeded him in his
kingdom, King Edward, Queen Mary, and Queen Elizabeth; of whom it
remaineth now to prosecute (by the permission and sufferance of Christ
our high Lord and Prince) in the process of this history, according as
the order of their succession, and acts done by them in the church,
shall require; after that, first, I shall have prosecuted certain
other matters by the way, according to my promise here to be inserted.

$

214. SIR JOHN BORTHWIKE

The history touching the persecution in Scotland, with the names and
causes of such blessed martyrs, as in that country suffered for the
truth, after the time of Patrick Hamelton.

Thus, having finished the time and race of King Henry the Eighth, it
remaineth now, according to my promise made before, here to place and
adjoin so much as doth come to our hands, touching the persecution of
Scotland, and of the blessed martyrs of Christ, which in that country,
likewise, suffered for the true religion of Christ, and the testimony
of their faith.

To proceed therefore in the history of these Scottish matters, next
after the mention of David Stratton and Master Nicholas Gurley, with
whom we ended before, the order of time would require next to infer
the memory of Sir John Borthwike, knight, commonly called Captain
Borthwike; who, being accused of heresy, as the papists call it, and
cited there-for A.D. 1540, and not appearing, and escaping out into
other countries, was condemned for the same being absent, by the
sentence of David Beaton, archbishop of St. Andrew's, and other
prelates of Scotland; and all his goods confiscated, and his picture
at last burned in the open market-place. Whose story, with his
articles objected against him, and his confutations of the same, here
ensueth in process under expressed, as followeth.

The act or process, or certain articles against Sir John Borthwike,
knight, in Scotland: with the answer and confutation of the said
Borthwike; whose preface to the reader here followeth.

"By the help of a certain friend of mine, there came certain articles
unto my hand, for the which the Scottish cardinal, and such other like
of his sect and affinity, did condemn me as a heretic. And forasmuch
as this condemnation should not lack his cloak or defence, they
gathered together a great number of witnesses, whereas, besides the
bare names of the witnesses, they alleged none other proof at all.
Wherefore I thought good to bestow some labour in refelling those
articles, which they could not prove, partly that I might take away
from all true Christians the occasion of all evil suspicion, as though
that I, being vanquished or overthrown by their threatenings, would
deny Christ; and, partly, that their errors being thereby made
manifest, they should even for very shame repent, or else, hereafter,
the less abuse the furor or madness of such witnesses to shed blood.
Therefore I will first confirm, by evident testimonies of the
Scriptures, those things which in times past I have taught; and
afterwards I will refel their vain sophistication, whereby they go
about to subvert the truth of God."

The act or process, &c.

"Sir John Borthwike, knight, commonly called Captain Borthwike, being
accused, suspected, slandered, and convicted by witnesses, without all
doubt of greater estimation than he himself, in the year of our Lord
1540, the twenty-eighth day of May, in the cloister of St. Andrew's,
in the presence of the most reverend fathers, Gawine, archbishop of
Glasgow, chancellor of Scotland; William, bishop of Aberdeen, Henry,
bishop of Candicatia, John, bishop of Brechin, and William, bishop of
Dunblane; Andrew of Melrose, George of Dunfermline, John of Paslet,
John of Londrose, Robert of Rillos, and William of Rulrose, abbots;
Mancolme of Quiterne and John of Petinuaim, priors; Master Alexander
Balfour, vicar of Ritman, rector of law, official of St. Andrew's;
John Winryme, subprior; John Annand and Thomas Cunningham, canons of
St. Andrew's; John Thompson of the university of St. Andrew's; and
Master John Mairr and Peter Capel, bachelors of divinity and doctors;
Martin Balfour, bachelor of divinity, and of the law, and official
principal of St. Andrew's; John Tulildaffe, warden of the Friars
Minors, and John Patterson of the same convent: and also in the
presence of the most noble, mighty, and right worshipful lords, George
earl of Huntelo, James earl of Arran, William earl marshall, William
earl of Montrose; Malcolm Lord Fleming, chamberlain of Scotland; John
Lord Linsey, John Lord Erskine, George Lord Seton, Sir James Hamelton
of Finwart, Walter, lord of the knights of St. John, of Forfichen;
Master James Foules of Collington, clerk to the king's register; with
divers other lords, barons, and honest persons, being called and
required together for witnesses, that he did hold, publish, and openly
teach, these errors following."

The first article.

"That our most holy father the pope, the vicar of Jesu Christ, hath
not, neither can exercise, greater authority over Christians here on
earth, than any other bishop or prelate."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"These holy ones do magnify their Lord by like title as common thieves
and robbers are accustomed to prefer the captains and ringleaders of
their robberies and mischiefs, calling them in every place the most
honest and good men, whereas likewise it is evident that in the whole
world there is no man more given to riot, which more greedily doth
seek after all kind of delicateness and wantonness, and finally
aboundeth with all kind of vice, as treason, murder, rapine, and all
kind of such evils.

"Furthermore, whereas they affirm him to be the vicar of Christ here
on earth, it shall be easily convinced, when it shall be made
manifest, that he neither hath, nor can exercise, more power or
authority over Christians, than any other bishop or prelate. For unto
that office of being vicar they refer that great authority the which
they do so greatly boast and brag of, which being taken away, the
office of vicar doth also fall and decay. But now, to attempt the
matter, I will first demand of the maintainers of this pre-eminency
and authority, whereupon they will ground the same? I know that they
will answer unto me, that Peter had power and authority over the other
apostles, and consequently over the universal church, the which power,
by succession, is translated unto the bishops of Home. But how
unshamefacedly do they lie herein, any may easily perceive who hath
but any small spark of judgment in him, when he shall hear the
testimonies of the Scriptures, which we will allege to confirm this
our opinion. For Peter, in Acts xv., in the council, doth declare what
is to be done, and admonisheth us what of necessity we ought to do.
And he there did also hear others speak, and did not only give them
place to say their minds, but also permit and receive their judgment;
and whereas they decreed, he followed and obeyed the same. Is this
then to have power over others?

"Furthermore, whereas in his First Epistle he writeth unto bishops and
pastors, he doth not command them as a superior or head over them, by
power and authority, but maketh them his fellow companions, and gently
exhorteth them as is accustomed to be done between equals of degree;
for these are his words: I beseech and desire the bishops and pastors
which are amongst you, forasmuch as I myself am also a bishop, and a
witness of the afflictions of Christ, and also a partaker of the glory
which shall be revealed, that they do diligently feed the flock of
Christ, which is committed unto them. Why then do they so challenge
unto them the authority of Peter, which he never acknowledged in
himself? Truly, I do not doubt but that if Peter were, here present,
he would, with like severity, rebuke their folly and madness, as
Moses, in times past, did unto Joshua, which burned with too earnest a
zeal towards him.

"I doubt not but that many, in this feigned authority of Peter, do
seek out more vain helps to maintain and uphold the tyranny of popes,
rather than to make him ruler and governor over all others. For
whereas in Acts viii. he is commanded by his fellows to go with John
into Samaria, he did not refuse so to do. Insomuch then as the
apostles do send him, they declare thereby, that they do not count him
as their head and superior; and in that he doth obey them, and taketh
upon him the office or ministry committed unto him, he confesseth
thereby that he hath a society and fellowship with them, but no rule
or empery over them, as he writeth in his Epistle. But if none of
these examples were evident or manifest, the only Epistle to the
Galatians were sufficient to put us out of all doubt; where St. Paul,
almost throughout two whole chapters, doth nothing else but declare
and affirm himself to be equal unto Peter, in the honour or dignity of
the apostleship. For, first of all, he rehearseth how he went up to
Jerusalem unto Peter, not to the intent to profess any homage and
subjection unto him, but only to witness, with a common consent and
agreement, unto all men the doctrine which they taught; and that Peter
did require no such things at his hand, but gave unto him the right
side or upper hand of the fellowship, that they might jointly together
labour in the vineyard of the Lord. Moreover, that he had no less
favour and grace among the Gentiles, than Peter had amongst the Jews;
and finally, when Peter did not faithfully execute his office and
ministry, he was by him rebuked, and Peter became obedient unto his
correction.

"All these things do evidently prove, that there was equality between
Paul and Peter, and also that Peter had no more power over the residue
of the apostles than he had over Paul: which thing St. Paul even of
purpose doth treat of, lest any man should prefer Peter or John before
him in the office of apostleship, which were but his companions, and
not lords over one another. Whereupon these places of Scripture work
this effect, that I cannot acknowledge Peter to be superior or head
over other apostles, neither the pope over other bishops: but I
acknowledge and confess Christ to be the only Head of the church, the
Foundation and High Priest thereof, who, with one only oblation, hath
made perfect for evermore all those which are sanctified. And I boldly
do affirm and say with St. Gregory, that whosoever calleth himself, or
desireth to be named or called, the head or universal priest or
bishop, in that his pride he is the fore-rider or predecessor of
antichrist; forasmuch as, through his pride, he doth exalt himself
above all others.

"Furthermore, whereas they allege, out of the old law, the high
priesthood and the supreme judgment which God did institute and ordain
at Jerusalem; I answer thereunto, that Christ was that high bishop,
unto whom the right and title of priesthood is now transported and
referred. Neither is there any man so impudent, which will take upon
him to succeed in the place or degree of his honour; forasmuch as this
priesthood doth not consist only in learning, but is the propitiation
and mercy of God, which Christ hath fulfilled by his death, and in the
intercession, by which he doth now entreat for us unto his Father.

"Whereas also they do allege out of Matt. xvi., Thou art Peter, and
upon this rock, &c., if they do think that this was particularly
spoken unto Peter, St. Cyprian and St. Augustine shall sufficiently
answer them, that Christ did it not for this purpose, to prefer one
man above all the residue, but that thereby he might commend and set
forth the unity of the church; for so saith St. Cyprian: 'In the
person of one man God gave unto them all the keys, that he might
thereby signify the unity of them all. For even as Peter was, even the
very same were all the residue, being endued with like fellowship of
honour and dignity. But it was convenient that it should take its
original of one, that the church of God might be manifested to be one
only.' St. Augustine's words are these: 'If the mystery of the church
were not in Peter, the Lord would not have said unto him, I will give
unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven. If this were spoken unto
Peter, the church hath them not. If the church have them, then Peter,
when he received the keys, did figurate the whole church. Again, when
they were all demanded and asked, only Peter answered, Thou art
Christ. Then was it said unto him, I will give unto thee the keys, as
though that he alone had received the power of binding and loosing;
for, like as he alone spake that for them all, so he, as it were,
bearing the person of that unity, received the same with them all.
Therefore, one for them all, because he is united unto them all.'

"Another argument they do gather upon the words which Christ spake
unto Peter, Thou art Peter, and upon this rock will I build my church:
which words are not found to be spoken unto any other of the apostles.
This argument shall easily be dissolved, if we do understand and know
why Christ did give Peter that name, which otherwise was called Simon.
In the first chapter of John, Christ speaketh thus unto him: Thou
shalt be called Cephas; which, by interpretation, signifieth Peter: in
that point having respect unto the constant confession of Christ,
which he had made, like as God changed the name of Abraham, who at
first was called Abram, because he should be a father of many nations.
Then, even as Abraham took his name of the multitude, which should
come forth of his seed, so likewise Peter took his name of the
constant confession of Christ, which indeed is the true rock whereupon
the church is builded, and not Peter himself; no otherwise than
Abraham, which was not the multitude itself, whereof he took his
name.Besides this, the church should be stayed, or builded, upon an
over-weak foundation, if it should have Peter for the ground or
foundation thereof, who, being amazed and overcome with the words of a
little wench, did so constantly deny Christ.

"Now, therefore, I think there is no man but that doth understand how
these Romish builders do wrest the Scriptures hither and thither, and,
like unto the rule or square, do apply them according to their wills,
to what end and use they themselves think good.

"Furthermore, in that they do allege, out of John xx., Feed my sheep,
it is an over-childish argument; for to feed, is not to bear rule and
dominion over the whole church. Besides all this, as Peter had
received commandment of the Lord, so doth he exhort all other bishops
to feed their flock, in his First Epistle and fifth chapter. Hereby a
man may gather by these words of Christ, that either there was no
authority given unto Peter more than unto others, or else that Peter
did equally communicate that right and authority, which he had
received, unto others, and did not reserve It unto himself after his
death, to be transported unto the bishops of Rome.

"As for such reasons as they do allege, which are not gathered or
taken out of Holy Scriptures, I pass them over, lest I might seem to
contend with shadows."

The second article.

"That indulgences and pardons, granted by our supreme head the pope,
are of no force, strength, or effect; but tend only to the abuse of
the people, and to the deceiving of their souls."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"It shall be evidently declared, that indulgences and pardons are of
none effect, after that I have, first of all, taught what they do call
indulgences or pardons. They say, they are the treasures of the
church, that is to say, the merits of Christ, of the saints, apostles
and martyrs, whom they impudently affirm to have performed and merited
more at God's hand, at the time of their death, than was necessary or
needful for them; and that of the abundance of their merits there did
so much superabound, as was not only sufficient for themselves, but
also might redound to the help of others. And, because so great a
goodness should not be superfluous or in vain, they affirm and teach,
that their blood was mixed and joined with the blood of Christ; and of
them both, the treasure of the church was compound, and made for the
remission and satisfaction of sins. How cunning and notable cooks
these are, which can make a confection of so many sundry herbs!

"Furthermore, they do feign the custody and keeping of this treasure
to be committed wholly unto the bishop of Rome, in whose power
consisteth the dispensation of so great treasures, that either by
himself may give or grant, or otherwise give power unto other to give
the same. And hereupon rise the plenary indulgences and pardons
granted by the pope, for certain years; by cardinals, for a hundred
days; by bishops, for forty days. This is the judgment and opinion
which they hold of the indulgences. But I pray you, who taught those
saints to work or deserve for others, but only Satan, who would
utterly have the merits of Christ extinguished and blotted out, which
he knoweth to be the only remedy of salvation? For, if the Scripture
doth teach us that no man of himself can deserve or work his
salvation, how did the saints then work or merit for others? It is
manifest that Christ saith, in Luke xvii., When ye have done all that
which is commanded you for to do, yet, saith he, ye are unprofitable
servants. Besides this, all that which may be deserved or merited in
the righteousness of man, is, in Isaiah xxxiv., compared unto the
garment menstruous and defiled, to be cast out.

"There are almost infinite places in the Scripture, wherein man's
power is so extenuated, and the corruption and frowardness of our
nature so made manifest, that even in the best and most perfect works
there lacketh not imperfection. Notwithstanding the parable of the ten
virgins, written In Matthew xxv., ought to put us out of all
controversy and doubt. There Christ describeth two kinds of men, the
one kind of holy men, which observe and keep the inward righteousness
of the heart as the oil of faith; the other sort is of such as, having
no mind of their oil, are answered by them that are wise, No! lest
that there be not sufficient for you and for us; but go you rather to
them which do sell, and buy for yourselves: in the which place it is
manifestly declared how vainly the second sort of men do fly to the
patronage of the elect, by whose merits they think to be saved.

"Now let us weigh and consider upon what places of Scripture they
build or establish their feigned invention of pardons. They allege the
saying of St. Paul to the Colossians, I supply or fulfil the
afflictions of Christ, which were wanting in my flesh, for his body
which is the church. But Paul, in this place, doth not refer that
defect or supplement to any work of redemption, expiation, or
satisfaction; but to those afflictions, by the which the members of
Christ, that is to say, all the faithful, should be afflicted, so long
as they live in the flesh: wherefore he saith, that this doth yet
remain of the passion of Christ, that those afflictions which once he
suffered in his own body, he now daily suffereth in his members. For
Christ hath vouchsafed to honour us with this honour, that he doth
impute and call our afflictions to be his.

"And whereas St. Paul doth add this word, for the church, he doth not
understand thereby for the redemption, reconciliation, satisfaction,
or expiation of the church, but for the edifying and the profiting of
the same, as in the Second Epistle to Timothy, he saith, that for the
elect's sake he suffered all these things, that they might obtain
salvation. But, to the intent that no man should think that salvation
to depend upon those things which he himself had suffered, he added
further, The which is in Christ Jesu.

"As touching the reason, that the blood of the martyrs is not shed in
vain, without fruit or profit: and, therefore, ought to be conferred
to the common utility and profit of the church; I answer, that the
profit and fruit thereof is abundant; to glorify God by their death,
to subscribe and bear witness unto the truth by their blood, and, by
the contempt of this present life, to witness that they do seek after
a better life; by their constancy and stedfastness, to confirm and
establish the faith of the church, and subdue and vanquish the enemy."

The third article.

"That the pope is an open user of simony, daily selling the gifts of
the spiritualties: and that it is lawful for all bishops to be coupled
and joined in matrimony."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"This article hath its several parts, for those things which we have
spoken or answered unto the article before-written, do sufficiently
declare, that the pope is not only a user of simony, but also a
notable deceiver, who selleth such kind of merchandise as can in no
place help or prevail; forasmuch as his pardons are nothing less than
such as he feigneth them to be. Doth he not then show himself a
manifest deceiver, when he maketh fairs and markets of them?

"But, to the intent I will not seem in this behalf vainly to labour or
travail, I will pass unto the second part, where I do say, that it is
not only done against the word of God, but also against equity and
justice, to forbid priests to marry, forasmuch as it is not lawful for
any man, by any means, to forbid that thing which the Lord hath left
at liberty. For St. Paul, in Hebrews xiii., declareth that matrimony
is lawful for all men, saying, that marriage, and the undefiled bed
[or chamber], is honourable amongst all men. And in 1 Cor. vii., he
saith, For avoiding of whoredom, let every man have a wife of his own.
But I know what these obstinate and stiffnecked will answer unto me,
that the same is spoken and meant of others, and not of priests.

But what will they answer unto me, as touching that which is written
in 1 Tim. iii. 1, A bishop ought to be without rebuke, the husband of
one wife? and, by and by after, he saith, Deacons ought to be the
husbands of one wife, the which should rule and govern their children
and family uprightly. Unto these Paul affirmeth matrimony to be meet
and necessary, let them say what they can to the contrary.

"What could be more vehemently spoken against their wicked tyranny,
than that which by the Holy Ghost he declareth in the fourth chapter
of the same Epistle, that in the latter days there should come wicked
men, which should forbid matrimony? and he calleth them not only
deceivers, but also wicked spirits; attending unto the doctrine of
wicked spirits. But these men think that they have very well escaped,
when they wrest this sentence to those old ancient heretics the
Tatianists. 'They,' say these men, 'did only condemn matrimony: we do
not condemn it, but only forbid churchmen to marry; unto whom we think
matrimony is not convenient.' As though that albeit this prophecy were
first of all complete and fulfilled in the Tatianists, that it did not
also redound unto them; or as though this their subtle sophistication
were worthy to be regarded, that they do not deny or prohibit
matrimony, because they do not forbid it unto all men generally! Like
as if a tyrant would contend and affirm his law to be good, by the
extremity and violence whereof only one part of the city is oppressed.

"But now, let us hear the reasons of the contrary part: 'It behoveth,'
say they, 'a priest to differ from the common sort of the people by
some notable mark or token.' But read St. Paul, where he describeth
the perfect image of a good bishop: did he not reckon and account
marriage amongst the other good gifts which he required to be in them?
But I know very well how these men interpret Paul: verily, that a
bishop ought not to be chosen, which hath married his second wife. But
also it appeareth openly by the text, that this interpretation is
false, forasmuch as he doth, by and by, declare and show what manner
of women the wives of bishops and deacons ought to be. Wherefore St.
Paul numbereth matrimony amongst the principal virtues pertaining unto
a bishop: and these men do teach it to be an intolerable vice amongst
the orders of the church, and not being content with that general
reproach or slander, they call it in the canons, 'the uncleanliness,
polluting, and defiling of the flesh.'

"Now let every man consider with himself out of what shop this stuff
is taken. God instituted matrimony: Christ sanctified it with his
presence, by turning water into wine; and vouchsafed so to honour it,
that he would have it the image or figure of his love and friendship
with the church. What can be more famous or notably spoken to the
commendation and praise of wedlock? But these unshamefaced faces do
call it 'a filthy and unclean thing,' alleging the Levitical priests,
which, as often as they came unto the office of ministration, were
bound to lie apart from their wives, whereby they, being clean and
undefiled, might handle the holy things: and our sacraments, forasmuch
as they are much more noble and excellent than theirs, and daily used,
it would be a very uncomely thing that they should be handled by
married men! As though that the office of the ministry of the gospel
were all one with the Levitical priesthood. For they, as figures, did
represent Christ, which, being Mediator between God and man, by his
singular and absolute purity and cleanness, should reconcile the
Father unto us. For forasmuch as on no part sinners could exhibit or
show forth any type or form of his sanctity or holiness, yet, to the
intent they might shadow him out with certain similitudes ot
lineaments, they were commanded that whensoever they should come unto
the sanctuary or holy place, they should purify themselves above all
men's order or fashion: for then did they most near and properly
figurate Christ, which appeared in the tabernacle as peace-maker, to
reconcile the people unto God. This image or personage, forasmuch as
our ecclesiastical pastors at this day do not take upon them to
execute, in vain are they compared unto them. Wherefore the apostle,
without all exception, upon a sure and good ground doth pronounce and
say, that marriage is honourable amongst all men, and that
whoremongers and adulterers do abide the judgment of God.

"Besides all this, the apostles themselves, by their examples, do
prove that matrimony is not unworthy of any office or function, beit
ever so excellent; for St. Paul himself is witness, that they did not
only keep their wives, but also carried them about with them."

The fourth article.

"That all those heresies commonly called the heresies of England, or
at the least, the greater or most part of them, are to be now
presently understood and known by the Englishmen, to be of themselves
good and just, and to be observed of all faithful Christians as most
true and conformable unto the law of God; and that he had persuaded
many persons to embrace the said heresies."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"St. John, in his eleventh chapter, declareth how Caiaphas, high
bishop of Jerusalem, did prophesy that Jesus should die for the
people; which thing he spake, being utterly ignorant. The like image
of blindness we have now presently in our luxurious cardinal of St.
Andrews, and his adherents, which accused religion of heresy, which,
in the year of our Lord 1540, was had in estimation in England, at
which time they proclaimed me an arch-heretic, although they esteem
the same religion for most Christian; for what religion at the time
was used in England, the like the whole realm of Scotland did embrace:
in this point only the Englishmen differed from the Scots, that they
had cast off the yoke of antichrist; the others not. Idols were
worshipped by both nations; the profaning of the Supper and Baptism
was alike unto them both; wicked superstition reigned on both parts,
and true worship was deformed and defaced with detestable hypocrisy.

"Truly it is most false which they do affirm and say, that I had
subscribed unto such kind of heresies, as though they had been
conformable unto the law of God, whereas nothing is more adverse or
repugnant thereunto: for even now of late, God of his goodness and
mercy had opened my dazzling eyes, and had drawn me out of the filthy
slough of idolatry and superstition, in the which, amongst others, I
have so long time wallowed and tumbled. Neither is it any less absurd,
that they affirm me to have allured many to embrace the same; except
peradventure they do understand that I have oftentimes wished that the
yoke of antichrist should be shaken and cast off from the necks of the
Scots, as it is from the English men; which thing, with sincere and
upright heart, and with an earnest mind, I do now also wish and
desire."

The fifth article.

"That the Scottish nation and their clergy be altogether blinded; of
whom he did also say and affirm, that they had not the true cathOlic
faith. And this he did so openly teach and preached also, that his
faith was much better and more excellent, than the faith of all the
clergy in the realm of Scotland."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"No man will deny that people to be blinded, which neither hear Christ
nor his apostles. Such are the people of Scotland; I speak of those
unto whom the verity and truth of Christ hath not yet opened or
manifested itself. There is no cause, therefore, why they should
accuse me of heresy. Furthermore, how far off the nation and the
people of Scotland be from the hearing of Christ, (albeit the premises
do sufficiently declare,) in that they do. challenge unto the Romish
antichrist the authority which Christ and his apostles do declare
Christhimself to be endued withal, and that, contrary to the word of
God, they forbid priests to marry, I will add something more unto it,
whereby the matter may be more evident. Christ calleth himself the
door whereby all men ought to enter in: see John x. Contrariwise, the
Scots do say and affirm, that we must enter in by the Virgin Mary and
St. Peter. Christ, in John iv., saith, The time shall come, when the
true worshippers shall worship the Father in spirit and truth: the
Scots build themselves high temples and chapels for idols, in which,
even as Israel in times past, they commit fornication. Paul, in his
Epistle to the Hebrews, chap. x., saith that Christ, by one only
oblation, hath made perfect all those for evermore, which are
sanctified: which saying confirmeth also the words of Christ hanging
upon the cross, saying, It is finished; signifying that by his death
there was a final end set to all sacrifices, which are offered up for
sins. But the Scottish churchmen, as they are blasphemers indeed, so
do they brag and boast, that they daily offer up Christ for the sins
both of the quick and of the dead! God commandeth us that we shall not
worship any graven image: the Scots do not only fall down flat before
images, but also offer up incense unto them! St. Paul teacheth us that
Christ is made our wisdom, righteousness, sanctification, and
redemption: the Scots, being wise men in their own conceits, prefer
and embrace traditions feigned and invented out by man's head, before
the law of God; they stablish righteousness in their own works;
sanctification in holy water and other external things; redemption in
pieces of lead, which they do buy of their great antichrist. Who then
will quarrel with me, that I do allege that the people of Scotland are
blind, and that my faith, Which doth only behold the word of God, is
much better and more excellent than theirs?"

The sixth article.

"Agreeably to the ancient errors of John Wickliff and John Huss, arch-
heretics condemned in the council of Constance, he hath affirmed and
preached, that the clergy ought not to possess or have any temporal
possessions; neither to have any jurisdiction or authority in
temporalties, even over their own subjects; but that all these things
ought to be taken from them, as it is at this present in England."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"The Lord, in the book of Numbers, chap. xviii., said thus unto Aaron,
Thou shalt possess nothing in. their land; neither shalt thou have any
portion and inheritance amongst them, I am thy portion and inheritance
amongst the children of Israel. For unto the sons of Levi I have given
all the tithes of Israel, that they should possess them for their
ministry which they do execute in the tent of ordinaries. Albeit I do
not doubt but that the order of the Levites, and of our clergy, is far
different and variable: for the administration of their sacred and
holy things, after their death, passed unto their posterity as it were
by right of inheritance; which happeneth not unto the posterity of our
clergy in these days.

"Furthermore, if any heritage be provided or gotten for them, I do not
gainsay but that they shall possess it: but still I do affirm, that
all temporal jurisdiction should be taken from them. For when twice
there rose a contention amongst the disciples, which of them should be
thought the greatest, Christ answered, The kings of nations have
dominion over them, and such as have power over them are called
beneficial: you shall not do so; for he which is greatest amongst you
shall be made equal unto the youngest or least; and he which is the
prince or ruler amongst you, shall be made equal unto him that doth
minister: minding thereby, and willing utterly to debar the ministers
of his word from all terrene and civil dominion and empire. For by
these points he doth not only declare that the office of a pastor is
distinct and divided from the office of a prince and ruler, but that
they are in effect so much different and separate, that they cannot
agree or join together in one man. Neither is it to be thought that
Christ did set or ordain a harder law than he himself before did take
upon. him: forasmuch as in Luke iii., certain of the company said unto
him, Master, command my brother that he divide his inheritance with
me: he answered; Man, who made me a judge or divider amongst you? We
see therefore that Christ even simply did reject and refuse the office
of a judge; the which thing he would not have done, if it had been
agreeable unto his office or duty. The like thing also he did in John
viii., when he refused to give judgment upon the woman taken in
adultery, which was brought before him.

Whereas they do allege that Moses did supply both offices at once, I
answer, that it was done by a rare miracle. Furthermore, that it
continued but for a time, until things were brought unto a better
state. Besides that, there was a certain form and rule prescribed, him
of the Lord, when he took upon him the civil governance; and the
priesthood he was commanded to resign unto his brother; and that not
without good cause, for it is against nature, that one man should
suffice both charges: wherefore it was diligently foreseen and
provided for in all ages; neither was there any bishop, so long as any
true face or show of the church did continue, who once thought to
usurp the right and title of the sword. Whereupon, in the time of St.
Ambrose this proverb took its original, that emperors did rather wish
or desire the office of priesthood, than priests any empire. For it
was all men's opinion at that time, that sumptuous palaces did pertain
unto emperors, and churches unto priests. St. Bernard, also, writeth
many things which are agreeable unto this our opinion; as is this his
saying: 'Peter could not give that which he had not, but he gave unto
his successors that which he had, that is to say, carefulness over the
congregation; for when the Lord and Master saith, that He is not
constitute or ordained judge between two, the servant or disciple
ought not to take it scornfully if that he may not judge all men.'
And, lest that he might seem in that place to speak of the spiritual 
judgment, he straightway annexeth, 'Therefore,' saith he, 'your power
and authority shall be in offence and transgression; not in
possessions. For this purpose, and not for the other, have you
received the keys of the kingdom of heaven. Why then do you invade
other men's bounds or borders?' The rest I pass over for brevity's
sake."

The seventh article.

"Falsely, and against the honour, estate, and reverence of the sacred
Majesty of the king of Scots, he hath said, holden, and affirmed, that
our most noble king of Scots, defender of the Christian faith, would
appropriate unto himself all the possessions, lands, and rents of the
church, given and granted by his predecessors, and also by himself,
and convert them unto his own private use. And for this end and
purpose, as he hath many times written unto him, so hath he with his
whole endeavour persuaded our said noble lord and king thereunto."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"It is no marvel though these mad dogs do so bark against me, whom
they think to have counselled the king's Majesty, (I would to God I
had also thoroughly persuaded him,) that he should take away from
these unjust, sacrilegious possessors the riches wherewithal they are
fatted and engreased like swine. For this is the nature dogs, that if
any man go about to take away the bone out of their mouth, by and by
to snatch at him, and tear him with their teeth. It is out of all
controversy unto such as have any wit at all, that such were very
childish, that is to say, ignorant of all learning and judgment, which
did so fat and feed with their possessions these belly-beasts. For who
would not judge it more than childish, to bestow the king's victuals
or meat upon the bellies of the prophets of Baal and Jezebel? But all
they that, at this present, do endue such filthy sinks (I will not
call them dens of thieves) with such revenues, they do follow the
steps of Jezebel; for what other thing do they, when daily they are
bleating and bowing before their images, burning of incense, and
falling flat down before their altars, but that which in times past
the prophets of Baal did, when they transported the worship of God
unto an idol? Wherefore, if Daniel and Elias were spotted with heresy,
when they would have destroyed the priests of Baal, I grant that I
also must be a heretic.

"But forasmuch as he then did nothing but that which was commanded him
of the Lord, who was able to kill the prophets that had allured the
people to follow strange gods, he could not truly and justly be
accused of heresy: so neither can my adversaries spot me therewithal,
except, peradventure, they will condemn in me, that whereas Elias
dealt more rigorously with the prophets of Baal, for he cast them into
the brook Kedron, I required or desired no more, but that the riches
which were wickedly bestowed upon them, and their possessions, might
be taken from them."

The eighth article.

"He willed and desired, and oftentimes with his whole heart prayed,
that the church of Scotland might come and be brought to the same
point and state, and to like ruin, as the church of England was
already come unto."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"If the church of Israel decayed, when in the time of Zerubbabel,
Nehemiah, and other holy men, it was released and set at liberty out
of Babylon; I grant also, that it was a ruin unto the Englishmen, to
have departed and gone away out of Babylon, the mother of all
whoredom; upon whose rotten and filthy paps and breasts they have a
long time depended and hanged, being made drunk with the wine of her
whoredom and unshamefacedness. They had rather cause to give me
thanks, who, with so sincere and good a heart, wished unto them so
happy a fall. But these unthankful persons thought it not enough with
slander and reproach to tear me asunder, but now also, as blind rage
and madness have taken away all sincerity and uprightness of mind and
judgment, they lie in wait, and snares for my life."

The ninth article.

"He hath openly holden, said and affirmed, preached and taught; that
the laws of the church, that is to say, the sacred canons, approved
and allowed by the holy catholic and apostolic church, are of no
force, strength, or effect; alleging, therefore, and affirming, that
they are made and invented contrary to the law of God."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"God forbid that I should say, that those things which are approved
and allowed by the holy catholic church, should be of no effect or
value. For well I know, that the holy apostolic church hath never
allowed, ordained, or taught any thing which she hath not learned of
the Lord. The apostles are witnesses thereof, Peter and Paul, whereof
the one of them dareth not freely utter or speak of any of those
things which Christ hath not wrought by himself for the obedience of
the Gentiles. The other exhorteth, that if any man speak, he should
speak the praises of God. But I condemn those laws which the bishops
of Rome have made according to their own will and mind, and which they
say are spiritual, pertaining unto the soul, and necessary unto
everlasting life; forasmuch as the writings of the apostles do
evidently declare, that there was no authority known amongst them to
make or ordain any ordinances or laws.

"Furthermore, the Scriptures do manifestly show the same, how
oftentimes, even by the Lord's own mouth, this aforesaid authority is
taken from the ministers of the church; so that no excuse for them
remaineth, but that they be plain rebels against the word of God, how
many soever do presume or take upon them to appoint or set any new
laws upon the people of God: which thing is more manifest and evident
than the light itself, in many places of the Scripture; for in Joshua
xxiii., it is written, You shall observe and do all that is written in 
the law of Moses, neither shall you swerve from that, either to the
right hand or to the left hand. But that which is written in
Deuteronomy xii., ought to move them somewhat more. Whatsoever I
command, saith the Lord, that shall ye observe and do: thereunto you
shall add nothing, neither shall you take any thing from it. The like
he had said before in chapter iv. of the same book. And again Moses,
in chapter xiii. of the same book, doth witness, that he did put forth
life and blessing unto Israel, when he gave them that law which he had
received of the Lord. How can they then excuse themselves of perjury,
who ordain new laws to live by?

"But let us proceed further, and see what authority the priests of
Levi's stock had to make laws. I do not deny but that God, in Deut.
xvii., ordained, under a great penalty, that the authority of the
priests should not be contemned, but had in reverence. But in Malachi
ii. he also declareth under what condition they are to be heard, where
he saith, He hath made a covenant with Levi, that the law of truth
should be in his mouth. And, by and by after, he addeth, The lips of
the priest shall keep and maintain wisdom; and the law they shall
require at his mouth, who is the messenger of the Lord of hosts.
Therefore it is fit and necessary, if a priest will be heard, that he
doth show himself the messenger of God, that is to say, that he
faithfully report and declare the commandments which he hath received
of the Lord. For where Malachi speaketh of hearing of them, he putteth
this specially, that they do answer according to the law of the Lord.
Therefore, like as the Levitical priests did break their covenant made
with God, if they did teach any other law than that which they had
received of him, so, likewise, these men must either acknowledge
themselves to be covenant-breakers, or else they may not bind the
consciences of men with any new law.

"Furthermore, what power the prophets had universally, it is very
lively described in Ezekiel, chapter xxxiii. Thou son of man, saith
the. Lord, I have made thee a guide unto the house of Israel: thou
shalt hear the word out of mine own mouth, and declare it unto them
from me. He then who is commanded to hear of the mouth of the Lord, is
he not forbidden to rehearse or speak any thing of himself? for what
other thing is it to speak from the Lord, but so to speak that he may
boldly affirm and say, that it is not his word, but the word of the
Lord, which he speaketh?

"Further, God, by his prophet Jeremy, calleth it chaff, whatsoever
doth not proceed from himself. Wherefore none of the prophets have
opened their mouths at any time to speak, but being premonished by the
word of God. Whereupon it happeneth, that these words are so often
pronounced by them, The word of the Lord; the charge or burden of the
Lord; the vision of the Lord; thus saith the Lord; the month of the
Lord hath spoken it.

"Now, that we may also confirm that which is before spoken, by the
examples of the apostles, that they have taught nothing but that which
they have learned of the Lord, the law which Christ prescribed unto
them, when he endowed them with the dignity and honour of the
apostleship, is somewhat more profoundly to be repeated. In Matthew
xxviii. he commandeth them to go forth and teach, not such things as
they themselves did rashly invent or devise, but those things which be
bad commanded them.

Furthermore, Paul, in 1 Corinthians ii., denieth that he hath any
dominion or rule over the faith of the Corinthians, albeit he was
ordained by the Lord to be their apostle. If you require and desire a
further reason of the moderation of St. Paul, read chap. x. of his
Epistle to the Romans, where he teacheth, that faith cometh by
hearing. It cometh not by the dreams of the bishop of Rome, or of any
other bishop, but only by the word of God.

"Neither ought any man to think it strange, that Christ restrained his
apostles by the law, that they should not teach any thing but that
which they had learned of the mouth of the Lord: he set the same law
upon himself, because it should not be lawful for any man to refuse
it. My doctrine, saith Christ, is not mine, but his which sent me; my
Father's. He who hath been the only and eternal counsellor of the
Father, who also is ordained by the Father the Lord and Master over
all, yet, for so much as he hath the office and part of a minister, he
doth by his example prescribe unto all ministers, what rule and order
they ought to follow in teaching. Wherefore the power of the church is
not such, that she may, at her own will and discretion, teach new
doctrines, or, as they term it, frame new articles of faith, or
establish new laws; but is subject unto the word of the Lord, and as
it were included in the same.

"But now let us behold what defence they do bring for their
constitutions. The apostles, say they, and the elders of the primitive
church, established a decree, besides the commandment of Christ,
whereby they did command all people to abstain from all things offered
unto idols, suffocation, and blood: If that were lawful for them so to
do, why is it not lawful for their successors, as often as necessity
shall require, to imitate and to follow them in doing the like?

"But I deny that the apostles, in that behalf, did make any new decree
or ordinance, forasmuch as Peter, in the same council, pronounceth God
to be tempted, if any yoke be laid upon the necks of the disciples.
Even he himself doth subvert and overthrow his own sentence, if they
consent to lay any yoke upon them. But a yoke is laid upon them, if
the apostles, by their own authority, do decree to prohibit the
Gentiles not to touch any thing offered unto idols or strangled. But,
you will say, they do write that they should abstain from these
things. I grant that they do so write: but what doth St. James
declare? that the Gentiles which are converted unto God, are not to be
troubled and vexed in such extern decrees and outward elements as
these be. And the apostle sufficiently declareth that he goeth about
nothing less, than to restrain the liberty of the Gentiles, but only
to admonish and warn them, how they should moderate and rule
themselves among their brethren, lest they should abuse their liberty
to the offence of the others.

"They allege furthermore, that which is written in Matthew xxiii., The
scribes and Pharisees have sitten in the chair of Moses; therefore,
all things whatsoever they command you to observe and keep, the same
observe and do; but do you not as they do.

"I answer, the Lord in this place doth inveigh against the manners of
the Pharisees, simply instructing his hearers whom before he had
taught, that albeit they could perceive or see nothing in their life
which they should follow, yet, for all that, they should not refuse to
do these things which they did teach by the word: I say, by the word,
and not of their own head."

The tenth article.

"Divers and many ways he hath said, holden, and also affirmed, and
openly taught, that there is no religion to be observed or kept, but
simply to be abolished and destroyed, as it is now in England; and,
despising all religion, affirming that it is but an abusion of the
people, he hath taught that their habits and ventures are deformed and
very monstrous, having in them no manner of utility or holiness;
inducing and alluring, as much as in him lay, all the adherents of his
opinion, that all religion in the kingdom of Scotland should be
subverted and utterly taken away, to the great offence of the catholic
church, and the diminishing and detriment of the Christian religion."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"The prophet Isaiah, in his fifth chapter, crieth out, saying, Woe be
unto you which call evil good, and good evil, darkness light, and
light darkness, sour sweet, and sweet sour. And it followeth in the
same place in the said prophet, Woe, saith he, to you that be wise and
sapient in your own eyes, and prudent in your own estimation. No man
can deny but that the cardinal of Scotland and his adherents be under
this most heavy and grievous curse, when they do so generally confound
the Christian religion and their wicked monkery, that they do entitle
them both by one name of holiness. I trust I will make it appear more
manifest than the day, that they do it by a sacrilegious audacity or
boldness, unto such as, setting apart all preposterous affection, will
embrace the truth, when she doth manifestly show herself.

"But before I enter into the matter, I will all men to understand,
that I do not touch that kind of monkery, which St. Augustine and
others do so often make mention of; as in which the monks, being
gathered together, utterly contemning and despising the vanities of
this world, did lead a most chaste and godly life, living in prayers,
reading, and disputations; not puffed up with pride; nor contentious
with frowardness, neither full of envy: no man possessed any things of
his own; no man was chargeable or burdenous unto others. They wrought
with their hands, to get that which might sustain the body, the spirit
and mind not let and hindered from God. Whatsoever did superabound
more than was necessary for their sustentation, (as, by the restraint
of their delicious and delicate fare much did redound of the labours
of their hands,) it was with such diligence distributed unto the poor
and needy, as it was not with greater diligence gotten by them that
did give the same. For they by no means went about to have abundance
lying by them, but sought all means possible, that nothing should
remain by them more than sufficient. Besides this, no man was forced
to any extremity, which he could not bear or suffer, no man had any
thing laid upon him which he refused, neither was he condemned of the
rest, which confessed himself unable to imitate or follow. They had
always in their mind how commendable a thing love and charity was;
they remembered that all things are clean to them which are clean:
therefore they did not refuse or reject any kinds of meat as polluted
or defiled; but all their whole industry and labour was applied to
subdue lust and concupiscence, and to retain love amongst brethren.
Many of them did drink no wine, yet, notwithstanding, they thought not
themselves defiled therewithal: for unto such as were sick and
diseased, who could not recover the health of their body without the
same, they did most gently permit it. And whereas many foolishly
refused the same, they brotherly admonished them to take heed that
they became not rather the weaker than the holier, through their vain
superstition.

"Hitherto I have repeated that which St. Augustine writeth of the
monks of his time, whereby I would, as it were, paint out in a table,
what manner of monkery there was in the old time, that all men might
understand how great difference there is between that, and the monkery
in these our later days. For he would have all extreme compulsion to
be taken away in such things as, by the word of God, are left to us at
liberty. But, now-a-days, there is nothing more severely and cruelly
exacted for they say it is a remediless offence if any do, but ever so
little, swerve from their prescript order, in colour or kind of
garment, or in any kind of meat, or in any other frivolous or vain
ceremony.

"St. Augustine doth straightly affirm, that it is not lawful for monks
to live idle upon other men's labour. He plainly denieth that in his
time there was any such example of any well-ordered monastery. But our
monks do constitute the principal part of holiness in idleness, which
they call a contemplative life; wherefore the state or monkery of the
old time, and of these our days, is in all points so diverse, that
scarce can any thing be more unlike (I will not say, utterly
contrary); for our monks, not content with that godliness to the study
and desire whereof Christ commandeth all his continually to be
attentive, imagine a new kind of godliness, I know not what, by the
meditation whereof they are more perfect than all others. But it is a
most pestilent error, (which all godly men ought to abhor,) to feign
any other rule of perfection, than that common rule delivered unto the
whole universal church, which we suppose to be sufficiently approved
in the refutation of the article before passed.

"Now I also pass over with silence the great blasphemy, whereby they
compare their monastical confession unto baptism. I also hold my
peace, that they do dissipate and divide the communion of the church,
when they do separate themselves from the lawful society and
fellowship of the faithful, and claim unto themselves a peculiar
ministry and private administration of the sacraments: but, as St.
Augustine witnesseth, it was so far off, that the monks, in times
past, had any several church or administration of the sacraments from
others, that they were a part and portion of the common people, albeit
they dwelt asunder.

"But if a man may touch the manner of these our monks, what shall I
call the cloisters in these our days, otherwise than brothel-houses,
swine styes, and dens of discord. Besides that, I will pass over their
fairs and markets, which, in these later days they do make of their
relics of martyrs, to build up Sodom again. Wherefore, I conclude that
this their kind of life which they claim unto themselves, is utterly
wicked and naught, the which is not established or grounded upon any
certain calling of God, neither allowed by him; wherefore I may be
bold to say that it is unlawful, because their conscience hath nothing
whereby to sustain itself before God; and whatsoever is not of faith
is sin.

"And furthermore, so long as they do entangle and bind themselves with
so many and so perverse and wicked kinds of worshipping as the monkery
now-a-days doth contain in it, I may well say that they are not
consecrated unto God, but unto the devil. For why? was it lawful for
the prophets to say, that the Israelites did offer their children unto
wicked spirits, and not unto God, because they did corrupt and violate 
the true worshipping of God with profane ceremonies -- is it not
lawful then to speak the like of our monks, who, together with their
cowls, have put on a thousand snares of most wicked superstitions? Let
every man now weigh and consider with himself, if I have done wickedly
to wish such religions as is this our monkery, to be utterly
extinguished and rooted out. Moreover, all Christian princes should
rightly and truly do their office, if, as in times past Josias pulled
down and overthrew the high places which his elders, the kings of
Judah, had budded, so they would abolish and drive away this kind of
monks."

The eleventh article.

"It is plainly manifest by lawful proofs, that the said John Borthwike
had, and presently hath, divers books suspected of heresy, condemned
as well by the papal, as aIso regal and ordinary, authorities, and
prohibited by the law: that is to say, especially the New Testament,
commonly printed, in English; Œcolampadius, Melancthon; and divers
treatises of Erasmus and other condemned heretics; also a book
entitled Unio Dissidentium, the which containeth most manifest and
great errors and heretical assumptions; and hath read and studied the
same as well openly as privately, and hath presented and communicated
them unto others; and, also, hath instructed and taught many
Christians in the same, to the end and purpose to divert and turn them
away from the true Christian and catholic faith."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"O good God! who can suffer so great a blasphemy! with what a filthy
cankered stomach do these boorish swine note the New Testament with
heresy! Who would not judge it a most venomous tongue, which dare
pronounce and utter such contumelious words against the holy gospel of
our Saviour Christ? Truly these men (howsoever they do pronounce me an
arch-heretic) do fill up the measure of all other heretics, (I will
not say blasphemers,) as the Jews, which put Christ to death, did of
all other murderers. How then shall these serpents and stock of vipers
escape and flee the judgment of everlasting fire? I do not greatly
stand or stay, that they do suspect Œcolampadius, Melancthon, or
Erasmus, neither am I so mad to plead their cause, who, as they are
men of singular learning and eloquence, so do their writings
manifestly declare, how falsely and wickedly these sycophants impute
this crime and slander of heresy unto them.

The twelfth article.

"It is manifest, that the said John Borthwike was so obstinate in all
the aforesaid errors and heresies, and so maintained and taught them,
with such an obdurate heart and mind, that he would not by any means
he persuaded from them by his friends, and divers other persons which
did dearly love and favour him, but chose rather obstinately to
persevere in his said errors."

Sir John Borthwike's answer.

"I am willingly contented to be reduced to the catholic faith, but if
Satan raise up any storms or tempests against that, those I do
something resist. Wherefore they most shamefully lie, which do
otherwise jest or talk of me; for I know not by what reason they call
them my friends, who so greatly laboured to convert me, neither will
more esteem them than the Midianites, which, in times past, called the
children of Israel to do sacrifice unto their idols. And furthermore,
I desire the most high and mighty God, that he will never suffer me to
swerve or turn away from this holy, godly, and Christian obstinacy and
stubbornness. The man is blest, that path set his whole hope and
confidence upon the Lord, and hath not regarded or looked upon the
proud, or those which follow after lies.'

The sentence of condemnation against Sir John Borthwike, knight, by
the cardinal, bishops, and abbots in Scotland, A.D. 1540.

"Of all which the premises and many other errors by him holden,
spoken, published, affirmed. preached, and taught, the common fame and
report is, that the said Sir John Borthwike is holden, reputed, and
accounted of very many, as a heretic, and principal heretic, which
holdeth evil opinions of the catholic faith.

"Wherefore we, David, by the title of St. Stephen in Mount Celo,
prelate and cardinal of the holy Church of Borne, archbishop of St.
Andrews, primate of the whole kingdom of Scotland, and born legate of
the apostolic see, sitting after the manner of judges in our tribunal
seat, the most holy Gospels of God being laid before us, that our
judgment might proceed from the face of God, and our eyes might behold
and look upon equity and justice; having only God, and the verity and
truth of the catholic faith, before our eyes; his holy name being
first called upon; having, as is before said, hereupon holden a
council of wise men, as well divines as lawyers, we pronounce,
declare, decree, determine, and give sentence, that the said Sir John
Borthwike, called Captain Borthwike, being suspected, infamed, and
accused of the errors and heresies before said, and wicked doctrines
manifoldly condemned as is aforesaid and by lawful proofs against him
in every of the premises had, being convict and lawfully cited and
called, not appearing, but as a fugitive, runaway, and absent, even as
though he were present, to be a heretic, and is, and hath been,
convict as a heretic; and as a convict heretic and heresiarch to be
punished and chastened with due punishment, and afterwards to be
delivered and left unto the secular power. Moreover, we confiscate and
make forfeit, and by these presents declare and decree to be
confiscated and made forfeit, all and singular his goods, movables and
unmovables, howsoever and by whatsoever title they be gotten, and in
what place or part soever they be, and all his offices, whatsoever he
hath hitherto had: reserving, notwithstanding, the dowry, and such
part and portion of his goods, as by the law, custom, and right of
this realm, unto persons confiscate ought to appertain. Also we
decree, that the picture of the said John Borthwike, being formed,
made, and painted to his likeness, be carried through this our city to
our cathedral church, and afterwards to the market-cross of the same
city, and there, in token of malediction and curse, and to the terror
and example of others, and for a perpetual remembrance of his
obstinacy and condemnation, to be burned. Likewise we declare and
decree, that notwithstanding, if the Said John Borthwike be hereafter
apprehended and taken, he shall suffer such punishment as is due by
order of law unto heretics, without any hope of grace or mercy to be
obtained in that behalf. Also we plainly admonish and warn, by the
tenor of these presents, all and singular faithful Christians, both
men and women, of what dignity, state, degree, order, condition, or
pre-eminence soever they be, or with whatsoever dignity or honour
ecclesiastical or temporal they be honoured withal, that from this day
forward they do not receive or harbour the said Sir John Borthwike,
commonly called Captain Borthwike, being accused, convict, and
declared a heretic and arch-heretic, into their houses, hospitals,
castles, cities, towns, villages, or other cottages, whatsoever they
be; or by any manner of means admit him thereunto, either by helping
him with meat, drink, or victuals, or any other thing, whatsoever it
be; they show unto him any manner of humanity, help, comfort, or
solace, under the pain and penalty of greater and further
excommunication, confiscation, and forfeitures: and if it happen that
they be found culpable or faulty in the premises, that they shall he
accused therefor as the favourers, receivers, defenders, maintainers,
and abettors of heretics, and shall be punished there-for, according
to the order of law, and with such pain and punishment as shall be due
unto men in such behalf."

$

215. THOMAS FORRET AND HIS FOLLOWERS

And now, to prosecute such others as followed, beginning first in
order with Thomas Forret and his fellows: their story is this.

The story of Thomas Forret, priest, and his fellows.

Thomas Forret, priest; Friar John Kelow, Friar Beverage, Duncan
Sympson, priest; Robert Foster, a gentleman, with three or four other
men of Stirling; martyrs.

Their persecutors: David Beaton, bishop and cardinal of St. Andrews;
George Creighton, bishop of Dunkeld.

Not long after the burning of David Stratton and Master Gurlay above-
mentioned, in the days of David Beaton, bishop and cardinal of St.
Andrews, and George Creighton, bishop of Dunkeld, a canon of St.
Colm's Inche, and vicar of Dolor, called Dean Thomas Forret, preached
every Sunday to his parishioners out of the epistle or gospel as it
fell for the time; which then was a great novelty in Scotland, to see
any man preach, except a Black Friar or a Grey Friar: and therefore
the friars envied him, and accused him to the bishop of Dunkeld, (in
whose diocese he remained,) as a heretic, and one that showed the
mysteries of the Scriptures to the vulgar people in English, to make
the clergy detestable in the sight of the people. The bishop of
Dunkeld, moved by the friars' instigation, called the said Dean
Thomas, and said to him, "My joy Dean Thomas, I love you well, and
therefore I must give you my counsel, how you shall rule and guide
yourself." To whom Thomas said, "I thank your Lordship heartily." Then
the bishop began his counsel after this manner:

Bishop.--"My joy Dean Thomas! I am informed that you preach the
epistle or gospel every Sunday to your parishioners, and that you take
not the cow, nor the uppermost cloth, from your parishioners, which
thing is very prejudicial to the churchmen; and therefore, my joy Dean
Thomas, I would you took your cow, and your uppermost cloth, as other
churchmen do; or else it is too much to preach every Sunday: for in so
doing you may make the people think that we should preach likewise.
But it is enough for you, when you find any good epistle, or any good
gospel, that setteth forth the liberty of the holy church, to preach
that, and let the rest be."

The martyr.--Thomas answered, "My Lord, I think that none of my
parishioners will complain that I take not the cow, nor the uppermost
cloth, but will gladly give me the same, together with any other thing
that they have; and I will give and communicate with them any thing
that I have; and so, my Lord, we agree right well, and there is
nodiscord among us. And whereas your Lordship saith, It is too much to
preach every Sunday, indeed I think it is too little, and also would
wish that your Lordship did the like."

Bishop.--"Nay, nay, Dean Thomas," saith my Lord, "let that be, for we
are not ordained to preach."

Martyr.-- Then said Thomas, "Whereas your Lordship biddeth me preach
when I find any good epistle, or a good gospel, truly, my Lord, I have
read the New Testament and the Old, and all the Epistles and Gospels,
and among them all I could never find an evil epistle, or an evil
gospel: but, if your Lordship will show me the good epistle and the
good gospel, and the evil epistle and the evil gospel, then I shall
preach the good, and omit the evil."

Bishop.-- Then spake my Lord stoutly and said, "I thank God that I
never knew what the Old and New Testament was; [and of these words
rose a proverb which is common in Scotland, Ye are like the bishop of
Dunkeldene, that know neither new nor old law:] therefore, Dean
Thomas, I will know nothing but my portuese and my pontifical. Go your
way, and let be all these fantasies; for if you persevere in these
erroneous opinions, ye will repent it, when you may not mend it."

Martyr.--"I trust my cause be just in the presence of God, and
therefore I pass not much what do follow thereupon."

And so my Lord and he departed at that time. And soon after a summons
was directed from the cardinal of St. Andrews and the said bishop of
Dunkeld, upon the said Dean Thomas Forret, upon two Black Friars, one
called Friar John Kelow, and another called Beverage, and upon one
priest of Stirling, called Duncan Sympson, and one gentleman, called
Robert Foster, in Stirling, with other three or four with them, of the
town of Stirling; who, at the day of their appearance after their
summoning, were condemned to the death without any place for
recantation, because (as was alleged) they were heresiarchs, or chief
heretics and teachers of heresies; and, especially, because many of
them were at the bridal and marriage of a priest, who was vicar of
Tulibothy beside Stirling, and did eat flesh in Lent at the said
bridal. And so they were all together burned upon the castle hill at
Edinburgh, where they that were first bound to the stake godly and
marvellously did comfort them that came behind.

$

216. MARTYRS IN ST. JOHN'S-TOWN, OR PERTH

The manner of persecution used by the cardinal of Scotland against
certain persons in St. John's-town, or Perth.

Robert Lamb, William Anderson, James Hunter, James Raveleson, James
Finlason, lichen Stirke, his wife; martyrs.

Persecutor: David Beaton, bishop and cardinal of St. Andrews.

First, there was a certain act of parliament made in the government of
the Lord Hamilton, earl of Arran, and governor of Scotland, giving
privilege to all men of the realm of Scotland, to read the Scriptures
in their mother tongue and language; secluding nevertheless all
reasoning, conference, convocation of people to hear the Scriptures
read or expounded. Which liberty of private reading being granted by
public proclamation, lacked not its own fruit, so that in sundry parts
of Scotland thereby were opened the eyes of the elect of God to see
the truth, and abhor the papistical abominations; amongst whom were
certain persons in St. John's-town, as after is declared.

At this time there was a sermon made by Friar Spence, in St. John's-
town, otherwise called Perth, affirming prayer made to saints to be so
necessary, that without it there could be no hope of salvation to man.
Which blasphemous doctrine a burgess of the said town, called Robert
Lamb, could not abide, but accused him, in open audience, of erroneous
doctrine, and adjured him, in God's name, to utter the truth. This the
friar, being stricken with fear, promised to do; but the trouble,
tumult, and stir of the people increased so, that the friar could have
no audience, and yet the said Robert, with great danger of his life,
escaped the hands of the mltitude, namely, of the women, who, contrary
to nature, addressed them to extreme cruelty against him.

At this time, A.D. 1543, the enemies of the truth procured John
Charterhouse, who favoured the truth, and was provost of the said city
and town of Perth, to be deposed from his office by the said
governor's authority, and a papist, called Master Alexander Marbeck,
to be chosen in his room, that they might bring the more easily their
wicked enterprise to an end.

After the deposing of the former provost, and election of the other,
in the month of January the year aforesaid, on St. Paul's day, came to
St. John's-town, the governor, the cardinal, the earl of Argyle,
justice Sir John Campbell of Lundie, knight, and Justice Defort, the
Lord Borthwike, the bishops of Dunblane and Orkney, with certain other
of the nobility. And although there were many accused for the crime of
heresy, (as they term it,) yet these persons only were apprehended
upon the said St. Paul's day: Robert Lamb, William Anderson, James
Hunter, James Raveleson, James Finlason, and Hellen Stirke, his wife,
and were cast that night in the Spay Tower of the said city, the
morrow after to abide judgment.

Upon the morrow, when they appeared and were brought forth to judgment
in the town, were laid in general to all their charge, the violating
of the act of parliament before expressed, and their conference and
assemblies in hearing and expounding of Scripture against the tenor of
the said act. Robert Lamb was accused, in special, for interrupting of
the friar in the pulpit; which he not only confessed, but also
affirmed constantly, that it was the duty of no man, which understood
and knew the truth, to hear the same impugned without contradiction;
and therefore sundry who were there present in judgment, who hid the
knowledge of the truth, should bear the burden in God's presence, for
consenting to the same.

The said Robert also, with William Anderson and James Raveleson, were
accused for hanging up the image of St. Francis in a cord, nailing of
ram's horns to his head, and a cow's rump to his tail, and for eating
of a goose on Allhallow-even.

James Hunter, being a simple man, and without learning, and a flesher
by occupation, so that he could be charged with no great knowledge in
doctrine, yet, because he often used that suspected company of the
rest, he was accused.

The woman Hellen Stirke was accused, for that in her childbed she was
not accustomed to call upon the name of the Virgin Mary, being
exhorted thereto by her neighbours, but only upon God for Jesus
Christ's sake; and because she said, in like manner, that if she
herself had been in the time of the Virgin Mary, God might have looked
to her humility and base estate, as he did to the Virgin's, in making
her the mother of Christ: thereby meaning, that there were no merits
in the Virgin, which procured her that honour, to be made the mother
of Christ, and to be preferred before other women, but that only God's
free mercy exalted her to that estate: which words were counted most
execrable in the face of the clergy, and of the whole multitude.

James Raveleson aforesaid, building a house, set upon the round of his
fourth stair, the three-crowned diadem of Peter carved out of a tree,
which the cardinal took as done in mockage of his cardinal's hat; and
this procured no favour to the said James, at their hands.

These aforenamed persons, upon the morrow after St. Paul's day, were
condemned and judged to death, and that by an assize, for violating
(as was alleged) the act of parliament, in reasoning and conferring
upon Scripture, for eating flesh upon days forbidden, for interrupting
the holy friar in the pulpit, for dishonouring of images. and for
blaspheming of the Virgin Mary, as they alleged.

After sentence given, their hands were bound, and the men cruelly
treated: which thing the woman beholding, desired likewise to be bound
by the sergeants with her husband for Christ's sake.

There was great intercession made by the town in the mean season for
the life of these persons aforenamed, to the governor, who of himself
was willing so to have done, that they might have been delivered: but
the governor was so subject to the appetite of the cruel priests, that
he could not do that which he would. Yea, they menaced to assist his
enemies and to depose him, except he assisted their cruelty.

There were certain priests in the city, who did eat and drink before
in these honest men's houses, to whom the priests were much bounden.
These priests were earnestly desired to entreat for their hostess at
the cardinals hands: but they altogether refused, desiring rather
their death, than preservation. So cruel are these beasts, from the
lowest to the highest.

Then after, they were carried by a great band of armed men (for they
feared rebellion in the town except they had their men of war) to the
place of execution, which was common to all thieves, and that to make
their cause appear more odious to the people.

Robert Lamb, at the gallows' foot, made his exhortation to the people,
desiring them to fear God, and leave the leaven of papistical
abominations, and manifestly there prophesied of the ruin and plague
which came upon the cardinal thereafter. So every one comforting
another, and assuring themselves that they should sop together in the
kingdom of heaven that night, they commended themselves to God, and
died constantly in the Lord.

The woman desired earnestly to die with her husband, but she was not
suffered; yet, following him to the place of execution, she gave him
comfort, exhorting him to perseverance and patience for Christ's sake,
and, parting from him with a kiss, said on this manner, "Husband,
rejoice, for we have lived together many joyful days; but this day, in
which we must die, ought to be most joyful unto us both, because we
must have joy for ever; therefore I will not bid you good night, for
we shall suddenly meet with joy in the kingdom of heaven." The woman,
after that, was taken to a place to be drowned, and albeit she had a
child sucking on herbreast, yet this moved nothing the unmerciful
hearts of the enemies. So, after she had commended her children to the
neighbours of the town for God's sake, and the sucking bairn was given
to the nurse, she sealed up the truth by her death.

$

217. GEORGE WISEHART

The condemnation of Master George Wisehart, gentleman, who suffered
martyrdom for the faith of Christ Jesus at St. Andrew's in Scotland,
A.D. 1546, March the first; with the articles objected against him,
and his answers to the same.

With most tender affection and unfeigned heart consider, gentle
reader, the uncharitable manner of the accusation of Master George
Wisehart, made by the bloody enemies of Christ's faith. Note also the
articles whereof he was accused, by order digested, and his meek
answers so far as be had leave and leisure to speak. Finally, ponder
with no dissembling spirit the furious rage and tragical cruelness of
the malignant church, in persecuting of this blessed man of God; and,
on the contrary, his humble, patient, and most godly answers made to
them suddenly without all fear, not having respect to their glorious
menacings and boisterous threats, but charitably and without stop
answering, not moving his countenance, nor changing his visage, as in
his accusation hereafter following manifestly shall appear.

But before I enter into his articles, I thought it not impertinent
somewhat to touch concerning the life and conversation of this godly
man, according as of late it came to my hands, and certified in
writing by a certain scholar of his, some time named Emery Tylney,
whose words of testimonial, as he wrote them to me, here follow.

"About the year of our Lord 1543, there was, in the university of
Cambridge, one Master George Wisehart, commonly called Master George
of Benet's College, who was a man of tall stature, polled-headed, and
on the same a round French cap of the best; judged to be of melancholy
complexion by his physiognomy, black haired, long bearded, comely of
personage, well spoken after his country of Scotland, courteous,
lowly, lovely, glad to teach, desirous to learn, and was well
travelled; having on him for his habit or clothing, never but a mantle
or frieze gown to the shoes, a black millian fustian doublet, and
plain black hosen, coarse new canvass for his shirts, and white
falling bands and cuffs at his hands. All the which apparel he gave to
the poor, some weekly, some monthly, some quarterly, as he liked,
saving his French cap, which he kept the whole year of my being with
him.

"He was a man modest, temperate, fearing God, hating covetousness; for
his charity had never end, night, noon. nor day; he forbare one meal
in three, one day in four for the most part, except something to
comfort nature. He lay hard upon a puff of straw and coarse new
canvass sheets, which, when he changed, he gave away. He had commonly
by his bed-side a tub of water, in the which (his people being in bed,
the candle put out and all quiet; he used to bathe himself, as I,
being very young, being assured, often heard him, and, in one light
night, discerned him. He loved me tenderly, and I him, for my age, as
effectually. He taught with great modesty and gravity, so that some of
his people thought him severe, and would have slain him; but the Lord
was his defence. And he, after due correction for their malice, by
good exhortation amended them and went his way. Oh that the Lord had
left him to me, his poor boy, that he might have finished that he had
begun! for in his religion he was as you see here, in the rest of his
life, when he went into Scotland with divers of the nobility, that
came for a treaty to King Henry the Eighth. His learning was no less
sufficient than his desire; always pressed and ready to do good in
that he was able, both in the house privately, and in the school
publicly, professing and reading divers authors.

"If I should declare his love to me and all men; his charity to the
poor, in giving, relieving, caring, helping, providing, yea,
infinitely studying how to do good unto all, and hurt to none, I
should sooner want words, than just cause to commend him.

"All this I testify with my whole heart and truth, of this godly man.
He that made all, governeth all, and shall judge all, knoweth that I
speak the truth, that the simple may be satisfied, the arrogant
confounded, the hypocrite disclosed.

?e??? [GREEK:Telos]
"EMERY TYLNEY."

To the said Master George, being in captivity in the castle of St.
Andrews, the dean of the same town was sent by the commandment of the
cardinal, and his wicked counsel, and there summoned the said Master
George, that he should, upon the morning following, appear before the
judge, then and there to give account of his seditious and heretical
doctrine. To whom Master George thus answered:

Wisehart.--"What needeth," said he, "my lord cardinal to summon me to
answer for my doctrine openly before him, under whose power and
dominion I am thus straitly bound with irons? May not my lord compel
me to answer of his extort power? or believeth he that I am unprovided
to render account of my doctrine? To manifest yourselves what men ye
are, it is well done that ye keep your old ceremonies and
constitutions made by men."

Upon the next morning, the lord cardinal caused his servants to
address themselves in their most warlike array, with jack, knapskal,
splent, spear, and axe, more seeming for the war, than for the
preaching of the true word of God. And when these armed champions,
marching in warlike order, had conveyed the bishops into the abbey
church, incontinently they sent for Master George, who was conveyed
unto the said church by the captain of the castle, accompanied with a
hundred men, addressed in manner aforesaid. Like a lamb led they him
to sacrifice. As he entered into the abbey-church door, there was a
poor man lying, vexed with great infirmities, asking of his alms, to
whom he flung his purse. And when he came before the lord cardinal, by
and by the sub-prior of the abbey, called Dean .John Winryme, stood up
in the pulpit, and made a sermon to all the congregation there then
assembled, taking his matter out of Matthew xiii.

Brief account of the sermon of Dean John Winryme.

The sermon was divided into four principal parts. The first part was a
brief and short declaration of the evangelist. The second part, of the
interpretation of the good seed. And because he called the word of God
the good seed, and heresy the evil seed, he declared what heresy was,
and how it should be known; which he defined on this manner: "Heresy
is a false opinion defended with pertinacy, clearly repugning the word
of God."

The third part of the sermon was, the cause of heresy within that
realm, and all other realms. "The cause of heresy," quoth he, "is the
ignorance of them that have the cures of men's souls: to whom it
necessarily belongeth to have the true understanding of the word of
God, that they may be able to win again the false doctors of heresies,
with the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God; and not only
to win again, but also to overcome them, as saith Paul: A bishop must
be faultless, as it becometh the minister of God, not stubborn, nor
angry; no drunkard, no fighter, nor given to filthy lucre, but
harbourous; one that loveth goodness; sober-minded, righteous, holy,
temperate, and such as cleaveth unto the true word of doctrine; that
he may be able to exhort with wholesome learning, and to disprove that
which they say against him."

The fourth part of his sermon was, how heresies should be known.
"Heresy," quoth he, "be known after this manner: as the goldsmith
knoweth the fine gold from the unperfect, by the touchstone, so
likewise may we know heresy by the undoubted touchstone; that is, the
true, sincere, and undefiled word of God." At last he added, that
heretics should be put down in this present life: to which proposition
the gospel appeared to repugn, which he treated of. Let them grow unto
the harvest. The harvest is the end of the world. Nevertheless, he
affirmed that they should be put down by the civil magistrate and law.

And when he ended his sermon, incontinently they caused Master George
to ascend into the pulpit, there to hear his accusation and articles.
And right against him stood by one of the fed flock, a monster, John
Lauder, laden full of cursings written in paper. Of which he took out
a roll, both long and also full of cursings, threats, maledictions,
and words of devilish spite and malice, saying to the innocent Master
George so many cruel and abominable words, and hitting him so
spitefully with the pope's thunder, that the ignorant people dreaded
lest the earth then would have swallowed him up quick. Notwithstanding
Master George stood still with great patience, hearing their sayings,
not once moving or changing his countenance.

When that this fed sow had read throughout all his lying menacings,
his face running down with sweat, and frothing at the mouth like a
boar, he spit at Master George's face, saying, "What answerest thou to
these sayings, thou runagate! traitor! thief! which we have duly
proved by sufficient witness against thee!" Master George, hearing
this, kneeled down upon his knees in the pulpit, making his prayer to
God. When he had ended his prayer, sweetly and Christianly he answered
to them all in this manner:

Master George Wisehart.--"Many and horrible sayings unto me, a
Christian man, many words abominable to hear, ye have spoken here this
day, which not only to receive, but also once to think, I thought ever
great abomination. Wherefore I pray your discretions quietly to hear
me, that ye may know what were my sayings and the manner of my
doctrine.

"This my petition, my Lords, I desire to be heard for three causes.
The first is, because, through preaching of the word of God, his glory
is made manifest. It is reasonable therefore, for the advancing of the
glory of God, that ye hear me, teaching truly the pure word of God,
without any dissimulation.

"The second reason is, because that your health springeth of the word
of God; for he worketh all things by his word. It were, therefore, an
unrighteous thing, if ye should stop your ears from me, teaching truly
the word of God.

"The third reason is, because your doctrine uttereth many blasphemous
and abominable words, not coming of the inspiration of God, but of the
devil, with no less peril than of my life. It is just, therefore, and
reasonable, that your discretions should know what my words and
doctrine are, and what I have ever taught in my time in this realm,
that I perish not unjustly, to the great peril of your souls.
Wherefore, both for the glory and honour of God, your own health, and
safeguard of my life, I beseech your discretions to hear me; and, in
the mean time, I shall recite my doctrine without any colour.

"First and chiefly, since the time I came into this realm I taught
nothing but the Ten Commandments of God, the Twelve Articles of the
Faith, and the Prayer of the Lord in the mother tongue. Moreover in
Dundee, I taught the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans. And I shall
show your discretions faithfully, what fashion and manner I used when
I taught, without any human dread, so that your discretions give me
your ears benevolent and attent[ive]."

Suddenly then, with a high voice cried the accuser, the fed sow, "Thou
heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief! it was not lawful for thee to
preach. Thou hast taken the power at thine own hand, without any
authority of the church. We forethink that thou hast been a preacher
too long."

Then all the whole congregation of the prelates, with their complices,
said these words; "If we give him licence to preach, he is so crafty,
and in the Holy Scriptures so exercised, that he will persuade the
people to his opinion, and raise them against us."

Master George, seeing their malicious and wicked intent, appealed from
the lord cardinal to the lord governor, as to an indifferent and equal
judge. To whom the accuser, John Lauder aforesaid, with hoggish voice
answered, "Is not my lord cardinal the second person within this
realm, chancellor of Scotland, archbishop of St. Andrews, bishop of
Mirepois, commendator of Aberbrothwick, legatus natus, legatus a
latere?" And so, reciting as many titles of his unworthy honours as
would have laden a ship, much sooner an ass, "Is not he," quoth John
Lauder, "an equal judge apparently unto thee? Whom else desirest thou
to be thy judge?"

To whom this humble man, answering, said thus:

Wisehart.--"I refuse not my lord cardinal, but I desire the word of
God to be my judge, and the temporal estate, with some of your
Lordships mine auditors, because I am here my lord governor's
prisoner."

Hereupon the prideful and scornful people that stood by mocked him,
saying, "Such man, such judge!" speaking seditious and reproachful
words against the governor and other the nobles; meaning them, also,
to be heretics. And incontinent, without all delay, they would have
given sentence upon Master George, and that without further process,
had not certain men there counselled the cardinal to read again the
articles, and to hear his answers thereupon, that the people might not
complain of his wrongful condemnation.

And shortly to declare, these were the articles following, with his
answers, as far as they would give him leave to speak: for when he
intended to mitigate their leasings, and to show the manner of his
doctrine, by and by they stopped his mouth with another article.

First article. "Thou false heretic, runagate, traitor, and thief,
deceiver of the people! thou despisest the holy church's, and in like
case contemnest my lord governor's, authority. And this we know for
surety, that when thou preachedst in Dundee, and wast charged by my
lord governor's authority to desist, nevertheless thou wouldst not
obey, but perseveredst in the same; and therefore the bishop of
Brechin cursed thee, and delivered thee into the devil's hands, and
gave thee in commandment that thou shouldst preach no more. Yet,
notwithstanding, thou didst continue obstinately."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I have read in the Acts of the Apostles, that it
is not lawful to desist from the preaching of the gospel for the
threats and menaces of men. Therefore it is written, We shall rather
obey God than man. I have also read in Malachi, I shall curse your
blessings, and bless your cursings, saith the Lord: believing firmly,
that he will turn your cursings into blessings."

II. "Thou, false heretic! didst say, that the priest, standing at the
altar, saying mass, was like a fox wagging his tail in July."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I said not so. These were my sayings: The moving
of the body outward, without the inward moving of the heart, is nought
else but the playing of an ape, and not the true serving of God. For
God is a secret searcher of men's hearts: therefore, who will truly
adore and honour God, he must in spirit and verity honour him."

Then the accuser stopped his mouth with another article.

III. "Thou, false heretic! preachedst against the sacraments, saying,
that there were not seven sacraments."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! if it be your pleasures, I never taught of the
number of the sacraments, whether they were seven or eleven. So many
as are instituted by Christ, and are showed to us by the evangely, I
profess openly. Except it be the word of God, I dare affirm nothing."

IV. "Thou, false heretic! hast openly taught, that auricular
confession is not a blessed sacrament. And thou sayest, that we should
only confess us to God and to no priest."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I say that auricular confession, seeing that it
hath no promise of the evangely, therefore it cannot be a sacrament.
Of the confession to be made to God, there are many testimonies in
Scripture, as when David saith, I thought I would acknowledge mine
iniquity against myself unto the Lord, and he forgave the punishment
of my sin. Here confession signifieth the secret acknowledging of our
sins before God. When I exhorted the people in this manner, I reproved
no manner of confession. And further St. James saith, Acknowledge your
faults one to another, and pray one for another, that you may be
healed."

When he had said these words, the bishops and their complices cried,
and grinned with their teeth, saying, "See ye not what colours he hath
in his speaking, that he may beguile us and seduce us to his opinion?"

V. "Thou, heretic! didst say openly, that it was necessary to every
man to know and understand his baptism, and what it was: contrary to
general councils and the estate of the holy church."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I believe there be none so unwise here, that
will make merchandise with a Frenchman, or any other unknown stranger,
except he know and understand first the condition or promise made by
the Frenchman or stranger. So likewise I would that we understood what
thing we promise in the name of the infant unto God in baptism. For
this cause I believe ye have confirmation."

Then said Master Blecter, chaplain, that he had the devil within him,
and the spirit of error. Then answered him a child, saying, "The devil
cannot speak such words as yonder man doth speak."

VI. "Thou heretic, traitor, and thief! thou saidst, that the sacrament
of the altar was but a piece of bread baked upon the ashes, and no
other thing else; and that all that is there done, is but a
superstitious rite, against the commandment of God."

Wisehart.--"O Lord God! so manifest lies and blasphemies the Scripture
doth not teach you. As concerning the sacrament of the altar, my
Lords! I never taught any thing against the Scripture; which I shall,
by God's grace, make manifest this day, I being therefore ready to
suffer death.

"The lawful use of the sacrament is most acceptable unto God; but the
great abuse of it is very detestable unto him. But what occasion they
have to say such words of me, I shall shortly slow your Lordships. I
once chanced to meet with a Jew, when I was sailing on the water of
Rhine. I did inquire of him what was the cause of his pertinacity,
that he did not believe that the true Messias was come, considering
that they had seen all the prophecies which were spoken of him to be
fulfilled. Moreover, by the prophecies taken away, and the sceptre of
Judah, and by many other testimonies of the Scripture, I vanquished
him, and proved that Messias was come, whom they called Jesus of
Nazareth. This .Jew answered again unto me, When Messias cometh, he
shall restore all things: and he shall not abrogate the law, which was
given to our forefathers, as ye do. For why? we see the poor almost
perish through hunger amongst you; yet you are not moved with pity
toward them: but, amongst us Jews, though we be poor, there are no
beggars found.

"Secondly, it is forbidden by the law to feign any kind of imagery of
things in heaven above, or in the earth beneath, or in the sea under
the earth; but one God only is to be honoured: but your sanctuaries
and churches are full of idols.

"'Thirdly, a piece of bread baken upon the ashes ye adore and worship,
and say that it is your God.'

-- I have rehearsed here but the sayings of the Jew, which I never
affirmed to be true. Then the bishops shook their heads, and spitted
on the earth, and what I meant further in this matter they would not
hear."

VII. "Thou, false heretic! didst say, that extreme unction was not a
sacrament."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! forsooth, I never taught any thing of extreme
unction in my doctrine, whether it were a sacrament or no."

VIII. "Thou, false heretic! saidst, that holy water is not so good as
wash, and such like. Thou condemnest conjuring, and saidst, holy
church's cursings avail not."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! as for holy water what strength it is of, I
taught never in my doctrine. Conjurings, and exorcisms, if they were 
conformable to the word of God I would commend them; but, insomuch as
they are not conformable to the commandment and word of God, I reprove
them."

IX. "Thou, false heretic and runagate! hast said, that every layman is
a priest, and such like. Thou saidst, that the pope hath no more power
than any other man."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I taught nothing but the word of God. I remember
that I have read in some places in St. John and St. Peter, of the
which the one saith, He hath made us kings and priests; the other
saith, He hath made us a kingly priesthood. Wherefore I have affirmed,
that any man, being cunning in the word of God, and the true faith of
Jesu Christ, hath his power given him of God, and not by the power or
violence of men, but by the virtue of the word of God, the which word
is called the power of God, as witnesseth St. Paul evidently enough.
And again I say, that any unlearned man, and not exercised in the word
of God, nor yet constant in his faith, whatsoever estate or order he
be of, I say, he hath no power to bind or loose, seeing he wanteth the
instrument, by which he bindeth or looseth; that is to say, the word
of God."

After he had said these words, all the bishops laughed, and mocked
him. When that he beheld their laughing, "Laugh ye," saith he, "my
Lords? Though that these sayings appear scornful, and worthy of
derision to your Lordships, nevertheless they are very weighty to me,
and of a great value, because they stand not only upon my life, but
also the honour and glory of God." In the mean time many godly men,
beholding the madness and great cruelty of the bishops, and the
invincible patience of Master George, did greatly mourn and lament.

X. "Thou, false heretic! saidst, that a man hath no free-will, but is
like to the Stoics, which say, that it is not in man's will to do any
thing, but that all concupiscence and desire cometh of God, of
whatsoever kind it be."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I said not so, truly. I say, that as many as
believe in Christ firmly, unto them is given liberty, conformably to
the saying of St. John, If the Son make you free, then shall ye verily
be free. On the contrary, as many as believe not in Christ Jesus, they
are bondservants of sin; He that sinneth, is bound to sin."

XI. "Thou, false heretic! saidst, it is as lawful to eat flesh upon
the Friday, as on Sunday."

Wisehart.--"Pleaseth it your Lordships, I have read in the Epistles of
St. Paul, that who is clean, unto him all things are clean. On the
contrary, to the filthy man all things are unclean. A faithful man,
clean and holy, sanctifieth by the word the creature of God: but the
creature maketh no man acceptable unto God. So that a creature may not
sanctify any impure and unfaithful man: but to the faithful man all
things are sanctified by the word of God and prayer."

After these sayings of Master George, then said all the bishops with
their complices, "What needeth us any witness against him? hath he not
here openly spoken blasphemy?"

XII. "Thou, false heretic! didst say, that we should not pray to
saints, but to God only. Say whether thou hast said this, or no; say
shortly!"

Wisehart.-- "For the weakness and infirmity of the hearers," he said,
"without doubt plainly -- saints should not be honoured. My Lords,"
said he, "there are two things worthy of note. The one is certain, the
other uncertain. It is found plain and certain in Scripture, that we
should worship and honour one God, according to the saying of the
first commandment, Thou shalt only worship and honour thy Lord God,
with all thy heart. But, as for praying to and honouring of saints,
there is great doubt among many, whether they hear, or not, invocation
made unto them: therefore I exhorted all men equally in my doctrine,
that they should leave the unsure way, and follow that way which was
taught us by our Master Christ. He is our only Mediator, and maketh
intercession for us to God his Father. He is the door by the which we
must enter in. He that entereth not in by this door, but climbeth
another way, is a thief and a murderer. He [Christ] is the verity and
life. He that goeth out of this way, there is no doubt but he shall
fall into the mire; yea verily, is fallen into it already. This is the
fashion of my doctrine, the which I have ever followed. Verily, that
which I have heard and read in the word of God, I taught openly, and
in no corners. And now ye shall witness the same, if your Lordships
will hear me. Except it stand by the word of God, I dare not be so
bold to affirm any thing."

These sayings he rehearsed divers times.

XIII. "Thou, false heretic! hast preached plainly, saying that there
is no purgatory, and that it is a feigned thing, for any man after
this life to be punished in purgatory."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! as I have oftentimes said heretofore, without
express witness and testimony of the Scripture I dare affirm nothing.
I have oft and divers times read over the Bible, and yet such a term
found I never, nor yet any place of Scripture applicable thereunto.
Therefore I was ashamed ever to teach of that thing which I could not
find in the Scripture."

Then said he to Master John Lauder, his accuser, "If you have any
testimony of the Scripture, by which you may prove any such place,
show it now before this auditory." But this dolt had not a word to say
for himself, but was as dumb as a beetle in that matter.

XIV. "Thou, false heretic! hast taught plainly against the vows of
monks, friars, nuns, and priests; saying, that whosoever was bound to
do such-like vows, they vowed themselves to the state of damnation.
Moreover, that it was lawful for priests to marry wives, and not to
live sole."

Wisehart." Of sooth, my Lords, I have read in the evangely, that there
are three kinds of chaste men; some are eunuchs from their mothers'
womb; some are made such by men; and some have made themselves such
for the kingdom of heaven's sake. Verily, I say, these men are blessed
by the Scripture of God. But as many as have not the gift of chastity,
nor yet for the evangely have overcome the concupiscence of the flesh,
and have vowed chastity; ye have experience, although I should hold my
peace, to what inconvenience they have vowed themselves."

When he had said these words, they were all dumb, thinking better to
have ten concubines, than one wife.

XV. "Thou, false heretic and runagate! sayest, thou wilt not obey our
general nor provincial councils."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! what your general councils are, I know not; I
was never exercised in them: but to the pure word of God I gave my
labours. Read here your general councils, or else give me a book
wherein they are contained, that I may read them. If they agree with
the word of God, I will not disagree."

Then the ravening wolves turned unto madness and said, "Wherefore do
we let him speak any further? Read forth the rest of the articles, and
stay not upon them." Among these cruel tigers there was one false
hypocrite, a seducer of the people, called John "Grey-fiend" Scot,
standing behind John Lauder's back, hastening him to read the rest of
the articles, and not to tarry upon his witty and godly answers: "For
we may not abide them," quoth he, "no more than the devil may abide
the sign of the cross, when it is named."

XVI. "Thou, heretic! sayest, that it is vain to build to the honour of
God costly churches, seeing that God remaineth not in the churches
made with men's hands, nor yet can God be in so little space as
betwixt the priests hands."

Wisehart.--My Lords! Solomon saith, If that the heaven of heavens
cannot comprehend thee, how much less this house that I have builded?
And Job consenteth to the same sentence: Seeing that he is higher than
the heavens, therefore what canst thou build unto him? He is deeper
than hell, then how shalt thou know him? He is longer than the earth,
and broader than the sea. So that God cannot be comprehended into one
place, because that he is infinite. These sayings notwithstanding, I
never said that churches should be destroyed, but, on the contrary, I
affirm ever, that churches should be sustained and upholden; that the
people should be congregated into them, there to hear of God. And
moreover, wheresoever is true preaching of the word of God, and the
lawful use of the sacraments, undoubtedly there is God himself; so
that both these sayings are true together: God cannot he comprehended
in any place; and, Wheresoever two or three are gathered together in
his name, there is he present in the midst of them."

Then said he to his accuser, "If you think any otherwise than I say,
show forth your reasons before this auditory." Then he, without all
reason being dumb, and not answering one word, proceeded forth in his
articles.

XVII. "Thou, false heretic! contemnest fasting, and sayest, Thou
shouldst not fast."

Wisehart.--"My Lords! I find that fasting is commended in the
Scripture; therefore I were a slanderer of the gospel, if I contemned
fasting. And not so only, but I have learned by experience, that
fasting is good for the health of the body: but God knoweth who
fasteth the true fast."

XVIII. "Thou, false heretic! hast preached openly, saying, that the
soul of man shall sleep till the latter day of judgment, and shall not
obtain life immortal until that day."

Wisehart.--"God, full of mercy and goodness, forgive them that say
such things of me! I wot and know surely by the word of God, that he
who hath begun to have the faith of Jesus Christ, and believeth firmly
in him, I know surely that the soul of that man shall never sleep, but
ever shall live an immortal life: which life from day to day is
renewed in grace and augmented: nor yet shall ever perish or have an
end, but shall live ever immortal with Christ. To the which life all
that believe in him shall come, and rest in eternal glory. Amen."

When the bishops with their complices had accused this innocent man in
manner and form aforesaid, incontinently they condemned him to be
burned as a heretic, not having respect to his godly answers and true
reasons which he alleged, nor yet to their own consciences, thinking
verily that they should do to God good sacrifice, conformably to the
saying of Christ, They shall excommunicate yon: yea, and the time
shall come, that he which killeth you, shall think that he hath done
to God good service.

The prayer of Master George Wisehart.

"O Immortal God! how long shalt thou suffer the madness and great
crudelity of the ungodly to exercise their fury upon thy servants
which do further thy word in this world, seeing they desire todo the
contrary, that is, to choke and destroy the true doctrine and verity,
by the which thou hast showed thyself unto the world, which was all
drowned in blindness and misknowledge of thy name. O Lord! we know
surely that thy true servants must needs suffer, for thy name's sake,
persecution, affliction and troubles in this present life, which is
but a shadow, as thou hast showed to us by thy prophets and apostles.
But yet we desire thee heartily, that thou conserve, defend, and help
thy congregation, which thou host chosen before the beginning of the
world, and give them thy grace to hear thy word, and to be thy true
servants in this present life."

Then, by and by, they caused the common people to void away, whose
desire was always to hear that innocent man to speak. Then the sons of
darkness pronounced their sentence definitive, not having respect to
the judgment of God. And when all this was done and said, the cardinal
caused his warders to pass again with the meek lamb into the castle,
until such time as the fire was made ready. When he was come unto the
castle, then there came two grey fiends, Friar Scot and his mate,
saying, "Sir, ye must make your confession unto us." He answered and
said, "I will make no confession unto you. Go fetch me yonder man that
preached this day, and I will make my confession unto him." Then they
sent for the sub-prior of the abbey, who came to him with all
diligence. But what he said in this confession, I cannot show.

When the fire was made ready, and the gallows, at the west part of the
castle near to the priory, the lord cardinal, dreading that Master
George should have been taken away by his friends, commanded to bend
all the ordnance of the castle right against that part, and commanded
all his gunners to be ready and stand beside their guns, until such
time as he were burned. All this being done, they bound Master
George's hands behind his back, and led him forth with their soldiers
from the castle, to the place of their wicked execution. As he came
forth of the castle-gate, there met him certain beggars, asking his
alms for God's sake. To whom he answered, "I want my hands, wherewith
I should give you alms; but the merciful Lord, of his benignity and
abundance of grace, that feedeth all men, vouchsafe to give you
necessaries, both unto your bodies and souls." Then afterwards met him
two false fiends, I should say friars, saying, "Master George, pray to
our Lady, that she may be mediatrix for you to her Son." To whom he
answered. meekly, "Cease, tempt me not, my brethren!" After this he
was led to the fire with a rope about his neck, and a chain of iron
about his middle.
(Illustration: Wisehart at the gallows)

When he came to the fire, he sat down upon his knees, and rose again,
and thrice he said these words, "O thou Saviour of the world! have
mercy on me. Father of heaven! I commend my spirit into thy holy
hands." When he had made this prayer, he turned him to the people, and
said these words:

"I beseech you, Christian brethren and sisters! that ye be not
offended in the word of God, for the affliction and torments, which ye
see already prepared for me: but I exhort you, that you love the word
of God, and suffer patiently and with a comfortable heart, for the
word's sake, which is your undoubted salvation, and everlasting
comfort.

"Moreover, I pray you, show my brethren and sisters, which have heard
me oft before, that they cease not, nor leave off the word of God
which I taught unto them after the grace given to me, for any
persecutions or troubles in this world, which lasteth not; and show
unto them, that my doctrine was no old wives' fable, after the
constitutions made by men. And if I had taught men's doctrine, I had
gotten great thanks by men: but, for the word's sake and true
evangely, which was given to me by the grace of God, I suffer this day
by men, not sorrowfully, but with a glad heart and mind. For this
cause I was sent, that I should suffer this fire, for Christ's sake.
Consider and behold my visage, ye shall not see me change my colour.
This grim fire I fear not. And so I pray you to do, if that any
persecution come unto you for the word's sake; and not to fear them
that slay the body, and afterwards have no power to slay the soul.
Some have said of me, that I taught, that the soul of man should sleep
until the last day. But I know surely, and my faith is such, that my
soul shall sup with my Saviour Christ this night, (ere it be six
hours,) for whom I suffer this."

Then he prayed for them that accused him, saying:

"I beseech thee, Father of heaven! to forgive them that have of any
ignorance, or else have, of any evil mind, forged any lies upon me: I
forgive them with all my heart. I beseech Christ to forgive them that
have condemned me to death this day ignorantly."

And last of all he said to the people on this manner:

"I beseech you, brethren and sisters, to exhort your prelates to the
learning of the word of God, that they at the last may be ashamed to
do evil, and learn to do good. And if they will not convert themselves
from their wicked error, there shall hastily come upon them the wrath
of God, which they shall not eschew;"

Many faithful words said he in the mean time, taking no heed or care
of the cruel torments, which were then prepared for him. And, last of
all, the hangman, that was his tormentor, sat down upon his knees, and
said, "Sir, I pray you, forgive me, for I am not guilty of your
death." To whom he answered, "Come hither to me." When he was come to
him, he kissed his cheek, and said, "Lo! here is a token that I
forgive thee. My heart, do thine office." And by and by he was put
upon the gibbet and hanged, and there burned to powder. When the
people beheld the great tormenting, they might not withhold from
piteous mourning and complaining of this innocent lamb's slaughter.

A note of the just punishment of God upon the cruel cardinal
archbishop of St. Andrews, named David Beaton.

It was not long after the martyrdom of the blessed man of God, Master
George Wisehart aforesaid, who was put to death by David Beaton, the
bloody archbishop and cardinal of Scotland, as is above specified,
A.D. 1546, the first day of March, but the said David Beaton,
archbishop of St. Andrews, by the just revenge of God's mighty
judgment, was slain within his own castle of St. Andrews, by the hands
of one Leslie and other gentlemen, who, by the Lord stirred up, brake
in suddenly into his castle upon him, and in his bed murdered him the
said year, the last day of May, crying out, a Alas! alas! slay me not!
I am a priest!" And so, like a butcher he lived, and like a butcher he
died, and lay seven months and more unburied, and at last like a
carrion was buried in a dunghill, A.D. 1546, the last day of May.

After this David Beaton succeeded John Hamilton, archbishop of St.
Andrews, A.D. 1549, who, to the intent that he might in no ways appear
inferior to his predecessor, in augmenting the number of the holy
martyrs of God, in the next year following called a certain poor man
to judgment, whose name was Adam Wallace. The order and manner of
whose story here followeth.

$

218. ADAM WALLACE
(Illustration: West Bow, Edinburgh)

There was set, upon a scaffold made hard to the chancelary wall of the
Black Friars' church in Edinburgh, on seats made thereupon, the lord
governor. Above him, at his back, sat Master Gawin Hamilton, dean of
Glasgow, representing the metropolitan pastor thereof. Upon a seat on
his right hand sat the archbishop of St. Andrews. At his back, and
aside somewhat, stood the official of Lothian. Next to the bishop of
St. Andrews, the bishop of Dunblane, the bishop of Moray, the abbot of
Dunfermline, the abbot of Glenluce, with other churchmen of lower
estimation, as the official of St. Andrews, and other doctors of that
nest and city; and at the other end of the seat sat Master Uchiltry.
On his left hand sat the earl of Argyle, justice, with his deputy Sir
John Campbell of Lundie under his feet. Next him the earl of Huntley.
Then the earl of Angus, the bishop of Galloway, the prior of St.
Andrews, the bishop of Orkney, the Lord Forbes, Dean John Winryme,
sub-prior of St. Andrews; and behind the seats stood the whole senate,
the clerk of the register, &c.

At the further end of the chancelary wall, in the pulpit, was placed
Master John Lauder, parson of Marbotle, accuser, clad in a surplice
and red hood, and a great congregation of the whole people, in the
body of the church, standing on the ground.

After that, Sir John Ker, prebendary of St. Giles's church, was
accused, convicted, and condemned, for the false making and giving
forth of a sentence of divorce, (whereby he falsely divorced and
parted a man and his lawful wife,) in the name of the dean of
Restalrig, and certain other judges appointed by the holy father the
pope. He granted the falsehood, and that never any such thing was done
indeed, nor yet meant or moved by the aforesaid judges, and was agreed
to be banished the realms of Scotland and England for his lifetime,
and to lose his right hand, if he were found or apprehended therein
after, and in the mean time to leave his benefices for ever, and they
to be vacant.

After that was brought in Adam Wallace, a simple poor man in
appearance, conveyed by John of Cumnock, servant to the bishop of St.
Andrews, and set in the midst of the scaffold, who was commanded to
look to the accuser, who asked him what was his name. He answered,
"Adam Wallace." The accuser said, that he had another name, which he
granted, and said he was commonly called Fean. Then asked he where he
was born? "Within two miles of Fayle," said he, "in Kyle." Then said
the accuser, "I repent that ever such a poor man as you should put
these noble lords to so great encumbrance this day by your vain
speaking." "And I must speak," said he, "as God giveth me grace, and I
believe I have said no evil to hurt any body." "Would God," said the
accuser, "ye had never spoken; but you are brought forth for such
horrible crimes of heresy, as never were imagined in this country
before, and that shall be sufficiently proved, that ye cannot deny it;
and I forethink that it should be heard for hurting of weak
consciences. Now I will yea thee no more, and thou shalt hear the
points that thou art accused of."

Accuser.--"Adam Wallace, alias Fean: thou art openly delated and
accused for preaching, saying, and teaching of the blasphemies and
abominable heresies under written. In the first, thou hast said and
taught that the bread and wine on the altar, after the words of
consecration, are not the body and blood of Jesus Christ."

He turned to the lord governor, and lords aforesaid, saying thus:

Wallace.--"I never said nor taught any thing but that I found in this
book, and writ, (having there a Bible at his belt in French, Dutch,
and English,) which is the word of God: and if you will be content
that the Lord God and his word be judge to me, and this his holy writ,
here it is; and where I have said wrong, I shall take that punishment
you shall put to me: for I never said any thing concerning this that I
am accused of, but that which I found in this writ."

"What didst thou say?" said the accuser.

Wallace.--"I said that after our Lord Jesus Christ had eaten the
paschal lamb in his latter supper with his apostles, and fulfilled the
ceremonies of the old law, he instituted a new sacrament in
remembrance of his death then to come. He took bread, he blessed, and
brake it, and gave it to his disciples, and said, Take ye, eat ye:
this is my body which shall be broken and given for you. And likewise
the cup he blessed, and bade them drink all thereof, for that was the
cup of the New Testament which should be shed for the forgiving of
many. How oft ye do this, do it in my remembrance."

Then said the bishop of St. Andrews and the official of Lothian, with
the dean of Glasgow, and many other prelates, "We know this well
enough." The earl of Huntley said, "Thou answerest not to that which
is laid to thee; say either nay or yea thereto."

Wallace.--"If ye will admit God and his word spoken by the mouth of
his blessed Son Jesus Christ our Lord and Saviour, ye will admit that
which I have said: for I have said and taught nothing but what the
word, which is the trial and touchstone, saith; which ought to be
judge to me, and to all the world."

"Why," quoth the earl of Huntley, "hast thou not a judge good enough?
and trowest thou that we know not God and his word? Answer to that is
spoken to thee." And then they made the accuser speak the same thing
over again. "Thou sayest," quoth the accuser, "and hast taught, that
the bread and the wine in the sacrament of the altar, after the words
of the consecration, are not the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus
Christ."

Wallace.--"I never said more than the writ saith, nor yet more than I
have said before. For I know well by St. Paul, when he saith,
Whosoever eateth this bread, and drinketh of this cup unworthily,
receiveth to himself damnation. And therefore, when I taught, (which
was but seldom, and to them only which required and desired me,) I
said, that if the sacrament of the altar were truly ministered, and
used as the Son of the living God did institute it, where that was
done, there was God himself by his divine power, by the which he is
over all."

The bishop of Orkney asked him, "Believest thou not," said he, "that
the bread and wine in the sacrament of the altar, after the words of
the consecration, is the very body of God; flesh, blood, and bone"

Wallace.--"I wot not what that word consecration meaneth. I have not
much Latin, but I believe that the Son of God was conceived of the
Holy Ghost, and born of the Virgin Mary, and hath a natural body with
hands, feet, and other members; and in the same body he walked up and
down in the world, preached and taught, he suffered death under
Pontius Pilate; was crucified, dead, and buried; and that by his godly
power he raised that same body again the third day: and the same body
ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of the Father,
which shall come again to judge both the quick and the dead.

"And that this body is a natural body with hands and feet, and cannot
be in two places at once, he showeth well himself; for which
everlasting thanks be to him that maketh this matter clear. When the
woman brake that ointment on him, answering to some of his disciples
which grudged thereat, he said, The poor shall you always have with
you, but me ye shall not have always: meaning of his natural body. And
likewise at his ascension, said he to the same disciples that were
fleshly, and would ever have had him remaining with them corporally,
It is needful for you that I pass away, for if I pass not away, the
Comforter, the Holy Ghost, shall not come to you (meaning that his
natural body behoved to be taken away from them): but be stout and be
of good cheer, for I am with you unto the world's end.

"And that the eating of his very flesh profited not, may well be known
by his words which he spake in John vi., where, after he had said,
Except ye eat my flesh and drink my blood, ye shall not have life in
you; they murmuring thereat, he reproved them for their gross and
flesh taking of his words, and said, What will ye think when ye see
the Son of man ascend to the place that he came from? It is the Spirit
that quickened:, the flesh profiteth nothing (to be eaten as they took
it, and even so take ye it)"

"It is a horrible heresy," said the bishop of Orkney. When Wallace
began to speak again, and bade the lord governor judge if he had right
by the writ, the accuser cried, Ad secundam. Nunc ad secundam,
answered the archbishop of St. Andrews.

Then was he bidden to hear the accuser, who propounded the second
article, and said, "Thou saidst likewise, and openly didst teach, that
the mass is very idolatry, and abominable in the sight of God."

Wallace.--"I have read the Bible and the word of God in three tongues,
and have understood them so far as God gave me grace, and yet never
read I that word mass in it all: but I found," said be, "that the
thing that was highest and most in estimation amongst men, and not in
the word of God, was idolatry, and abominable in the sight of God. And
I say, the mass is holden greatly in estimation, and high amongst men,
and is not founded in the word; therefore, I said, it was idolatry,
and abominable in the sight of God. But if any man will find it in the
Scripture, and prove it by God's word, I will grant mine error, and
that I have failed: otherwise not. And in that case I will submit me
to all lawful correction and punishment."

Ad tertiam, said the archbishop. Then said the accuser, "Thou hast
said and openly taught, that the God which we worship, is but bread
sown of corn, growing of the earth, baked of men s hands, and nothing
else."

Wallace.--"I worship the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost, three
persons in one Godhead, which made and fashioned the heaven and earth,
and all that is therein, of nought: but I know not which God you
worship; and if you will show me whom you worship, I will show you
what he is, as I can, by my judgment."

"Believest thou not," said the accuser, "that the sacrament of the
altar, after the words of the consecration, betwixt the priest's
hands, is the very body and blood of the Son of God, and God himself?"

Wallace.--"What the body of God is, and what kind of body he hath, I
have showed you, so far as I have found in the Scripture."

Then said the accuser, "Thou hast preached,said, and openly taught,
divers and sundry other great errors and abominable heresies against
all the seven sacraments, which, for shortness of time, I pretermit
and overpass. Whether dost thou grant thy aforesaid articles that thou
art accused of, or no? and thou shalt hear them shortly." And then
repeated the accuser the three articles aforesaid shortly over, and
asked him whether he granted or denied them?

Wallace answered that which before he had said of his answers, and
that he said nothing but agreeing to the holy word as he understood;
so God judge him, and his own conscience accuse him: and thereby would
he abide unto the time he were better instructed by Scripture, and the
contrary proved, even to the death. And he said thus to the lord
governor and other lords:

Wallace.--"If you condemn me for holding by God's word, my innocent
blood shall be required at your hands, when ye shall be brought before
the judgment-seat of Christ, who is mighty to defend my innocent
cause; before whom ye shall not deny it, nor yet be able to resist his
wrath; to whom I refer the vengeance as it is written, Vengeance is
mine, and I will reward."

Then gave they forth sentence, and condemned him by the laws, and so
left him to the secular power, in the hands of Sir John Campbell,
justice-deputy, who delivered him to the provost of Edinburgh to ho
burned on the Castle Hill, who incontinent made him to be put in the
uppermost house in the town, with irons about his legs and neck, and
gave charge to Sir Hugh Terry to keep the key of the said house, an
ignorant minister and imp of Satan and of the bishops, who, by
direction, sent to the poor man two Grey Friars to instruct him, with
whom he would enter into no communing. Soon after that were sent in
two Black Friars, an English friar, and another subtle sophister,
called Arbuthnot, with the which English friar he would have reasoned
and declared his faith by the Scriptures; who answered, he had no
commission to enter into disputation with him: and so departed and
left him.

Then was sent to him a wordly wise man, and not ungodly in the
understanding of the truth, the dean of Restalrig, who gave him
Christian consolation, among the which he exhorted him to believe the
reality of the sacrament after the consecration. But he would consent
to nothing that had not evidence in the Holy Scripture, and so passed
over that night in singing, and lauding God, to the ears of divers
hearers, having learned the Psalter of David without book, to his
consolation: for they had before spoiled him of his Bible, which
always, till after he was condemned, was with him, wherever he went.
After that Sir Hugh Terry knew that he had certain books to read and
comfort his spirit, he came in a rage, and took the same from him,
leaving him desolate (to his power) of all consolation, and gave
divers ungodly and injurious provocations by his devilish venom, to
have perverted him, a poor innocent, from the patience and hope he had
in Christ his Saviour: but God suffered him not to be moved therewith,
as plainly appeared to the hearers and seers for the time.

So all the next morning abode this poor man in irons, and provision
was commanded to be made for his burning against the next day; which
day the lord governor, and all the principal both spiritual and
temporal lords, departed from Edinburgh to their other business.

After they were departed, came the dean of Restalrig to him again, and
reasoned with him after his wit; who answered as before, He would say
nothing concerning his faith, but as the Scripture testifieth, yea,
though an angel came from heaven to persuade him to the same; saving
that he confessed himself to have received good consolation of the
said dean in other behalf, as becometh a Christian.

Then after came in Sir Hugh Terry again, and examined him after his
old manner, and said he would gar devils to come forth of him ere
even. To whom he answered, "You should rather be a godly man to give
me consolation in my case. 'When I knew you were come, I prayed God I
might resist your temptations; which, I thank him, he hath made me
able to do: therefore I pray you, let me alone in peace." Then he
asked of one of the officers that stood by, "Is your fire making
ready?" Who told him, it was. He answered, "As it pleaseth God; I am
ready soon or late, as it shall please him." And then he spake to one
faithful in that company, and bade him commend him to all the
faithful, being sure to meet together with them in heaven. From that
time, to his forthcoming to the fire, spake no man with him.

At his forthcoming, the provost, with great menacing words, forbade
him to speak to any man, or any to him; as belike he had commandment
of his superiors. Coming from the town to the Castle Hill, the common
people said, "God have mercy upon him." "And on you too," said he.
Being beside the fire, he lifted up his eyes to heaven twice or
thrice, and said to the people, "Let it not offend you that I suffer
death this day for the truth's sake; for the disciple is not greater
than his Master." Then was the provost angry that he spake. Then
looked he to heaven again, and said, "They will not let me speak." The
cord being about his neck, the fire was lighted, and so departed he to
God constantly, and with good countenance, to our sights.

$

219. THE SCHISM THAT AROSE IN SCOTLAND FOR THE PATER-NOSTER

After that Richard Marshall, doctor of divinity, and prior of the
Black Friars at Newcastle in England, had declared in his preaching at
St. Andrews in Scotland, that the Lord's Prayer (commonly called the
Pater-noster) should be done only to God, and not to saints, neither
to any other creature; the doctors of the university of St. Andrews,
together with the Grey Friars, who had long ago taught the people to
pray the Pater-noster to saints, had great indignation that their old
doctrine should be repugned, and stirred up a Grey Friar, called Friar
Tottis, to preach again to the people, that they should and might pray
the Pater-noster to saints; who, finding no part of the Scripture to
found his purpose upon, yet came to the pulpit the first of November,
being the feast of All-hallows, A.D. 1551, and took the text of the
gospel for that day read in their mass, written in Matthew v.,
containing these words: "Blessed are the poor in spirit, for to them
pertaineth the kingdom of heaven."

This feeble foundation being laid, the friar began to reason most
impertinently, that the Lord's Prayer might be offered to saints,
because every petition thereof appertaineth to them. "For if we meet
an old man in the street," said he, "we will sayto him, 'Good-day,
father!' and therefore much more may we call the saints our fathers;
and because we grant also that they be in heaven, we may say to every
one of them, Our Father which art in heaven: further, God hath made
their names holy, and therefore ought we, as followers of God, to hold
their names holy; and so we may say to any of the saints, Our Father
which art in heaven, hallowed be thy name. And for the same cause,"
said the friar, "as they are in the kingdom of heaven, so that kingdom
is theirs by possession; and so, praying for the kingdom of heaven, we
may say to them, and every one of them, Thy kingdom come. And except
their will had been the very will of God, they had never come to that
kingdom. And therefore, seeing their will is God's will, we may say
with every one of them, Thy will be done."

But when the friar came to the fourth petition, touching our daily
bread, he began to be astonished and ashamed, so that he did sweat
abundantly, partly because his sophistry began to fail him, (not
finding such a colour for that part, as for the other which went
before,) and partly because he spake against his own knowledge and
conscience: and so he was compelled to confess that it was not in the
saints' power to give us our daily bread, but that they should pray to
God for us, "that we," said he, "may obtain our daily bread by their
intercession:" and so glossed he the rest to the end. Not standing yet
content with this detestable doctrine, he affirmed, most
blasphemously, that St. Paul's napkin, and St. Peter's shadow, did
miracles, and that the virtue of Elijah's cloak divided the waters;
attributing nothing to the power of God: with many other errors of the
papists, horrible to be heard.

Upon this followed, incontinent, a dangerous schism in the church of
Scotland: for not only the clergy, but the whole people were divided
among themselves, one defending the truth, and another the papistry;
in such sort that there rose a proverb, "To whom say you your Pater-
noster?" And although the papists had the upper hand as then, whose
words were almost holden for law, (so great was the blindness of that
age,) yet God so inspired the hearts of the common people, that so
many as could get the understanding of the bare words of the Lord's
Prayer in English, (which was then said in Latin,) utterly detested
that opinion, holding that it should in no wise be said to saints: so
that the craftsmen and their servants in their booths, when the friar
came, exploded him with shame enough, crying, "Friar Pater-noster!"
"Friar Pater-noster!" who at the last being convicted in his own
conscience, and ashamed of his former sermon, was compelled to leave
the town of St. Andrews.

In the mean time of this bruit, there were two pasquils set on the
abbey church, the one in Latin, bearing these words:

"Doctores nostri de collegio
Concludunt idem cum Lucifero,
Quod sancti sunt similes altissimo;
Et se tuuntur gravatorio
De mandato officialis,
Ad instantiam fiscalis
Gaw et Harvey, non varii
In pręmissis connotarii."

The other in English, bearing these words:

"Doctors of Theology, of fourscore of years,
And old jolly Lupoys, the bald Grey Friars;
They would be called Rabbi and Magister noster!
And wot not to whom they say their Pater-noster! "

Shortly, the Christians were so hotly offended, and the papists on the
other side so proud and wilful, that necessary it was, to eschew
greater inconveniences, that the clergy, at least, should be assembled
to dispute and conclude the whole matter, that the lay people might be
put out of doubt. Which being done, and the university agreed,
whosoever had been present might have heard much subtle sophistry; for
some of the popish doctors affirmed that it should be said to God
formally, and to saints materially. Others, ultimately, and not
ultimately. Others said it should be said to God chiefly, and to
saints less chiefly. Others, that it should be said to God primarily,
and to saints secondarily. Others, that it should be said to God
taking it strictly, and to saints taking it largely. Which vain
distinctions being heard and considered by the people, they that were
simple remained in greater doubtfulness than they were in before; so
that a well-aged man, and a servant to the sub-prior of St. Andrews,
called the sub-prior's Thome, being demanded to whom he said his
Pater-noster, answered, "To God only." Then they asked again, "What
should be said to the saints .?" He answered, "Give them Aves and
Creeds enough in the devil's name, for that may suffice them well
enough, albeit they do spoil God of his right." Others, making their
vaunts of the doctors, said, that because Christ (who made the Pater-
noster) never came into the isle of Britain, and so understood not the
English tongue, therefore it was that the doctors concluded it should
be said in Latin.

This perturbation and open slander yet depending, it was thought good
to call a provincial council to decide the matter; which being
assembled at Edinburgh, the papists, being destitute of reason,
defended their parts with lies, alleging that the university of Paris
had concluded, that the Lord's Prayer should be said to saints. But,
because that could not be proved, and that they could not prevail by
reason, they used their will in place of reason, and sometimes
despiteful and injurious talk: as Friar Scot, being asked of one to
whom he should say the Pater-noster, he answered, saying, "Say it to
the devil, knave." So the council, perceiving they could profit
nothing by reasoning, were compelled to pass to voting.

But then, incontinent, they that were called churchmen were found
divided and repugnant among themselves: for some bishops, with the
doctors and friars, consented that the Pater-noster should be said to
saints; but the bishops of St. Andrews, Caithness and Athens, with
other learned men, refused utterly to subscribe to the same. Finally,
with consent of both the parties, commission was given by the holy
church to Dean John Winryme, then sub-prior of St. Andrews, to declare
to the people how, and after what manner, they should pray the Lord's
Prayer: who, accepting of the commission, declared that it should be
said to God; with some other restrictions, which are not necessary to
be put in memory. And so, by little and little, the bruit and tumult
ceased.

$

220. WALTER MILLE.

Among the rest of the martyrs of Scotland, the marvellous constancy of
Walter Mille is not to be passed over with silence; out of whose ashes
sprang thousands of his opinion and religion in Scotland, who
altogether chose rather to die, than to be any longer overtrodden by
the tyranny of the aforesaid cruel, ignorant, and brutal bishops,
abbots, monks, and friars. And so began the congregation of Scotland,
to debate the true religion of Christ against the Frenchmen and
papists, who sought always to depress and keep down the same; for it
began soon after the martyrdom of Walter Mille, of which the form
hereafter followeth.

In the year of our Lord 1558, in the time of Mary duchess of
Longueville, queen regent of Scotland, and the said John Hamilton
being bishop of St. Andrews, and primate of Scotland, this Walter
Mille, (who in his youth had been a papist,) after that he had been in
Almain, and had heard the doctrine of the gospel, he returned again
into Scotland; and setting aside all papistry and compelled chastity,
married a wife; which thing made him unto the bishops of Scotland to
be suspected of heresy; and, after long watching of him, he was taken
by two popish priests, one called Sir George Strachen, and the other,
Sir Hugh Terry, servants to the said bishop for the time, within the
town of Dysart in Fife, and brought to St. Andrews and imprisoned in
the castle thereof. He, being in prison, the papists earnestly
travailed and laboured to have seduced him, and threatened him with
death and corporal torments, to the intent they might cause him to
recant and forsake the truth. But seeing they could profit nothing
thereby, and that he remained still firm and constant, they laboured
to persuade him by fair promises, and offered unto him a monk's
portion, for all the days of his life, in the abbey of Dunfermling, so
that he would deny the things he had taught, and grant that they were
heresy; but he, continuing in the truth even unto the end, despised
their threatenings and fair promises.

Then assembled together the bishops of St. Andrews, Moray, Brechin,
Caithness, &c., the abbots of Dunfermling, Lindores, Balindrinot, with
doctors of theology of St. Andrews; as John Grison, Black Friar, and
Dean John Winryme, sub-prior of St. Andrews, William Cranston, provost
of the old college, with divers others, as sundry friars Black and
Grey. These being assembled, and having consulted together, he was
taken out of prison, and brought to the metropolitan church, where he
was put in a pulpit before the bishops to be accused, April the
twentieth. Being brought into the church, and climbing up into the
pulpit, they, seeing him so weak and feeble of person, partly by age
and travail, and partly by evil treatment, that without help he could
not climb up, they were out of hope to have heard him, for weakness of
voice. But when he began to speak, he made the church to ring and
sound again with so great courage and stoutness, that the Christians
which were present were no less rejoiced, than the adversaries were
confounded and ashamed. He, being in the pulpit, and on his knees at
prayer, Sir Andrew Oliphant, one of the archbishop's priests,
commanded him to arise, and to answer to his articles, saying on this
manner, "Sir Walter Mille, arise, and answer to the articles; for you
hold my Lord here over-long." To whom Walter, after he had finished
his prayer, answered, saying, "We ought to obey God more than men: I
serve one more mighty, even the Omnipotent Lord. And whereas you call
me Sir Walter, call me Walter, and not Sir Walter; I have been over-
long one of the pope's knights. Now say what thou hast to say."

The articles whereof Walter Mille was accused,
with his answers.

Oliphant.--"What think you of priests' marriage?"

Mille.--"I hold it a blessed bond; for Christ himself maintained it,
and approved the same, and also made it free to all men. But you think
it not free to you; ye abhor it, and in the mean time take other men's
wives and daughters; and will not keep the band that God hath made. Ye
vow chastity, and break the same. St. Paul had rather marry than burn;
the which I have done, for God never forbade marriage to any man, of
what state or degree soever he were."

Oliphant.--"Thou sayest there be not seven sacraments."

Mille.--"Give me the Lord's supper and baptism, and take you the rest,
and part them among you. For if there be seven, why have you omitted
one of them, to wit, marriage, and give yourselves to slanderous and
ungodly whoredom?"

Oliphant.--"Thou art against the blessed sacrament of the altar, and
sayest, that the mass is wrong, and is idolatry."

Mille.--"A lord or a king sendeth and calleth many to a dinner; and
when the dinner is in readiness, he causeth to ring the bell, and the
men come to the hall, and sit down to be partakers of the dinner; but
the Lord, turning his back unto them, eateth all himself, and mocketh
them:--so do ye."

Oliphant.--"Thou deniest the sacrament of the altar to be the very
body of Christ really in flesh and blood."

Mille.--"The Scripture of God is not to be taken carnally, but
spiritually, and standeth in faith only. And as for the mass, it is
wrong, for Christ was once offered on the cross for man's trespass,
and will never be offered again, for then he ended all sacrifice."

Oliphant.--"Thou deniest the office of a bishop."

Mille.--"I affirm that they whom ye call bishops, do no bishop's
works, nor use the office of bishops, as Paul biddeth, writing to
Timothy, but live after their own sensual pleasure, and take no care
of the flock; nor yet regard they the word of God, but desire to be
honoured, and called 'my Lords.'"

Oliphant.--"Thou speakest against pilgrimage, and callest it a
pilgrimage to whoredom."

Mille.--"I affirm that and say, that it is not commanded in the
Scripture; and that there is no greater whoredom in any place, than at
your pilgrimages, except it be in common brothels."

Oliphant.--"Thou preachest secretly and privately in houses, and
openly in the fields."

Mille.--"Yea, man, and on the sea also, sailing in a ship."

Oliphant.--"Wilt thou not recant thy erroneous opinions? And if thou
wilt not, I will pronounce sentence against thee."

Mille.--"I am accused of my life; I know I must die once, and
therefore, as Christ said to Judas, what thou doest, do quickly. Ye
shall know that I will not recant the truth, for I am corn, I am no
chaff: I will not be blown away with the wind, nor burst with the
flail; but I will abide both."

These things rehearsed they of purpose, with other light trifles, to
augment their final accusation; and then Sir Andrew Oliphant
pronounced sentence against him, that he should be delivered to the
temporal judge, and punished as a heretic; which was, to be burned.
Notwithstanding, his boldness and constancy moved so the hearts of
many, that the bishop's steward of his regality, provost of the town,
called Patrick Lermond, refused to be his temporal judge; to whom it
appertained, if the cause had been just: also the bishop's
chamberlain, being therewith charged, would in no wise take upon him
so ungodly an office. Yea, the whole town was so offended with his
unjust condemnation, that the bishop's servants could not get for
their money so much as one cord to tie him to the stake, or a tar-
barrel to burn him; but were constrained to cut the cords of their
master's own pavilion, to serve their turn.

Nevertheless, one servant of the bishop's more ignorant and cruel than
the rest, called Alexander Somervaile, enterprising the office of a
temporal judge in that part, conveyed him to the fire, where, against
all natural reason of man, his boldness and hardiness did more and
more increase, so that the Spirit of God, working miraculously in him,
made it manifest to the people, that his cause and articles were most
just, and he innocently put down.

Now when all things were ready for his death, and he conveyed with
armed men to the fire, Oliphant bade him pass to the stake. And he
said, "Nay! wilt thou put me up with thy hand, and take part of my
death? thou shalt see me pass up gladly: for by the law of God I am
forbidden to put hands upon myself." Then Oliphant put him up with his
hand, and he ascended gladly, saying, I will go to the altar of God;
and desired that he might have space to speak to the people, which
Oliphant and other of the burners denied, saying, that he had spoken
over-much; for the bishops were altogether offended that the matter
was so long continued. Then some of the young men committed both the
burners, and the bishops their masters, to the devil, saying, that
they believed they should lament that day; and desired the said Walter
to speak what he pleased.

And so after he made his humble supplication to God on his knees, he
arose, and standing upon the coals, said on this wise:

"Dear friends! the cause why I suffer this day is not for any crime
laid to my charge, (albeit I be a miserable sinner before God,) but
only for the defence of the faith of Jesus Christ, set forth in the
New and Old Testament unto us; for which as the faithful martyrs have
offered themselves gladly before, being assured, after the death of
their bodies, of eternal felicity, so this day I praise God, that he
hath called me of his mercy, among the rest of his servants, to seal
up his truth with my life: which, as I have received it of him, so
willingly I offer it to his glory. Therefore, as you will escape the
eternal death, be no more seduced with the lies of priests, monks,
friars, priors, abbots, bishops, and the rest of the sect of
antichrist; but depend only upon Jesus Christ and his mercy, that ye
may be delivered from condemnation."

All that while there was great mourning and lamentation of the
multitude; for they, perceiving his patience, stoutness and boldness,
constancy and hardiness, were not only moved and stirred up, but their
hearts also were so inflamed, that he was the last martyr that died in
Scotland for the religion. After his prayer, he was hoisted up upon
the stake, and being in the fire, he said, "Lord, have mercy on me!
Pray, people, while there is time!" and so he constantly departed.

After this, by the just judgment of God, in the same place where
Walter Mille was burnt, the images of the great church of the abbey,
which passed both in number and costliness, were burned in the time of
reformation.

And thus much concerning such matters as happened, and such martyrs as
suffered, in the. realm of Scotland, for the faith of Jesus Christ,
and testimony of his truth.

$

221. PERSECUTION IN KENT.

IN revolving the registers of William Warham, archbishop of
Canterbury, I find, moreover, besides these above comprehended, in the
time and reign of King Henry; the names of divers others, whereof some
suffered martyrdom for the like testimony of God's word, and some
recanted; which, albeit here they do come a little out of order, and
should have been placed before, in the beginning of King Henry's
reign, yet, rather than they should utterly be omitted, I thought here
to give them a place, though somewhat out of time, yet not altogether,
I trust, without fruit unto the reader; being no less worthy to be
registered and preserved from oblivion, than others of their fellows
before them.

A table of certain true servants of God and martyrs omitted, which
mere burned in the diocese of Canterbury, under William Warham,
archbishop of Canterbury; with the names of their persecutors and
accusers, A. D. 1511.

Martyrs:-- William Carder, of Tenterden, weaver. Agnes Grebil, of
Tenterden, wife of John Grebil the elder, and mother to John and
Christopher Grebil, who, with her own husband, accused her to death,
being threescore years of age; Robert Harrison, of Halden, of the age
of sixty years; John Browne, of Ashford; Edward Walker, of Maidstone,
cutler.

Accusers and witnesses:-- William Rich, of Benenden; Agnes Ive, of
Canterbury; Robert Hills, of Tenterden; Stephen Castelin, of
Tenterden; John Grebil, of Tenterden, husband to Agnes Grebil the
martyr; Christopher Grebil, the natural son of Agnes Grebil the
martyr; John Grebil the younger, the natural son of Agnes Grebil the
martyr; William Olbert, of Godmersham; Lawrence Chyterden; Thomas
Harwood, of Rolvenden; Joan Harwood, his wife; Philip Harwood; William
Baker, of Cranbrook; Edward Walker; Robert Reynold, of Benenden.

Persecutors and judges:-- William Warham, archbishop of Canterbury;
Dr. Cuthbert Tonstal, doctor of both laws, and chancellor of the
archbishop; Dr. Sylvester, lawyer; Dr. Wells; Dr. Clement; Dr. Brown;
Dr. John Collet, dean of Paul's; Dr. Wodington.

The articles whereupon these five blessed martyrs were accused and
condemned by the aforesaid judges and witnesses were these:

"First, For holding that the sacrament of the altar was not the true
and very body of Christ, but only material bread in substance.

"II. That auricular confession was not to be made to a priest.

"III. That no power is given of God to priests, of ministering
sacraments, saying mass, or other Divine service, more than to laymen.

"IV. That the solemnization of matrimony is not necessary to salvation
of soul, neither was instituted of God; for a sacrament, they meant.

"V. That the sacrament of extreme unction is not available, nor
necessary to soul's health.

"VI. That the images of the cross, of the crucifix, of the blessed
Virgin, and other saints, are not to be worshipped; and that those who
worship them do commit idolatry.

"VII. That pilgrimages to holy places, and holy relics, be not
necessary, nor meritorious to soul's health.

"VIII. That invocation is not to be made to saints, but only to God,
and that he only heareth their prayers.

"IX. That holy bread and holy water have no more virtue after their
consecration, than before.

"X. That they have believed, taught, and holden all and every of the
same damnable opinions before; as they did at that present.

"XI. That whereas they now have confessed their errors, they would not
have so done, but only for fear of manifest proofs brought against
them, or else but for fear to be convicted by them: they would never
have confessed the same of their own accord.

"XII. That they have communed and talked of the said damnable errors
heretofore, with divers other persons, and have had books concerning
the same."

The order and form of process used against these martyrs aforesaid:
and first of William Carder, A. D. 1511.

William Carder, being convented before William Warham, archbishop, and
his chancellor Cuthbert Tonstal, Doctors Sylvester, Wells, Clement,
Brown, with others more, the notaries being William Potking, and David
Cooper, the articles and interrogatories above specified were laid
unto him. Which articles he there and then denied, affirming that he
never did nor doth hold any such opinions, otherwise than becometh
that every Christian man should do, ready to conform himself in all
points to their doctrine; and therefore, to clear himself the better
against those interrogatories objected against him, he stood in denial
of the same. The like also did every of the other four martyrs after
him.

All which notwithstanding, the uncharitable archbishop, seeking all
advantages against him that he might, and more than right law would
give, brought in against him such witnesses as before were abjured,
who, he knew, for fear of relapse, durst do none other but disclose
whatsoever they knew; to wit, Christopher Grebil, William Rich, Agnes
Ive, John Grebil, Robert Hills, and Stephen Castelin: whose
depositions being taken, and the said Carder being asked what he could
say for himself, he had nothing, he said, to produce against their
attestations, but submitted him unto their mercy: saying, moreover,
that if he had ever any misbelief of the sacraments of the church,
contrary to the common holding of the catholics, he now was sorry and
repented him thereof. Which being done, the archbishop, this his
submission notwithstanding, and notwithstanding that the register
maketh no mention of any relapse, contrary to good law, at least
contrary to all Christian charity, proceeded to the reading of his
blind sentence; and so condemned him, who neither stood stubbornly to
that which he did hold, neither yet did hold any thing contrary to the
mind of Holy Scripture, to the execution of burning.

Then after him was called forth Agnes Grebil, and examined of the said
twelve articles above recited, which she, in like manner, denied, as
the other had done before, putting her adversaries to their proof.
Then the archbishop, calling for John Grebil her husband, and 
Christopher and John Grebil her two sons, (who before had been
abjured,) caused them, upon their oath, to depose against their own
natural mother; and so they did.

First John Grebil the elder, her husband, examined, by virtue of his
oath, to say how Agnes, his wife, hath and doth believe of the
sacrament of the altar, of going in pilgrimage, offerings and
worshipping of saints, images, &c., and how long she hath thus holden,
deposed thus:

"That first, about the end of King Edward the Fourth's days, in his
house, by the teaching of John Ive, she [Agnes, his wife] was brought
to that belief; and so forth from thence daily, until the time of
detection, she hath continued.

"And besides that," said he, "when my children Christopher and John,
being about seven years of age, were then taught of me in my house the
said error of the sacrament of the altar, and by the said Agnes my
wife divers times, she was always of one mind in the said misbelief
against the sacrament of the altar, that it was not Christ's body,
flesh and blood, but only bread." Furthermore, being examined how he
knew that she was stedfast in the said error, he said, "that she
always without contradiction affirmed this teaching, and said, the
said opinion was good, and was well contented that her children
aforesaid were of the same opinions against the sacrament of the
altar," &c.

The bishop, with his catholic doctors, not yet contented with this, to
set the husband against the wife, proceeding further in their catholic
zeal, caused her two children, Christopher and John, to be produced,
one of the age of two-and-twenty, the other of nineteen, against their
own natural mother; who likewise, being pressed with their oath,
witnessed and said:

"That the aforesaid Agnes, their mother, held, believed, taught, and
defended, that the sacrament of the altar was but bread, and not the
very body of Christ's flesh and blood: that baptism was no better in
the font, than out of the font: that confirmation was of no effect:
that the solemnization of matrimony was no sacrament: that confession
to God alone was sufficient: also that going in pilgrimage and
worshipping of saints and images was of none effect," &c.

"Item, That their father and the said Agnes their mother, held,
taught, and communed of the said errors within their houses divers
times, by the space of those three years past, as well on holy-days as
working days, affirming and teaching that the said opinions were good
and lawful, and to be holden and maintained; and agreement was made
amongst them, that none of them should discover or bewray either of
these beliefs in any wise.

"Finally, That they never heard their said father and mother holding
or teaching any other opinions, than be the said errors against the
sacrament of the altar, and pilgrimages, offerings, worshipping of
saints and images, as far as they could remember," &c.

Here hast thou, Christian reader, before thine eyes a horrid spectacle
of a singular, yea of a double impiety; first of an unnatural husband,
witnessing against his own wife; and of as unnatural children,
accusing and witnessing against their own natural mother: which
although they had so done, the cause being of itself just and true,
(as it was not,) yet had they done more than nature would have led
them to do. Now the case being such as which, by God's word, standeth
firm, sound, and perfect, what impiety were it for men to accuse a
poor innocent in case of heresy, which is no heresy! Now, besides all
this, the husband to come in against his own wife, and the children to
bring the knife wherewith to cut the throat of their own natural
mother that bare them, that nourished them, that brought them up, what
is this, but impiety upon impiety, prodigious and horrible for all
Christian ears to hear! And yet the greatest impiety of all resteth in
these pretended catholics and clergy. men, which were the authors and
causers of all this mischief.

The cause why this good woman so stood, as she did, in the denial of
these aforesaid articles objected, was this; for that she never
thought that her husband and her own children, who only were privy to
her religion, would testify against her. Whom notwithstanding after
she perceived to come in, and to depose thus against her, denying
still (as she did before) that she did ever hold such manner of
errors, and being now destitute of all friends and comfort, burst out
in these words openly, (as the register reporteth,) "that she repented
the time that ever she bare those children of her body." And thus the
archbishop with his doctors having now the thing that they sought for,
albeit she was ready to deny all errors, and to conform herself to
their religion, yet, notwithstanding, they, refusing her readiness and
conformity, proceeded to their sentence, and so condemned her to
death.

After whose condemnation, next was brought to examination Robert
Harrison, whom, in like manner, because he stood in his denial,
contrary witnesses against him were produced, to wit, Christopher
Grebil, William Rich, William Olbert, Agnes Ive, who, a little before,
had been abjured, and therefore were so much the more apt and
appliable to serve the bishop's humour, for danger of relapse. After
the deposition and conviction of which witnesses, although he
submitted himself to repentance and conformity, yet, notwithstanding,
it would not not be received, but sentence was read, and he condemned
with the other two aforesaid to the fire.

And thus these three were condemned and burned, and certificate given
up of them together to the king, from Warham the archbishop, upon the
same, A. D. 1511, May 2.

Over and besides these three godly martyrs above recited, I find in
the aforesaid registers of William Warham, two other like godly
martyrs also in the same year, and for the same twelve articles above
specified, to be condemned upon the depositions of certain witnesses
brought in against them, to wit, Thomas Harwood, Philip Harwood,
Stephen Castelin, William Baker, Robert Reynold, John Bampton, Robert
Bright, William Rich, &c.; whereupon they were adjudged likewise for
heretics to be burned, the year aforesaid, 1511. The names of which
two martyrs were John Brown and Edward Walker.

Moreover, besides these five blessed saints of God, whom they so
cruelly by their sentence did condemn to death, we find also, in the
same registers of William Warham, a great number of others whom they,
for the same doctrine and like articles, caused to be apprehended and
put to open recantation; the names of which persons in the catalogue
here following be these.

A table containing the names of them that were abjured in the diocese
of Canterbury, at the same time, under William Warham, archbishop.

A. D. 1511.-- John Grebil the elder; also Christopher Grebil and John
Grebil, sons of John Grebil the elder; all of Benenden. William Rich,
of Benenden. W. Olbert the elder, of Godmersham. Agnes Ive, and Agnes
Chytenden, both of Canterbury. Thomas Manning, of Benenden. Joan
Colin; Robert Hills; and Alice Hills, his wife; all of Tenterden.
Thomas Harwood, Joan Harwood, his wife, and Philip Harwood, all of
Rolvenden. Stephen Castelin, of Tenterden. W. Baker, of Cranbrook;
Margaret Baker, his wife. William Olbert the younger, and Robert
Reynold, both of Godmersham. Agnes Reynold, of Cranbook. Thomas Field,
of Bexley. Joan Olbert, wife to W. Olbert the elder, of Godmersham.
Elizabeth White, of Canterbury. Thomas Church, of Great Chart. Vincent
Lynch, of Holden. John Rich, of Wittersham. John Lynch, of Tenterden.
Thomas Browne, of Cranbrook. John Frank, of Tenterden. Joyce Bampton,
wife of John Baropton, of Berstead. Richard Bampton, of Bexley. Robert
Bright, of Maidstone. William Lorkin, of East Farleigh.

A. D. 1512.--John Bannes, of Bexley. John Buckherst, of Staplehurst.
Joan Dod, wife of John Dod. John Benet, of Staplehurst; Rebecca Benet,
his wife. Joan Lewes, wife of Thomas Lowes of Cranbrook. Julian Hills,
wife of Robert Hills, of Tenterden. Robert Franke, of Tenterden.

The articles laid to these abjurers appear in the registers to be the
same which before were objected to the other five martyrs aforesaid.
Which were for believing and defending,

"First, That the sacrament of the altar was not the very body of
Christ, but material bread.

"II. That confession of sins ought not to be made to a priest.

"III. That there is no more power given of God to a priest, than to a
layman.

"IV. That the solemnization of matrimony is not necessary for the weal
of man's soul.

"V. That the sacrament of extreme unction, called anoiling, is not
profitable nor necessary for man's soul.

"VI. That pilgrimages to holy and devout places, be not necessary nor
meritorious for man's soul.

"VII. That images of saints, or of the crucifix, or of our Lady, are
not to be worshipped.

"VIII. That a man should pray to no saint, but only to God.

"IX. That holy water, and holy bread, are not better after the
benediction made by the priest."

By these articles and abjurations of the before-named persons, thou
hast to understand, Christian reader, what doctrine of religion was
here stirring in this our realm of England, before the time that the
name of Martin Luther was ever heard of here amongst us.

$

222. THREE DIVERS SORTS OF JUDGMENTS AMONGST THE PAPISTS, AGAINST
HERETICS AS THEY CALL THEM.

As touching the penance and penalty enjoined to these aforesaid, as
also to all other such like, first here is to be noted, that the
catholic fathers, in their processes of heretical pravity, have three
divers and distinct kinds of judgments and proceedings. For some they
judge to be burned, to the intent that others being brought into
terror by them, they might therefore more quietly hold up their
kingdom, and reign as they list. And thus condemned they these five
aforesaid; and notwithstanding they were willing to submit themselves
to the bosom of the mother church, yet could they not be received; as
by the words of the register, and by the tenor of their sentence above
specified, may well appear.

And this sort of persons, thus by them condemned, consisteth either of
such as have been before abjured, and have fallen again into relapse;
or else such as stand constantly in their doctrine, and refuse to
abjure; or else such as they intend to make a terror and example to
all others, notwithstanding that they be willing and ready to submit
themselves, and yet cannot be received: and of this last sort were
these five martyrs last named. So was also John Lambert, who,
submitting himself to the king, could not be accepted. So was likewise
Richard Mekins the silly lad, and the three women of Guernsey, whose
submission would not serve to save their lives; with many others in
like case. Against this sort of persons, the process which the papists
use is this. First, after they begin once to be suspected by some
promoter, they are denounced and cited; then, by virtue of inquisition
they are taken and clapped fast in irons in prison; from thence they
are brought forth at last to examination, if they be not before killed
by famine, cold, or straitness of the prison. Then be articles drawn,
or rather wrested, out of their writings or preachings, and they put
to their oath, to answer truly to every point and circumstance
articulated against them: which articles if they seem to deny, or to
salve by true expounding, then are witnesses called in and admitted,
what witnesses soever they are, be they never so much infamous;
usurers, ribalds, women, yea, and common harlots. Or, if no other
witnesses can be found, then is the husband brought in, and forced to
swear against the wife, or the wife against the husband, or the
children against the natural mother, as in this example of Agnes
Grebil. Or, if no such witness at all can he found, then are they
strained upon the rack, or by other bitter torments forced to confess
their knowledge, and to impeach others. Neither must any be suffered
to come to them, what need soever they have; neither must any public
or quiet audience be given them to speak for themselves, till at last
sentence be read against them, to give up to the secular arm, or to
degrade them, if they be priests, and so to burn them.

And yet the malignity of these adversaries doth not here cease; for
after the fire hath consumed their bodies, then they fall upon their
books, and condemn them, in like manner, to be burned; and no man must
be so hardy as to read them, or keep them, under pain of heresy. But
before they have abolished these books, first they gather articles out
of them, such as they list themselves, and so perversely wrest and
wring them after their own purpose, falsely and contrary to the right
meaning of the author; as may seem, after their putting down, to be
most heretical and execrable. Which being done, and the books then
abolished, that no man may confer them with their articles, to espy
their falsehood; then they divulge and set abroad those articles, in
such sort as princes and people may see what heretics they were. And
this is the rigour of their process and proceeding against these
persons whom thus they purpose to condemn and burn.

To the second order belong that sort of heretics whom these papists do
not condemn to death, but assign them unto monasteries, there to
continue, and to fast all their life, with bread of sorrow, and water
of affliction: and that they should not remove one mile out of the
precinct of the said monastery so long as they live, without they were
otherwise, by the archbishop himself or his successors, dispensed
withal. Albeit many times the said persons were so dispensed withal,
that their penance of bread and water was turned for them to go to
woolward Wednesdays and Fridays every week, or some other like
punishment, &c.

The third kind of heretics were those whom these prelates did not
judge to perpetual prison, but only enjoined them penance, either to
stand before the preacher, or else to bear a faggot about the market,
or in procession, or else to wear the picture of a faggot bordered on
their left sleeves, without any cloak or gown upon the same; or else
to kneel at the saying of certain masses; or to say so many Pater-
nosters, Aves, and Creeds, to such or such a saint; or to go in
pilgrimage to such or such a place; or else to bear a faggot to the
burning of some heretic; or else to fast certain Fridays bread and
water; or, if it were a woman, to wear no smock on Fridays, but to go
woolward, &c.

And thus much by the way out of the register of William Warham
aforesaid; like as also out of other bishops' registers many more such
like matters and examples might be collected, if either leisure would
serve me to search, or if the largeness of these volumes would suffer
all to be inserted that might be found. Howbeit, amongst many other
things omitted, the story and martyrdom of Launcelot and his fellows
is not to be forgotten; the story of whom (with their names) is this:

About the year of our Lord 1539, one John a painter, and Giles
Germane, were accused of heresy; and while they were in examination at
London before the bishop and other judges, by chance there came in one
of the king's servants named Launcelot, a very tall man, and of no
less godly mind and disposition, than strong and tall of body.

This man, standing by, seemed by his countenance and gesture to favour
both the cause, and the poor men his friends; whereupon he, being
apprehended, was examined and condemned together with them. And the
next day, at five o'clock in the morning, was carried with them into
St. Giles in the fields, and there burned; being but a small concourse
or company of people it their death.

In the company and fellowship of these blessed saints and martyrs of
Christ, which innocently suffered within the time of King Henry's
reign, for the testimony of God's word and truth, another good man
also cometh to my mind, not to be excluded out of this number, who was
with like cruelty oppressed, and was burned in Smithfield about the
latter end of the time of Cuthbert Tonstall, bishop of London. His
name was called Stile, as is credibly reported unto us by a worthy and
ancient knight, named Sir Robert Outred, who was the same time present
himself at his burning, and witness of the same. With him there was
burned also a book of the Apocalypse, which belike he was wont to read
upon. This book when he saw fastened unto the stake, to be burned with
him, lifting up his voice, "O blessed Apocalypse," said he, "how happy
am I, that shall be burned with thee!" And so this good man, and the
blessed Apocalypse, were both together in the fire consumed.

And thus, through the gracious supportation of Christ our Lord, we
have run over these seven-and-thirty laborious years of King Henry's
reign; under whose time and governance, such acts and records,
troubles, persecutions, recantations, practices, alterations, and
reformations as then happened in the church, we have here discoursed,
with such statutes, injunctions, and proclamations, as by him were set
forth in causes and matters to the said church appertaining: albeit
not comprehending all things so fully as might be, yet pretermitting
so few things as we could, of such matters as came to our hands; save
only that certain instruments, with a few other occurrents somewhat
pertaining to the course of this king's history, have past our hands,
as the false lying bull of Pope Leo the Tenth, against Martin Luther,
with the form also of the said Martin Luther's appeal from the pope
unto a general council. All which, with other matters more besides
omitted, we have deferred by themselves hereafter to be exhibited and
declared in the sequel of this present story, as in his due place
shall appear.

$

223. PAPAL DOCUMENTS RELATING TO KING HENRY'S DIVORCE.

In the mean season, amongst other omissions here overpast, forasmuch
as a certain instrument of the pope's sentence definitive against King
Henry's first divorce with Lady Katharine, dowager, hath of late come
to our hands, containing matter neither impertinent nor unmeet to be
committed to history, I thought here presently to place the same, to
the intent that the reader, seeing the arrogant and impudent
presumption of the pope in the said sentence, going about by force and
authority so to constrain and compel kings and princes against their
wills, and against right and Scripture, to apply to his imperious
purpose, may the better understand thereby, what was the true cause
and ground why the king first began to take stomach against the pope,
and to send him clean packing out of this realm. But before I shall
produce this aforesaid sentence definitive of the pope, to make the
matter more plain to the reader, it shall not be amiss, first, to
decipher and rip up the original of such occasions as shall induce the
reader to the better understanding of this falling out between the
king and the pope.

For so I find by the letters of Dr. Stephen Gardiner, written to
Cardinal Wolsey from Rome, (at what time he and Foxe were sent
ambassadors by the king to Pope Clement the Seventh, about the
expedition of the kings divorce, A. D. 1532,) that the said Pope
Clement, with the counsel of the Cardinal Sanctorum Quatuor and other
cardinals, at first was well willing, and very inclinable, to the
accomplishment and satisfaction of the king's desire in that behalf,
and that for divers respects.

As first, for the great benefits received, and the singular devotion
of the king toward the see apostolic, in taking war for the church's
cause: in surceasing war at the pope's desire; and, especially, in
procuring the pope's deliverance, whereby the pope then thought
himself with his whole see much obliged to the king, in all respects,
to pass by his authority whatsoever reasonably might be granted in
gratifying the king's so ample merits and deserts.

Secondly, for the evident reasons and substantial arguments in the
king's book contained, which seemed well to satisfy the pope's liking,
and to remove away all scruples.

Thirdly, for the good opinion and confidence that the pope had in the
excellent wisdom, profound learning, and mature judgment of the king,
which the pope (as he said in formal words) would sooner lean unto,
than unto any other learned man's mind or sentence, so that the king's
reasons, he said, must needs be of great efficacy and strength of
themselves to order and direct this matter.

The fourth cause moving the pope to favour the king's request, was,
for the quiet and tranquillity of his conscience, which, otherwise, in
that unlawful marriage with his brother's wife, could not be settled.

The fifth cause was, for the consideration of the perils and dangers,
which otherwise might happen to the realm, by the pretended titles of
the king of Scots, and others, without any heir male to establish the
king's succession: for the avoiding of which perils, and also for the
other causes above rehearsed, the pope showed himself at that time
propense and forward to promote and set forward the king's desired
purpose in that behalf.

And thus much touching this by-matter I thought here to suggest and
repeat to the reader, albeit the same is also sufficiently expressed
before: to the end that the studious reader, pondering these first
proceedings of the pope, and comparing them with this sentence
definitive which under followeth, may the better understand what
inconstant levity, what false dealing, what crafty packing, and what
contrariety in itself, are in this pope's holy see of Rome, as by this
case of the pope may well appear; who, in short time after all this,
was so clean altered from what he was, that whereas before, he
pretended to esteem so gratefully the king's travail, and benefits
exhibited to the see apostolic, in his defence against the emperor and
the Spaniards, now he joineth utterly with the Cęsarians against the
king. And whereas before, he so greatly magnified the king's profound
learning and mature judgment, esteeming his mind and sentence above
all other learned men, to be as a judge sufficient in the direction of
this case; now, turning head to the tail, he utterly refuseth to bring
the matter in judicium orbis, but will needs detain it at home.

Again, where before he pretended a tender provision for the state of 
this realm, now he setteth all other realms against it; and finally,
whereas he before seemed to respect the quiet and tranquillity of the
king's conscience, now he goeth about to command and compel the king,
against his will and conscience, to do clean contrary to that which he
himself before in his judgment had allowed, thinking to have the king
at his beck, and to do and undo what he listed and commanded; as by
the tenor and true copy of this his sentence definitive ye may
understand; which, as it came newly to our hands, I thought here to
exhibit unto the world, that all men might see what just cause the
king had (being so presumptuously provoked by the pope) to shake off
his proud authority, and utterly to exile him out of his realm. Mark,
I pray thee, the manner of the pope's proud sentence, how
presumptuously it proceedeth.

The effect of this sentence is as much as to mean, "that Pope Clement
the Seventh, with the consent of his other brethren, the cardinals
assembled together in this consistory, sitting there in the throne of
justice, calling upon the name of Christ, and having God only before
his eyes, doth pronounce, define, and declare -- in the cause and
causes between his dear daughter, Katharine, queen of England,
appealing to the see apostolic, and his beloved son, Henry the Eighth,
king of England, concerning the validity and invalidity of the
matrimony heretofore contracted between them, and yet depending in the
consistory court of the said Pope Clement -- that the said matrimony
always hath stood, and still doth stand, firm and canonical; and that
the issue proceeding, or which shall proceed, of the same, standeth,
and shall stand, lawful and legitimate; and that the aforesaid Henry,
king of England, is and shall be bound and obstrict to the matrimonial
society and cohabitation with the said Lady Katharine, his lawful wife
and queen, to hold and maintain her with such love and princely
honour, as becometh a loving husband, and his kingly honour, to do."

Also, "that the said Henry king of England, if he shall refuse so to
perform and accomplish all and singular the premises, in all effectual
manner, is to be condemned and compelled thereunto by all remedies of
the law, and enforced, according as we do condemn, compel, and enforce
him so to do; providing, all molestations and refusals whatsoever,
made by the said King Henry against the said Queen Katharine, upon the
invalidity of the said marriage, to have been and be judged unlawful
and unjust; and the said king, from henceforth for ever to hold his
peace, and not to be heard in any court hereafter to speak, touching
the invalidity of the said matrimony: like as we also do here will and
charge him to hold his peace, and do put him to perpetual silence
herein; willing, moreover, and adjudging the said King Henry to be
condemned, and presently here do condemn him, in the expenses, on the
said Queen Katharine's behalf, here in our court expended and
employing in traversing the aforesaid cause, the valuation of which
expenses we reserve to ourselves to be limited and taxed, as we shall
judge meet hereafter.

We do so pronounce,
"At Rome, in our apostolical palace, publicly in our consistory
the twenty-third of March, 1534.
Blosius."

$

224. POPE LEO'S BULL AGAINST LUTHER, AND LUTHER'S ANSWER

Now, as you have heard the presumptuous and arrogant sentence of Pope
Clement, wherein he taketh upon him, contrary to the ordinance of God
in his Levitical law, (as is before showed,) and contrary to the best
learned judgments of Christendom, to command and compel the king,
against his conscience, to retain in matrimony his brother's wife;
here followeth in like order to be inferred, according to my promise,
another like wicked, blasphemous, and slanderous bull of Pope Leo
against Martin Luther, with the just appellation also of the said
Martin Luther from the pope to a general council: wherein may appear
to all men, the lying spirit of the pope, both in teaching most
heretical doctrine, derogating from the blood of Christ, and also
falsely depraving and perverting the sound doctrine of Luther, falsely
and untruly charging him with heresy, when he is the greater heretic
himself. For what heretic would ever say that the Church of Rome was
consecrated and sanctified by the blood of Peter, but only the pope?
or who would call this heresy, to refer all our salvation and
sanctification only and totally to the blood of the Son of God, unless
he were a heretic of all heretics himself?

After the like dealing we read of wicked King Ahab, who, being only
the disturber of Israel himself, crieth out upon Elias for troubling
Israel. So here, in semblable wise, Pope Leo, with what heaps of
tragical words and exclamations doth he fume and rage against the true
servant of God, poor Luther, for disturbing the church of God, when it
is the pope only and his father's house that troubleth, and long hath
troubled, the true church of the Lord; as by his doings all the world
may see enough and too much. In the mean time read, I beseech thee,
with judgment, this impudent and false slanderous bull of the pope,
with the appeal also of Luther again from the said pope; a copy
whereof, because it be rare to be gotten, and hath not been hitherto
commonly seen, being before omitted, I thought to commit here to
history, as I had it out of certain registers; the manner and tenor
whereof is this as followeth.

A copy of the bull of Pope Leo the Tenth, no less slanderous than
barbarous, against Martin Luther and his doctrine: with the answer of
Luther joined to the same.

"Leo, bishop, servant of the servants of God, for a perpetual memory.
Rise up, O Lord! and judge thy cause; remember the rebukes wherewith
we are scorned all the day long of foolish rebukers. Incline thine ear
unto our prayers; for foxes are risen up, seeking to destroy thy
vineyard, the winepress whereof thou only hast trodden; and, ascending
up to thy Father, didst commit the charge and regiment thereof unto
Peter, as chief head and thy vicar, and his successors. The wild boar
out of the wood seeketh to exterminate and root up thy vineyard. Rise
up, Peter! and for this thy pastoral charge committed to thee from
above, attend to the cause of the holy church of Rome, the mother of
all churches and of our faith, which thou, by the commandment of God,
didst consecrate with thine own blood; against which (as thou hast
foretold us) false liars have risen up, bringing in sects of
perdition, to their own speedy destruction; whose tongue is like fire,
full of unquietness, and replenished with deadly poison; who, having a
wicked zeal, and nourishing contentions in their hearts, do brag and
lie against the verity.

"Rise up, Paul! also, we pray thee, who hast illuminated the same
church with thy doctrine and like martyrdom. For now is sprung up a
new Porphyry, who, as the said Porphyry then unjustly did slander the
holy apostles, so, semblably, doth this man now slander, revile,
rebuke, bite, and bark against the holy bishops our predecessors, not
in beseeching them, but in rebuking them. And where he distrusteth his
cause, there he falleth to opprobrious checks and rebukes, after the
wonted use of heretics, whose uttermost refuge is this, (as Jerome
saith,) that when they see their cause go to wreck, then, like
serpents, they cast out the venom with their tongue; and when they see
themselves near to be overcome, they fall to railing. For though
heresies (as thou sayest) must needs be, for the exercise of the
faithful, yet, lest these heresies should further increase, and these
foxes gather strength against us, it is needful that, by thy means and
help, they be suppressed and extinguished at the beginning.

"Finally, let all the whole universal church of God's saints and
doctors rise up, whose true expounding of Holy Scripture being
rejected, certain persons whose hearts the father of lies hath
blinded, and wise in their own conceits, (as the manner of heretics
is,) do expound the Scriptures otherwise than the Holy Ghost doth
require, following only their own sense of ambition and vain-glory;
yea, rather do wrest and adulterate the Scriptures. So that, as Jerome
saith, now they make it not the gospel of Christ, but of man, or,
which is worse, of the devil. Let all the holy church, I say, rise up,
and with the blessed apostles together make intercession to Almighty
God, that the errors of all schismatics being rooted and stocked up,
his holy church may be conserved in peace and unity. For of late,
(which for sorrow we cannot express,) by credible information and also
by public fame it hath come to our ears, yea, we have seen, also, and
read with our eyes, divers and sundry errors, of which some have been
condemned by councils and constitutions of our predecessors,
containing expressly the heresies of the Greeks and of the Bohemians;
some again respectively, either heretical, or false, or slanderous, or
offensive to good ears, or, such as may seduce simple minds, newly to
be raised up, by certain false pretended gospellers; who, by curious
pride, seeking worldly glory against the doctrine of the apostles,
would be more wise than becometh them; whose babbling, (as St. Jerome
calleth it,) without authority of the Scriptures, would find no credit
unless they should seem to confirm their false doctrine even with
testimonies of the Scripture, but yet falsely interpreted. Which
worketh us so much the more grief, for that those heresies be sprung
up in the noble nation of the Germans, unto which nation we, with our
predecessors, have always borne special favour and affection. For
after the empire was first translated by the Church of Rome, from the
Greeks unto the Germans, the said our predecessors and we, have always
had them as special abettors and defenders of this our church, and
they have always showed themselves as most earnest suppressors of
heresies: as witness whereof remain yet those laudable constitutions
of German emperors, set forth and confirmed by our predecessors, for
the liberty of the church, and for expulsing heretics out of all
Germany; and that under grievous penalty and loss of all their goods
and lands; which constitutions, if they were observed this present
day, both we and they should now be free from this disturbance.

"Furthermore, the heresy of the Hussites, Wicklevists, and of Jerome
of Prague, being condemned and punished in the council of Constance,
doth witness the same: moreover doth witness the same, so much blood
of the Germans, spilt fighting against the Bohemians. To conclude, the
same also is confirmed and witnessed by the learned and true
confutation, reprobation, and condemnation, set forth by the
universities of Cologne and Louvain in Germany, against the aforesaid
errors. Many other witnesses also we might allege, whom here (lest we
should seem to write a story) we pretermit.

"Wherefore we, for the charge of our pastoral office committed unto
us, can no longer forbear or wink at the pestiferous poison of these
aforesaid errors; of the which errors we thought here good to recite
certain, the tenor of which is this as followeth

"'It is an old heresy to say, that the sacraments of the new law do
give grace to them which have in themselves no let to the contrary.'

'To deny that sin remaineth in a child after his baptism, is to tread
down Paul and Christ under foot.'

'The origin of sin, although no actual sin do follow after, doth stay
the soul, leaving the body, from the entrance into heaven.'

'Unperfect charity of a man departing must needs bring with it great
fear, which of itself is enough to deserve the pain of purgatory, and
stoppeth the entrance into the kingdom of heaven.'

'To say that penance standeth of three parts, to wit, contrition,
confession, satisfaction, is not founded in Holy Scriptures, nor in
ancient, holy, and Christian doctors.'

'Contrition, which a man stirreth up in himself, by discussing,
remembering, and detesting his sins, in revolving his former years in
bitterness of soul, and in pondering the weight, number, and
filthiness of his sins, the losing of eternal bliss, and getting of
eternal damnation: this contrition maketh a man a hypocrite, and a
great sinner.'

'It is an old proverb, and to be preferred before the doctrine of all
that have written hitherto of contrition: from henceforth to
transgress no more. The chiefest and the best penance is a new life.'

'Neither presume to confess thy venial sins, nor yet all thy mortal
sins; for it is impossible to remember all the mortal sins that thou
hast committed, and therefore, in the primitive church, they confessed
the mortal sins which only were manifest.'

'While we seek to number all our sins sincerely unto the priest, we
mean nothing else herein, but that we will leave nothing to the mercy
of God to be forgiven.'

'In confession no man hath his sins forgiven, except he believe, when
the priest forgiveth, the same to be remitted: yea, otherwise, his sin
remaineth unforgiven, unless he believe the same to be forgiven. For
else remission of the priest, and giving of grace, doth not suffice,
except belief come on his part that is remitted.'

'Think not thy sin to be assoiled for the worthiness of thy
contrition, but for the word of Christ, Whatsoever thou loosest, &c.
When thou art absolved of the priest, trust confidently upon these
words, and believe firmly thyself to be absolved, and then art thou
truly remitted.'

'Admit the party that is confessed were not contrite, (which is
impossible,) or that the priest pronounced the words of loosing not in
earnest, but in jest; yet, if the party believe that he is absolved,
he is truly absolved indeed.'

'In the sacrament of penance and absolution, the pope or bishop doth
no more than any inferior priest can do: yea, and where a priest is
not to be had, there every Christian man, yea, or Christian woman,
standeth in as good stead.'

'None ought to say to the priest, that he is contrite; neither ought
the priest to ask any such matter.'

'It is a great error of them who come to the holy housel trusting upon
this, that they are confessed, that their conscience grudgeth them in
no deadly sin, that they have said their prayers, and done such other
preparatives before; all those do eat and drink to their own judgment:
but, if they believe there to obtain God's grace, this faith maketh
them pure and worthy.'

'It were good that the church should determine in a general council,
laymen to communicate under both kinds; and the Bohemians so doing be
therein neither heretics nor schismatics.'

'The treasures out of which the pope doth grant his indulgences, are
not the merits of Christ, nor of his saints.'

'Indulgences and pardons be a devout seducing of the faithful, and
hinderance to good works, and are in the number of them which be
things lawful, but not expedient.'

'Pardons and indulgences, to them which have them, avail not to
remission of the punishment due before God for actual sins committed.'

'They which think that indulgences are wholesome and conducible to the
fruit of the Spirit, are deceived.'

'Indulgences are only necessary for public transgressions, and are
only granted to them that are obstinate and impatient.'

'Indulgences and pardons are unprofitable to six sorts of persons:
first, to them that be dead, or lie in dying: secondly, to them that
be weak and infirm: thirdly, to such as have lawful impediments:
fourthly, to them that have not offended: fifthly, to such as have
offended, but not publicly: sixthly, to those that amend and do well.'

'Excommunications be only outward punishments, and do not deprive a
man of the public spiritual prayers of the church.'

'Christians are to be taught rather to love excommunication, than to
dread it.'

The bishop of Rome, successor of Peter, is not the vicar of Christ,
ordained by Christ in St. Peter, to have authority over all the
churches in the world.'

'The words of Christ to Peter, Whatsoever thou loosest, &c., extend no
further but only to those things which be bound of Peter himself.'

'It is not in the hands either of the church or of the pope, to make
articles of the faith, yea, or laws either of manners or good works.'

'Albeit the pope, with a great part of the church, teaching so or so,
did not err therein, yet is it no sin nor heresy for a man to hold
contrary to them; namely, in such things which are not necessary to
salvation, so long as it is not otherwise condemned or approved by a
general council.'

'We have a way made plain unto us to infringe the authority of
councils, and freely to gainstand their doings, and to judge upon
their decrees, and boldly to speak our knowledge, whatsoever we judge
to be true, whether the same be approved or reproved by any general
council.'

'Some of the articles of John Huss, condemned in the council of
Constance, are Christian, most true and evangelical, which the
universal church cannot condemn.'

'In every good work, the just man sinneth.'

'Every good work of ours, when it is best done, it is a venial sin.'

'To burn heretics, is against the will of the Spirit.'

'To fight against the Turks, is to repugn against God, visiting our
iniquities by them.'

'Free-will, after sin, is a title and name only of a thing; and while
man doth that which lieth in him, he sinneth deadly.'

'Purgatory cannot be proved out of Holy Scripture which is canonical.'

'Souls in purgatory be not certain of their safety, at least not all;
neither is it proved by reasons or by Scriptures, that they be utterly
out of the state to deserve or increase charity.'

'Souls in purgatory do sin without intermission, so long as they seek
rest, and dread punishment.'

'The souls being delivered out of purgatory by the prayers of the
living, be less blessed than if they had satisfied for themselves.'

'Ecclesiastical prelates, and worldly princes, should not do amiss, if
they would scour away all the bags of Begging Friars.'

"All which errors there is no man in his right wits but he knoweth the
same, in their several respects, how pestilent they be, how
pernicious, how much they seduce godly and simple minds; and finally,
how much they be against all charity, and against the reverence of the
holy Church of Rome, the mother of all the faithful and mistress of
the faith itself, and against the sinews and strength of
ecclesiastical discipline, which is obedience, the fountain and well-
spring of all virtues, and without which every man is to be convinced
easily to be an infidel.

"We, therefore, desiring to proceed in the premises more earnestly, as
behoveth in things of most importance, and meaning to cut off the
course of this pestiferous and cankered disease, lest it should spread
itself further in the Lord's field, like hurtful brambles or briers;
and using upon the said errors, and every of them, diligent trial,
debating, strait examination, ripe deliberation; and further, weighing
and thoroughly sifting all and every of the same together, with our
reverend brethren the cardinals of the Church of Rome, the priors of
the orders regular, or ministers general; also with divers other
professors and masters of divinity, and of both laws, and those the
best learned: do find the aforesaid errors or articles respectively,
as is aforesaid, not to be catholic, nor to be taught as catholic, but
to be against the doctrine or tradition of the catholic church, and
against the true interpretation of Holy Scripture, received by the
same; to whose authority Augustine thought we ought so much to lean,
that he would not (as he said) have believed the gospel, if the
authority of the church had not thereunto moved him.

"For by these errors, or at least by some of them, it followeth
consequently, that the same church, which is guided by the Holy Ghost,
now doth, and ever hath erred: which is utterly against that which
Christ at the time of his ascension, (as we read in the holy Gospel of
Matthew,) promised to his disciples, saying, I am with you until the
end of the world, &c.; and also against the determination of the holy
fathers, against the express ordinances or canons of councils and head
bishops, whom not to obey, hath always been the cause and nurse of all
heresies and schisms, as Cyprian doth witness.

"Wherefore, by the counsel and assent of the said our reverend
brethren, upon due consideration of all and singular the premises, by
the authority of Almighty God, and of the blessed apostles Peter and
Paul, and our own, we do condemn, reprove, and utterly reject, all and
singular the articles or errors aforesaid respectively, as some to be
heretic, some to be slanderous, some to be offensive to godly ears, or
else seducing simple minds, and repugnant to the catholic truth; and,
by the tenor hereof, we here decree and declare, that they ought of
all Christian people, both men and women, to be taken as damned,
reproved, and rejected. And therefore, forbidding here, under pain of
the greater curse and excommunication, losing of their dignities,
whether they be ecclesiastical or temporal, and to be deprived and
made incapable of all regular orders and privileges, given and granted
by the see apostolic, of what condition soever they be; also of losing
their liberties to hold general schools, to read and profess any
science and faculty; of losing also their tenures and feoffments, and
of inability for ever to recover the same again, or any other;
moreover, under pain of secluding from Christian burial, yea, and of
treason also, and incurring such pains and punishments expressed in
the law, as are due for all heretics and abettors of the same: we
charge and command all and singular Christian people, both men and
women, as well of the laity as of the clergy, both secular and also
regular, of what order soever they be; and, briefly, all other
persons, of what degree or condition soever they be, or in what
dignity soever they are placed, either ecclesiastical or temporal: as
first, the cardinals of the holy Church of Rome, patriarchs, primates,
archbishops, bishops, with the prelates and heads of the churches
patriarchal, metropolitan, or other cathedral, collegiate, and other
small and inferior churches; also all clerks and other persons
ecclesiastical, as abbots, priors, or ministers, general or
particular, brethren or religious men, exempt and not exempt: also
universities of schools, and all others, as well secular priests, as
regular and religious persons of all orders, yea of the Begging Friars
also: Item, kings, electors of the imperial crown, princes, dukes,
marquises, barons, captains, conductors and servitors, and all
officers, judges, notaries, whether they be ecclesiastical or secular;
commonalties, universities, dominions, cities, castles, lordships, and
places, with the inhabiters of the same: and, finally, all other
persons whatsoever, ecclesiastical or regular, dispersed in whatever
places through the whole universal world, or who shall be hereafter
dispersed, but especially in high Almany, that they shall not presume,
publicly or privately, under any manner of pretence or colour,
colourably or expressly, or how else soever, to hold, maintain,
defend, preach, or favour, the aforesaid errors or any of them, or any
such perverse doctrine.

"Over and besides, forasmuch as the aforesaid errors, and many others,
are contained in the books or writings of the aforesaid Martin Luther,
therefore we condemn, reprove, and utterly reject, and hold for
utterly condemned, reproved, and rejected, the aforesaid books, and
all the writings of the said Martin, with his preachings, in what
tongue soever they are found, wherein the said errors, or any of them,
are contained; willing and commanding, under the virtue of holy
obedience and incurring the penalties aforesaid, to all and singular
Christian people, both men and women above rehearsed, that they
presume not by any manner of ways, directly or indirectly, colourably
or expressly, privily or apertly, either in their houses, or in other
public or private places, to read, hold, preach, print, publish, or
defend, either by themselves or by others; but, straight-ways after
the publishing hereof, they do burn, or cause to be burned, the said
errors, by their ordinaries diligently being searched out, and
solemnly presented in the sight of the whole clergy and the people,
under all and singular the penalties aforesaid.

"Now, as touching the said Martin, O good Lord, what have we left
undone? what have we left unattempted? what fatherly charity have we
not showed, whereby to have reduced him from these errors? For, after
that we did cite him, thinking to proceed with him more favourably, we
invited and exhorted him as well by divers tractations had with our
legate, as by our own letters, that he would relinquish the aforesaid
errors, or else, having safe-conduct offered to him, with money
necessary for his journey, to come to us without any fear or dread,
which perfect charity ought to cast out; and so, after the example of
our Saviour and his apostle St. Paul, he would speak, not in corners
and in secret, but openly to our face. Which if he had done, of truth
we think no less but that, reforming himself, he would have recognised
his errors, neither should have found so many faults in the court of
Rome, which he, being seduced with the rumours of malicious people
more than he ought, doth so much reprehend: where we would have taught
him to see more clearly than the light day, that the holy fathers of
Rome, our predecessors, (whom he, without all modesty, most
injuriously doth rail upon,) did never err in their canons and
constitutions, which he so much depraveth. For, as saith the prophet,
Neither is there resin nor physician lacking in Gilead. But he hath
always showed himself disobedient, and refused at our citation to
appear; and yet to this present day, continuing still in his stubborn
mind and heart indurate, hath remained more than a year under our
curse; yea, and moreover, adding mischief to mischief, (which is worst
of all,) he, hearing of this our citation, burst out into a
presumptuous appellation from us, unto the next general council,
against the constitution both of Pope Pius the Second and Pope Julius
the Second, our predecessors, which so decreed, that all they which so
did appeal, should be punished as heretics.

"In vain, also, he seeketh refuge to the general council, who
professeth himself not greatly to regard such councils. So that now we
might lawfully proceed against him, as against one notoriously
suspected of his faith, yea, a very heretic indeed, without any
further citation or delay, to the condemnation of him, as of a
heretic, and to the severity of all and singular pains and censures
afore written. Yet we, notwithstanding, by the counsel of our brethren
aforesaid, following the clemency of Almighty God, who willeth not the
death of a sinner, but rather that he should convert and live, and
forgetting all injuries heretofore done unto us and to the see
apostolic, have thought good to use all favourable means towards him
that we might; and so to work (as much as in us lieth) that he, by
this way of mansuetude, might be brought to reformation; so that he,
forsaking his former errors, might be received as the lost child, and
return home again into the lap of his mother the church.

"Wherefore, in most hearty wise we exhort and beseech the said Martin
and all his adherents, receivers, and abettors, by the bowels of the
mercy of our God, and by the sprinkling of the blood of our Lord Jesus
Christ, in whom and by whom is made the redemption of mankind, and the
edification of holy mother church, that they will cease to disturb the
peace, unity, and verity of the said church, for which our Saviour so
instantly prayed to his Father; and that they will abstain from such
pernicious errors aforesaid; who, in so doing, shall find with us, (if
they shall obey, or shall certify us by lawful witnesses to have
obeyed effectually herein,) the affection of fatherly charity, and a
full fountain opened of all mercy and clemency: willing and charging
the said Martin, notwithstanding, from henceforth, that he utterly
desist in the mean time from all preaching and office of preaching. Or
else, if the love of justice and virtue shall not restrain the said
Martin from sin, neither the hope of our pardon shall reduce and bring
him to repentance, to the intent that the terror of punishment and of
discipline may bridle him, we require and admonish the said Martin and
his adherents, abettors, favourers, and receivers, by the tenor
hereof, in the virtue of holy obedience, and under incurring all the
penalties aforesaid, strictly charging and commanding that within
forty days (whereof twenty we assign for the first, ten for the
second, and the other ten for the third and peremptory term)
immediately following after the setting up of these present letters,
the said Martin, his abettors, favourers, adherents, and receivers
aforesaid, do surcease from the aforesaid errors, and from the
preaching, publishing, maintaining, and defending of the same; also
from setting out of book or scriptures upon the said errors, or any of
them; and, furthermore, that they burn, or cause to be burned, all and
singular such books and scriptures as contain the aforesaid errors, or
any of them, by any manner of way. Also, that the said Martin do
utterly revoke those errors and assertions, and so to certify us of
the revoking thereof by public testimony, in due form of law, signed
by the hands of two prelates, to be sent unto us within the term of
other like forty days, or else to be brought by him unto us, if he
himself will come, (which would please us much rather,) with a full
safe-conduct above mentioned, which from henceforth we are content to
offer unto him, to the intent that no scruple of doubt, touching his
true obedience, should hereafter remain.

Contrariwise, if the said Martin, (which God defend,) his abettors,
favourers, adherents, and maintainers aforesaid, shall otherwise do,
or shall not fulfil, to every effect and purpose, all and singular the
premises within the term aforesaid, we then, following the doctrine of
the apostles, which teacheth us to avoid an heretical person after the
first and second correction, as well now as before, and as well before
as now -- declaring, by our authority, the said Martin, his abettors,
favourers, adherents, maintainers, and receivers, as withered branches
not remaining in Christ, but teaching and preaching contrary doctrine,
repugnant to the catholic faith, slanderous and damnable, to the great
offence of God's majesty, to the detriment and slander of the
universal church and catholic faith, and despising the keys of the
church, to be, and to have been, notorious and obstinate heretics,--
do condemn the same for such by the tenor hereof, willing and
commanding them to be holden and taken for such by all Christian
people aforesaid.

"Over and besides, we forbid, under the incurring of all and singular
the penalties afore expressed in so doing, that no man presume by any
manner of way, directly or indirectly, secretly or expressly, privily
or apertly, to read, hold, preach, praise, print, publish, or defend,
either by themselves or by any other, the said books and writings; not
only those wherein the errors aforesaid are contained, but also all
others, whatsoever have been or shall be set forth, written, or made
by the said Martin, vehemently suspected as a pernicious enemy of the
catholic faith, to the intent that his memory may utterly be rooted
out from the fellowship of all Christian people; or rather, with fire
to consume them, as is before declared.

"We admonish, moreover, all and singular Christ's faithful people,
under the said pain of the great curse, to avoid, or cause to be
avoided, so much as in them doth lie, the aforesaid heretics not
obedient to our commandments, and to have no fellowship, nor any
conversation or communion, with them, or with any of them, neither to
minister to them things necessary.

"And moreover, to the more confusion of the said Martin, with his
abettors, adherents, and retainers aforesaid, thus being declared and
condemned as heretics after the expiring of the term aforesaid, we
command all and sigular Christ's faithful people, both men and women,
as patriarchs, archbishops, prelates of churches (either patriarchal,
metropolitan, and other cathedral, collegiate, and other inferior
churches); to deans and chapters, and other ecclesiastical persons
secular, and of all other orders, even of the Begging Friars also
(especially of that congregation, where the said Martin is professed,
or hath his abode); also to regulars exempt, and not exempt: Item, to
all and singular princes, (what dignity or calling soever, either
ecclesiastical or temporal, they be of,) to kings, princes, electors,
dukes, marquises, earls, barons, captains, conductors, servitors,
commonalties, universities, dominions, cities, lands, castles, and
places, or the citizens and inhabitants thereof: and briefly, to all
and singular others aforesaid, through the universal world dispersed,
especially in Almany, that they and every of them, under all and
singular penalties aforesaid, do personally apprehend the said Martin,
his abettors, adherents, receivers, and favourers, and retain them
being apprehended, at our instance, and send them unto us (who, in so
doing, for their good work shall receive of us and the see apostolic
condign reward and recompence); or, at least, that they utterly drive
them, and every one of them, out of their metropolitan, cathedral,
collegiate, and other churches, houses, monasteries, convents, cities,
dominions, universities, commonalties, castles, lands, and places
respectively, as well the clergymen, as the regulars and laymen, all
and singular aforesaid.

"These cities, dominions, lands, castles, villages, commonalties,
holds, towns, and places, wheresoever they he situate respectively;
metropolitan, cathedral, collegiate, and other churches; monasteries
also, priories, convents, and religious and devout places, or what
order soever (as is aforesaid) unto which it shall chance the said
Martin to come; so long as he or they shall there remain, and three
days after their departing from thence, we here give over to the
ecclesiastical interdiction.

"And that the premises may be known to all men, we command moreover to
all patriarchs, archbishops, bishops, prelates of the patriarchal,
metropolitan, and other cathedral and collegiate churches; to deans
and chapters, and other persons ecclesiastical, and of what order else
soever aforesaid; to regular brethren, religious monks, exempt and not
exempt as aforesaid, wheresoever they dwell, and especially within
Almany, that they and every of them, under like censures and pains, do
publicly denounce, and cause and command to be denounced by others,
the said Martin, with all and singular his aforesaid adherents, which
shall not obey our commandments and monitions, within the term
aforesaid, upon every Sunday, and other festival days, within their
churches, when the greatest concourse of people shall resort to divine
service, to be declared and condemned for heretics; and that all
Christ's faithful people shall avoid them under the said censures and
penalties as be afore expressed; and that they do set up these
presents, or cause to be set up, or the transcript of them made under
the form hereafter ensuing, in their churches, monasteries, houses,
convents, and other places, there openly to be seen and read.

"Item, We do excommunicate and curse all and singular persons, of
whatsoever state, degree, condition, pre-eminence, dignity, or
excellency they be, who shall procure, or cause to be procured, by
themselves or others, privily or apertly, directly or indirectly,
secretly or expressly, whereby these presents, or the copies
transcribed, or the examples of them cannot be read, set up, and
published in their lands and dominions, &c.

"Let no man therefore be so bold to dare to infringe, or with rash
presumption to contrary, this writing of our damnation, reprobation,
rejection, decree, declaration, inhibition, will, commandment,
exhortation, beseeching, request, admonition, assignation, grant,
condemnation, subjection, excommunication, and curse. And if any
person and persons dare presume to attempt the same, let him know and
be sure, that he shall incur the indignation of Almighty God, and his
blessed apostles Peter and Paul.

"Given at Rome, at St. Peter's, A. D. 1520, the seventeenth of the
calends of July, and of our popedom the eighth year."

Although it was somewhat long before this bull aforesaid of Pope Leo,
being sent and dispersed through all other places abroad, could come
to the hands of Luther, yet as soon as he, by means of his friends,
might get a sight thereof, he shaped an answer again to the same, in
such sort as, I am sure, the pope himself will say that this bull was
never so baited, and so well-favouredly shaken in all his days; as by
the handling of the matter, and reading of his answer, may evidently
appear. The contents and copy of which answer I thought here, next
under the said bull, immediately to exhibit to the Christian reader,
that whoso is disposed to confer the one with the other, having them
both at hand, may judge the better of the whole matter and cause, and
also may see the true image of the pope, out of his painted vizor, 
appear in his own perfect colours. The answer now to the bull here
followeth:

"Martin Luther to the Christian reader, wisheth the grace of Christ to
eternal salvation. I heard a fame afar off, Christian reader, that a
certain bull was past out against me, and sent almost over all the
world before it came to me, against whom it was specially directed,
and to whom it most chiefly appertained. For what cause I cannot tell,
except, peradventure, it was for that the said bull, like unto a
night-crow, and as a bird of darkness hatched in the night, durst not
fly in the day, nor abide to come in my sight. Notwithstanding the
said night-fowl, after long time, by help of friends, was caught at
length, and brought unto me in his own likeness to behold. 'Which
causeth me yet to be uncertain what to think, whether my papists do
daily and jest with me, in setting out such famous libels without any
name. against me; or whether in truth and earnest they play the mad-
men so against me at Rome, or no. For first, neither do I see here the
style, (as it is called,) nor the process of the court of Rome
observed. And again, (which maketh me more to doubt,) herein be
brought and condemned such articles, which it is plain and manifest to
be most Christian: whereby it seemeth to me most like, that the said
monster was hatched by John Eckius, a man wholly compacted, and framed
altogether, of lies, dissimulations, errors, and heresies.

"The said suspicion this also partly confirmeth, for that I hear it so
bruited abroad, that the said Eckius is thought and said to be the
apostle of such a goodly bull. And not unlike, when none could be more
meet apostle for such an apostleship than he. And indeed I heard no
less long since, than that a bull was in working against me at Rome,
partly by the workmanship of Eckius; which, because (as the style and
composition thereof declareth) it displeased the good and learned men
there, was therefore deferred, and should have been suppressed.

"But, whatsoever the matter be, it seemeth to me not unlike,
wheresoever this apostle Eckius beareth rule, there to be the kingdom
of antichrist, and all kind of madness there to reign. In the mean
time I will so deal, that I will not seem to believe Pope Leo the
Tenth, with his learned cardinals, to be the authors of this furious
madness; which I do, not so much for the honour of the see of Rome, as
because I will not be puffed up too much with pride, and seem to
myself as one worthy to suffer such, so great, and so glorious things
for the verity of God. For if it were so indeed, that the bishop of
Rome did so furiously rage against me, who were then so happy before
God as Luther, to be condemned for so manifest a truth of such a proud 
prelate? wherein what were more to be wished for by me, than that I
should never be absolved, reconciled, nor have any part with that so
doltish and unlearned, wicked and furious antichrist? Happy were that
day, happy were that death, and to be received with all joy and
thankfulness to God, if it might be my hap at any time -- in such a
cause as this is, to be apprehended and to suffer death. But give the
honour of this cause unto others, and let this matter find its martyr
worthy for the same: I, for my sins, am not worthy to come to that
honour.

"Let other men, therefore, think of these Romanists what they list;
thus I think, that whosoever was the author of this bull, he is a very
antichrist; and against antichrist these things I write, to redeem the
verity of Christ, so much as in me lieth, which he laboured to
extinguish. And first, that he shall obtain no part of his will in any
thing against me, here I protest before God and our Lord Jesus Christ,
and his holy angels, and all the world, that I dissent with all my
heart from the condemnation of this bull, which bull I also do curse
and execrate, as an enemy, a church-robber, and blasphemy against
Christ the Son of God, cur Lord, Amen.

"Furthermore, I hold, defend, and embrace with the full trust of my
spirit, those articles in the said bull condemned and excommunicated;
and I affirm, that the same ought to be holden by all faithful
Christians, under pain of eternal malediction; and that they are to be
counted for antichrists, whosoever have consented to the said bull,
whom I also, together with the spirit of all them which purely know
the truth, do utterly detest, and shun them, according to the precept
of our Lord Jesu Christ, Amen. And let this stand for my revocation, O
thou bull, which art the very daughter of all vain bubbles.

"This my confession and protestation made, (for witness whereof I take
all them that shall read these presents,) before I proceed to defend
and declare these aforesaid articles, I will first begin with certain
arguments for the confutation of the said bull; whereof the first I
will take of the blind ignorance of this blockish antichrist. For the
apostle Peter so commandeth, that we should be ready to render a
reason of that faith and hope which is in us; and the apostle Paul
willeth a bishop to be mighty to exhort in sound doctrine, and to
refute the gainsayers. And these things be they, which, now three
years ago, I have desired and looked for out of Rome, or from them
that take part with Rome: which things, also, we do read to be
observed most diligently amongst the ancient fathers, whensoever they
condemned heresy: neither do we read that the apostles did ever decree
any thing in their councils, but they first alleged the Holy
Scripture. So I also, when I waited that they would answer me with
grapes, and inform me with true testimonies of the Scripture, behold
they bring to me sour and wild grapes, condemning me with nothing else
but bare words; whereas I have fortified my matter with plain
Scriptures.

"I say unto thee, O thou most unlearned antichrist, hast thou joined
such brain-sick rashness together with such barbarous ignorance, that
thou wilt presume to think all men to be turned into stocks and
blocks, and to think that thou, with thy bare and naked words only,
canst triumph against the invincible force and power of God's holy
word? hast thou learned this manner of condemning the magistralities
of Cologne and of Louvain?

"If this be the manner of the church to damn errors, only to say, 'I
like it not,' 'I deny it,' 'I will not,' what fool, what patch, what
ass, what block, cannot condemn after this manner? Is not thy whorish
face ashamed, in the public sight of the church to dare once to set
the trifling vanities of thy naked and bare words only against the
thunderbolts of God's eternal word? O impudent condemnation and right
seemly for antichrist! who hath not one jot or tittle to bring against
such evident Scriptures inferred against him, but only with one word
cometh and saith, 'I condemn thee.' And why then do we not believe the
Turk? why do we not admit the Jews? why do we not honour the heretics,
(who also condemn our writings as well as he,) if it be enough only to
condemn? unless we do not therefore peradventure give place unto them,
because they condemn us not utterly without some Scriptures and
reasons. But these men, after a new-found fashion, utterly, without
all Scriptures or reason, do condemn us. What then shall I think to be
the cause, why they proceeded against me with their bull condemnatory,
so vain, so ridiculous, so trifling, but only their mere blockishness,
whereby they, seeing my allegations to be true, and not able to abide,
nor yet to confute the same, thought to terrify me with their vain
rattling of their rotten parchment. But I tell thee, antichrist, that
Luther, being accustomed to war, will not be terrified with these vain
bulls, and hath learned to put a difference between a piece of paper
and the omnipotent word of God.

"Of the like ignorance proceedeth this also, that they, against their
own conscience, durst not particularly digest all and singular the
articles in their orders; for they feared lest they should note him
for a heretic, whom they were not able perhaps to convince either to
be erroneous or offensive, and therefore they have found out this
adverb respective: and after the numbering of the articles, then cone
they, and say that some be respectively heretical, some erroneous, and
some offensive; which is as much to say, that we suppose them to be
heretical, some erroneous, and some slanderous: but we cannot tell
which, what manner, and how great they are. O dastardly ignorance, how
slippery and cowardly art thou! how art thou afraid of the light! how
dost thou turn and return into all things, lest thou shouldst be
taken, like a Proteus! And yet, for all that, thou shalt not so
escape; yea, in thy wiliness thou shalt the rather be overtaken and
subverted.

"Come out therefore, O thou ass-headed antichrist! show forth thy
wisdom, and dispose thy matters in order. Tell us, if thou canst, what
sayest thou or meanest thou, when thou sayest this article is
heretical, this is erroneous, this is offensive. For it becometh such
a worshipful condemner to know what he condemneth; and too shameful it
is to condemn an article for heretical, and yet cannot name the same:
neither will I be answered here with 'respectively,' but I look to be
taught simply and plainly; for I am one of Ocham's faction, which
contemn these respectives, and love to have all things simple and
absolute.

"Thou seest therefore, good reader, the ignorant dotage of this
antichrist; how craftily, and yet grossly, he thinketh to walk in a
net under his adverb 'respectively,' who not only doth not teach the
truth, and the cause of his condemning, but neither also dare prove
any error, nor show forth what it is that he condemneth; and yet must
he needs condemn. Is not this, trow you, a proper kind of damning, to
damn, and cannot tell what he damneth? Is not this a fine manner of
elocution, passing all rhetoric, to speak, and yet not to know what he
speaketh? What purgations might we wish sufficient to purge the
doltish brains of these bull-bragging bedlamites? with such blindness
and doltishness are all these adversaries of God's truth worthy to be
plagued.

"But I know whereupon all this grief riseth. The origin thereof is
this: Eckius, mine old adversary, remembering how he was put to shame
enough at Leipsic, when he, rousing himself upon his stage, and
frothing at his mouth like a boar, with a furious voice called me
three hundred times 'heretic,' for the articles of Huss, and yet
afterwards was not able to prove the same, whereas the sentence
condemnatory of the council of Constance, alleged of me otherwise than
Eckius looked for, noted there no certain article for heretical; and
also the same condemnation, much like to this of ours, with the like
foolishness called some of Huss's articles heretical, some erroneous,
and some offensive; and Eckius, hearing this, being confounded in
himself for his impudent rashness, perceiving that he had called me
heretic falsely and untruly, he thought then to heal this wound again
at Rome, and there to establish his false and impudent lying. But the
lying sophister shall not prevail, by the help, I trust, of Christ;
for I ask and require you still, that they absolutely and not
respectively, distinctly and not confusedly, simply and not
dissemblingly, plainly and not obscurely, particularly and not in
general, do show what is, and what is not, heretical. But when will
they so do? When Christ and Belial, or when light and darkness, shall
agree together.

"And what shall I do then in the mean time? First, I will contemn
these dastardly dotipoles and unlearned papists and apostles of
antichrist. And I will scorn them as Elias did, and say, If Baal be
God, let him answer. Peradventure he is drunk, or busy in his journey:
cry out higher, for he is a god, and peradventure sleepeth. For what
other thing do these bull-bragging asses deserve else, which condemn
that they know not, and confess all their own ignorance?

"Secondly, I will not be troubled nor disquieted for the matter,
neither am I to be counted heretic, erroneous, or offensive, so long
as I shall not be proved and plainly convicted with simple and
manifest words in what article I am so judged. Neither do I here
charge my papists, these blockheads, that I will put them to their
proofs, but only that they will show me at least my error; that is,
that they will show me, if they know what it is that they themselves
do prattle of, or have any feeling of their own doings. For so long as
they assign me no heretical article, I am at free liberty to deny what
article soever they lay unto me to be heretical, and say it is
catholic.

"Again, what a rudeness is it in this wicked and doltish antichrist,
worthy to be laughed at, whereas these dromedaries do distinguish
heretical articles from those that be erroneous, and the erroneous
from offensive, and those again from slanderous? By the which subtile
distinction of those gross-headed dolts this we do gather, that that
article which is erroneous is not heretical; and if it be not
heretical, what doth it then appertain to these ecclesiastical
condemners, who ought to condemn those things only which be heretical?
For that which is not heretical, is catholic; as Christ himself saith,
He that is not against us is with us. Yea, I would wish that these
jolly sophisters would show me in all the church an article that is
erroneous and not heretical: for if it be erroneous, it differeth
nothing from heretical, but only in stiffness of defending. For all
things be equally either true or false, although affection, in some
one thing which is true or false, may be greater or less. Ye see
therefore again, how these men, for all their bragging bulls, are not
able to produce me one article which is erroneous and not heretical;
and yet, like wise brain-sick men, they will needs babble they know
not themselves what, condemning that which they find erroneous and not
heretical, which cannot stand either in matter or in words; so that
such as are the articles, such is the condemnation.

"The like wisdom also they show in affirming that to be scandalous,
which is neither heretical nor erroneous. That article I would fain
see either in my books, or in the words and works of any writer else
from the beginning of the world to the latter end. What made my
papists then to excogitate these so prodigious monsters, but only
their monstrous fury and madness? unless, peradventure, they mean
those articles to be as scandalous as commonly all true and catholic
articles are wont to be. For what is more scandalous than verity? Yea,
only truth and verity is scandalous to all proud and senseless
persons, as it is said of Christ: We preach, saith St. Paul, Christ
crucified; a stumbling-stone to the Jews, and to the Gentiles
foolishness; and, He is set to be the fall and rising up of many in
Israel. Wherefore, whereas my papists do distinguish scandalous
articles from heretical and erroneous, and forasmuch as that which is
not heretical or erroneous must needs he catholic and true; it
followeth thereof; that these scandalous articles be understood and
condemned by them for such as be very catholic and sound. O worthy
condemnations, and meet for the papists!

"Mark here, good reader, the impiety of these blind buzzards; whither
they roll themselves; how they deride and mock themselves; how easily
they are taken in their own words; how fond and foolish they are in
their studies, not only in not proving any error or slander in these
articles, but also in going about only to express them; how they cast
out things impossible, and most foolishly repugnant to themselves.
Where is then, thou most presumptuous and shameless bull, thy doltish
respective now become? whither respectedst thou? Verily into the
bottomless pit of impiety, and thine own brutish stolidity.

"The like, also, is to be said touching the articles offensive, which
must be neither slanderous, nor erroneous, nor heretical, seeing they
are made distinct by such great rabbins. Who will not now marvel at
the deep and profound wisdom of these papists, who could find out that
to be offensive in the church, which is neither false, nor heretical,
nor slanderous, but true, sound, catholic, and edifying, and yet must
that also be condemned? And who would not now desire and covet to be
condemned, also, by such hair-brained idiots, who, by their own
condemning, do utter themselves to approve things damnable, and to
condemn things justifiable; that is, who openly show themselves, to
their own great ignominy and shame, to be more senseless than stocks,
rocks, or blocks? Go ye now, therefore, O ye impious and brainless
papists, and if ye will needs write, show yourselves more sober: for
this bull, it appeared, was either spewed out in your night feasts,
among drabs and harlots, or else huddled up in the canicular days, or
mad midsummer moon: for never were there any dizards that would show
themselves so mad.

"Let us now return this dirt of antichrist, and cast it in his own
teeth, and of his own words let us judge him and condemn him, that
hereafter he may learn to take better heed, and to be better advised
in his lying. For, as the proverb saith, A liar had need to have a
good memory. If some articles be offensive, and others heretical, and
thou condemnest him which is no heretic, and consequently a true
catholic, although he be six hundred times offensive, doth not thy
shameless mouth then condemn thyself, not only of heresy, but of
extreme impiety, blasphemy, and treason against God's holy truth,
showing thyself to be the man indeed who is the adversary, and is
extolled above all that is called God, or is worshipped? Art not thou,
then, the man of sin, the son of perdition, that denieth God his
Redeemer, and taketh away the love of truth, to establish the setting
forth of his error, for men to believe iniquity; as Paul foretold? for
if the article be not heretical, it cannot be offensive or slanderous,
but only to such heretics as antichrist is, and satanists of all
piety. See therefore how his shameless and most foolish bull, while it
condemneth in me one thing to be heretical, and another offensive,
doth manifestly declare the authors thereof to be true heretics, and
the enemies of God indeed. So that now it may appear that there is no
knowledge nor counsel against the Lord, seeing blind impiety is thus
caught in the words of his own mouth: so truly it is said, that he
that casteth up a stone on high, it falleth down again upon his own
pate.

"And (which is chiefest of all) by this their wicked contradiction it
cometh to pass, that the cogitations of their own hearts be revealed,
and that they themselves chiefly do utter and disclose their own
wickedness which they covet most to conceal, that all men may see how
ready they are to condemn all verity even at once. For when they
affirm such articles to be heretical, which neither they can, nor
know, nor yet dare show or name to be heretical, what have we thereby
to understand, but that they are adversaries of Christ from the bottom
of their hearts, and ready to impugn all truth? And yet,
notwithstanding, with their damnable hypocrisy, they pretend
themselves to be condemners of heresies! Learn, learn, ye beetle-
headed asses with your blustering bulls, learn, I say, what it is,
Christ to be a sign of contradiction, and a stone of offence. How soon
and easily are all your inward impiety and your ignominy disclosed
with the same covert of words, wherewith in vain you went about to
cloak the same! Thus then have we here proved by this first and
manifest argument, that the aforesaid bull proceedeth from none other
than very antichrist himself, the chiefest adversary of God and of all
godliness. And now let either Eckius, or the pope, acknowledge if he
dare, and then consider what opinion we ought to have of him, or what
name to give him; in whom all cursed names, as in one heap, do concur
together and agree, as impiety, blasphemy, ignorance, foolishness,
hypocrisy, lying, yea, briefly, Satan himself with his antichrist.

"Neither doth this impiety any thing less appear in that also which I
will now say. For this worshipful bull decreeth in plain and most
impudent words, that those books also of mine ought to be burned, in
which are no errors contained, to the end that the memory of me may be
utterly rooted out.

"Canst thou, O Christian reader, now doubt that the great dragon of
hell himself speaketh in this bull? It is an old proverb, 'that the
ass singeth therefore evil-favouredly, because he taketh his note too
high.' So this bull, in like manner, should have piped more tuneably,
if he had not set out his blasphemous throat so open against heaven,
so impudently and devilishly condemning also the manifest and evident
truth. For hitherto Satan, whensoever he oppressed the truth, did it
under the colour of truth. But this man of sin, the adversary that is
extolled above God, without all colour, not privily, but apertly, and
that in the open church of God, without all shame taketh upon him to
condemn, and commandeth to be burned, the sincere verity of Christ,
known and allowed both of him and of all others. What more could be
done amongst the Turks? What place is this worthy of, I pray thee, but
the deep dungeon of hell? And are ye not afraid, ye antichrists! with
your brutish bulls, lest stories and trees should sweat with blood, at
the most horrible sight of this your execrable impiety and blasphemy?

"Where art thou now, good Emperor Charles? Where are ye, Christian
kings and princes? Ye have given your names to Christ in baptism, and
can ye now abide these infernal voices of such an antichrist? Where be
ye bishops? where be ye doctors? where be all ye that confess Christ?
Can ye hold your peace at these horrible and prodigious monsters of
the papists? O miserable church of God! which art made now so great a
scorn, and a very mocking-stock of Satan! O miserable are all they
which live in these times! The wrath of God is finally come upon the
papists, enemies to the cross of Christ and verity of God, resisting
all men, and forbidding the truth of Christ to be taught and preached;
as St. Paul said of the Jews. Admit, I pray you, that I were such a
one indeed, as that cursed and malicious bull doth make me to be, a
heretic, erroneous, schismatical, offensive, scandalous, in certain of
my books; yet why should the other books of mine be condemned that are
catholic, Christian, true, edifying, and peaceable? Where have these
wretched papists learned this religion, that, for the person's cause
being evil, they should damn and burn the holy and sound verity of
God? Can ye not destroy men, but you must also destroy the truth? Will
ye pluck up the good wheat also with the cockle? Will ye also scatter
the corn away together with the chaff? And why then receive ye Origen
in his catholic books, and do not utterly reject him altogether? Yea,
why suffer ye wicked Aristotle, (in whom is nothing taught but
errors,) and do not at least in some part condemn him? Why burn ye not
and set on fire the wicked, barbarous, unlearned, and heretical
decretals of the pope? Why do ye not all this, I say? but only for
that ye are set in tins holy place for no other cause, but only to be
the abomination spoken of in Daniel, which should put down truth and
set up lies, and the operation of error: for this thing, and no other,
becometh the seat of antichrist.

"Wherefore this I say to thee, Pope Leo the Tenth, and to you, lords
cardinals, and all others whosoever, in any part or doing in that
court of Rome, and this I speak boldly unto your faces, if this bull
hath come out in your name, and by your knowledge, and if ye will so
acknowledge it for your own, then will I likewise use my power, by the
which I am made in my baptism the son of God, and coheir with Christ,
being founded upon a sure rock, which neither feareth the gates of
hell, nor heaven, nor earth -- and say, admonish, and exhort you in
the Lord, that you will reform yourselves, and take a better way, and
refrain hereafter from those diabolical blasphemies, and too much
exceeding presumptuous impieties. And this I allege, that unless ye so
do, know for certain that I, with all them that worship Christ, do
account your seat, possessed and oppressed of Satan himself, to be the
damned seat of antichrist, which we not only do not obey, and will not
be subject nor concorporate unto, but also do detest and abhor the
same, as the principal and chiefest enemy of Christ; being ready, in
this our sentence and profession, not only to suffer gladly your fond
foolish censures, but also do pray you heartily, that you will never
assoil us again, nor ever number us in your fellowship: and moreover,
to fulfil your bloody tyranny, we do willingly offer ourselves to die
for the same. And, according to the power and might that the Spirit of
Christ and the efficacy of our faith can do in these our writings, if
ye shall still so persist in your fury, we condemn you; and, together
with this bull, and all the decretals, we give you to Satan, to the
destruction of the flesh, that your spirit in the day of the Lord may
be delivered, in the name which you persecute, of Jesus Christ our
Lord. Amen!

"For our Lord Jesus Christ yet liveth and reigneth, (in whom I do
nothing doubt,) who, I firmly trust, will shortly come and slay with
the spirit of his mouth, and destroy with the brightness of his
coming, this man of sin, and son of perdition; forasmuch as I cannot
deny, if the pope be the author and doer of these misshapen and
monstrous doings, but he is the true, final, most wicked, and famous
antichrist, that subverteth the whole world by the operation of his
delusions; as we see it in all places fulfilled and accomplished.

"But whither doth the burning zeal of charity carry me? neither am I
as yet fully persuaded this to be the pope's bull, but to proceed from
his wicked apostle Eckius, who, with his fathers, furiously gaping at
me like a gulf, would swallow me clean up, singing with the wicked
thus, Let us swallow him up quick and whole like hell, and like one
descending down into the pit. For little careth this furious mad-brain
how the verity of God be extinguished, (yea, he would count that for a
lucre,) so he might fill his malicious desire with the blood of his
brother. Oh miserable state of the church at this time, worthy to be
bewailed with tears of blood! But who heareth our groanings? or who
comforteth our weepings? The fury of the Lord seemeth to be inexorable
against us.

"Over and besides, what a ridiculous toy or pretty figment have they
invented, whereby belike to sport themselves with some merry matter
amongst their earnest business, writing, that besides other great
friendship which they have showed unto me, they have also offered to
support me with money, and to bear my charges with their liberality,
in my journey to Rome. Will ye see what a charity is newly come upon
the city of Rome, which, after it hath pilled and polled the whole
world of their money, and hath consumed and wasted the same by
intolerable tyranny, now cometh, and to me only offereth money? But
this impudent lie, I know with whose hammer it was coined: Cajetan the
cardinal, a man born and formed to lie for the whetstone, after his
worshipful legation despatched in Germany, coming home to Rome, there
forged and feigned that he promised me money; whereas he, being at
Augsburg, was there in such miserable penury, and so pinching in his
house, that it was thought he would have famished his family. But thus
it becometh the bull to be a thing of nought, void of all truth and
wit.

"And so these great judges and condemners, after all this, have yet
authority to command us to believe them to say truth, when they do
nothing but lie; and that they are good catholics, when they be stark
heretics; and that they are true Christians, when they play the very
antichrist: and all by the virtue of this universal Whatsoever thing
thou bindest, &c., so that where nothing is excepted, they think they
may do all things. Who not only do lie most loudly and manifestly, but
also (which passeth all impudency) do vaunt and commend their
liberality before the people, to bring me more in hatred, making men
falsely to believe that they offered friendship and money unto me:
whereas these tyrants of Rome, if they had had any truth, goodness, or
godliness in them, should have taken some better heed in their doing
and speaking, so that no adversary might conceive any suspicion of
evil against them. But now, if there were no other matter else to
bring this bull out of credit, only this gross and foolish lie were
sufficient to declare, how light, vain, and false this bull is. What!
would Rome, think ye, offer money to me? And how then cometh this,
which I know to be most certain, that out of the bank (as they call
it) two or three hundred crowns were assigned in Germany to be
disposed and given to ruffians and catchpoles, to murder Luther? For
these be the reasons and arguments whereby now fighteth, reigneth, and
triumpheth the holy apostolic see, the mistress of faith, and mother
of all churches, which long since should have been proved to be the
very seat of antichrist, and manifold ways heretical, if she had
fought with the sword of the Spirit, which is the word of God; whereof
she herself is nothing ignorant. And therefore, because she would not
he brought to that issue, thus she fareth, and taketh on like as she
were mad, in the church of Christ; confounding and consuming all
things, with wars, murders, bloodshed, death, and destruction; and
yet, for all this, they must needs be counted most holy fathers in
God, vicars of Christ, and pastors of his flock!

"But go to (that I may also dally with them a while); let them yet
send me the money they spake of -- for as touching their promise and
safe-conduct, (because I will not overcharge them,) that I gladly
resign to them again, seeing I have no great need thereof, so that the
money may come to my hands. But here I must require so much as may
suffice me, to wit, that I may be furnished with fifty thousand
footmen, and ten thousand horsemen, to conduct me safe to Rome; and
so, for any other promise of safe-conduct I will not trouble them. And
this I require because of the danger that is in Rome, that devoureth
up her inhabitants; neither keepeth, nor ever did keep, promise with
any; where these most holy fathers do slay their beloved children in
the charity of God, and brethren destroy their brethren, to do service
to Christ, as their manner is, and the style of Rome. In the mean
time, I will keep myself free and safe from the citation of the most
reverend bull. O ye miserable varlets! which are so confounded with
the truth, and with your own conscience, that neither ye can lie
handsomely, neither dare ye speak the truth; and yet neither can ye so
keep yourselves quiet: to your perpetual ignominy and confusion.

"Furthermore, here in this bull is brought in a strange fashion of
style not heard of before. For whereas Augustine hath said, that he
would not believe the gospel except he had been moved by the authority
of the church, now cometh in this goodly bull, and maketh this
catholic church to be a few reverend cardinals his brethren, and
priors of regular orders, masters of divinity, and doctors of the law,
out of whose counsel the said bull boasteth herself to be born and
brought forth; blessed babe, forsooth, of such a universal church! O
happy travail, no doubt, of this catholic church, never seen nor heard
of before, and such as Augustine, the valiant impugner of sects, if he
did see it, would not doubt to call it the synagogue of the devil!
See, therefore, the madness of these papists: The universal church is
a few cardinals, priors, and doctors, scarcely perhaps twenty persons
in all; when, also, it is possible enough, that never a one of them
all is the member of one chapel or altar. And whereas the church is
the communion of saints, as we say in the Creed, out of this communion
of saints, that is, out of this universal church, all they then must
needs be excluded, whosoever be not in the number of these twenty
persons: and so, whatsoever these holy men do think or judge, by and
by the universal church must needs hold and believe the same, albeit
they be liars, heretics, and antichrists, thinking and judging nothing
but that which is abominable.

"Would there ever any man think such doltishness and madness to be in
Rome! Are there any brains in these men's heads, think ye, or hearts
in their bodies? Augustine speaketh of the church dispersed through
the whole world, confessing the gospel with one consent; neither would
God, that any book else should be received with such consent of the
whole world as the Holy Scripture, (as the said Augustine, in his
Confessions, affirmeth,) lest, by the receiving of other books,
schisms may take occasion to rise; according as the wicked see of Rome
hath long sought by her decrees, and hath, for a great part, brought
the same to pass already. But yet the universal church did never agree
thereto; for in the east, west, and south there have been Christians,
who, being content only with the gospel, have not regarded how Rome
hath gone about of a particular church to make herself a universal
church, and accuseth other churches as schismatical; whereas she hath
cut off herself from the universal church, and striveth in vain to
draw the whole universal church to her, being the mother and fountain
of all schisms, and all by the means of this tyranny.

"Let no man, therefore, ever think that this true catholic church
aforesaid will believe or maintain those things which this detestable
bull here prattleth, when neither that which is the very true Church
of Rome indeed doth herself so think, nor taketh that by and by to be
catholic, whatsoever is known to proceed from the Church of Rome: for,
as I said, there is no book which shall be called catholic hereafter,
as neither it hath been heretofore, besides only the Holy Scripture.
For the Church of Rome, it may suffice to glory herself to be a little
parcel or piece of the universal church; and so let her vex herself
only with her own decrees. Neither let any man think this to be the
bull of the catholic church, but rather to proceed out of the court of
Rome. For such wisdom and religion may well beseem that seat of Satan,
which seeketh to be counted for the whole universal church, and
obtrudeth her foolish and wicked bulls most arrogantly and vainly on
the whole world, instead of sincere catholic doctrine. Whose pride and
presumption hath grown so far, that she, trusting upon her own power,
without all learning and holiness of life, taketh upon her to
prescribe laws to all men, of all their doings and sayings; as though,
for dominion only and loftiness of spirit, she were to be counted the
house and church of Christ: whereas, by this means, Satan also, (the
prince of the world,) or the Turk, might be counted the church of
Christ. Again, neither can the monarchies of the Gentiles abide mighty
princes to reign over them without wisdom and goodness. Furthermore,
in the church the spiritual man only judgeth all things, and is judged
of no man; and not the pope alone, or the court of Rome, unless they
be spiritual.

"But against all this their rash presumption I boldly set the
invincible champion of the church, St. Paul, who saith, If any thing
be revealed to another that sitteth by, let the first man hold his
peace. Here have ye plainly, that the pope, or any other elder,
whatsoever he be, ought to keep silence, if any thing be revealed to
another that is inferior in the church. I, therefore, upon his
authority, contemning the presumptuous proceeding of this swelling
bull, do confidently take upon me to defend the articles, caring
nothing for the bare condemnation of any person, yea, of the pope
himself, with his whole church, unless he shall inform me by the
Scriptures. Whereof the first article is this:

"I. 'It is an heretical sentence, and also common, to say, that
sacraments of the new law do give grace to them that have no obstacle
in themselves to the contrary.'

"Answer.-- I acknowledge this article to be mine, and I ask of you,
good masters respectivists, which make these articles respectively,
some to be heretical, some erroneous, some slanderous, &c., whither
respected this article, I pray you? to heresy, to error, to slander
and offence? Or else whither respected you in condemning the same? To
the Holy Scripture? to the holy fathers? to faith? to the church? To
which of these, I beseech you, tell me? Neither do I here put you to
the labour of proving, but only require you to show your judgment,
what you think, that I may know wherein I say amiss. Will you that I
should tell you, you babish infants and noddies, whither this article
respecteth? I will. This article hath two respects; whereof the one
respecteth the papists, the condemners hereof, amongst whom it
respecteth some to be mules, some to be horses, which have no
understanding, and to be void of all sense; and yet, notwithstanding,
they will needs condemn all things. Another respect it hath to the
Holy Scripture, which saith, Whatsoever is not of faith, is sin.
Whereupon consequently it followeth, that the sacraments of the new
law can give no grace to the unbelievers, (forasmuch as the sin of
infidelity is the greatest obstacle,) but only to the believers: for
only faith putteth no obstacle. All other things be obstacles,
although they put not the same obstacles which the sophisters
understand, meaning only of the actual purpose of external sin. I
confess therefore this article not only to be mine, but also to be the
article of the catholic and Christian verity; and the bull which
condemneth the same, to be twice heretical, impious and blasphemous,
with all them which follow the same, who, little regarding the sin of
incredulity, foolishly and madly do hold, that the obstacle is taken
away, if a man cease from sinning, although the unbeliever can think
no good thing. But these things I have discussed more at large in my
books, and will more discuss, if those prating Romanists dare at any
time prove their opinion, and confute mine.

"II. 'To deny that sin remaineth in a child after his baptism, is as
much as to tread down Christ and Paul together under foot.'

"Answer.-- I would also require of them to show the cause why this
article is condemned, if they were not so blinded in their fantastical
respects that they are not able to perceive why they would have this
article condemned: and yet I cannot tell whether it be heretical or
erroneous; and no marvel when the condemners themselves cannot tell
me. I hold, therefore, this article by the apostle, I myself in my
mind do serve the law of God, and in my flesh the law of sin. Here the
apostle confesseth plainly of himself, that in his flesh he serveth
sin. And also, Christ is made to us of God our righteousness, our
wisdom, sanctification, and redemption. And how then doth he sanctify
them that be sanctified already, unless it be as the Apocalypse saith,
He that is holy let him be holy still. To be sanctified, is as much as
to be purged from sin: but what have these our respectivists to do
with the apostle Paul, seeing they are the whole universal church, by
whose authority Paul either standeth or falleth, being but a member
only, and a part of the church? The Lord rebuke thee, Satan, and these
thy Satanical papists!

"III. 'The original root of sin, although no actual sin do follow,
stoppeth the soul departing out of the body from entrance into
heaven.'

"Answer.-- As touching this matter, I never defined any thing
hitherto, but largely and probably I have disputed hereof; neither yet
to this day am I fully certain what is done with such a soul. But our
papists, more blind than buzzards, when they are nothing able to
perceive what cause this article hath worthy to be condemned, yet dare
they take upon them to pronounce that, which the whole universal
church is ignorant of: I yet, notwithstanding, contemning this foolish
and fond condemnation aforesaid, do hold this article probably to be
true. For, seeing this original root, which I spake of, is truly sin,
as I have proved, and seeing that sin letteth a man from entering into
heaven; as it is written, No polluted thing shall enter; I suppose,
therefore, that original sin withholdeth a man from entering into
heaven: neither do I any thing at all esteem the fantastical dreams of
them, whereby they, extenuating original sin, do call it openly the
pain of sin, and imperfections; plain against the manifest Scriptures,
which call it sin, and teach the same to be cured by grace, which is
the medicine of true, and not of feigned, sin.

"IV. 'The imperfect charity of a man departing, necessarily carrieth
with it great fear, which of itself is enough to make the pain of
purgatory, and letteth the entrance into the kingdom of heaven.'

"Answer.-- This followeth of the other going before, which, in like
manner, I did not determinately affirm, although very probably I do
yet hold the same, asking, before, a dispensation after mine own
arbitrement, even in defiance of the bull, which is not able to bring
forth any other probation but this: 'We are the highest powers in the
church, yea, we are the church itself: ergo, we are the best learned,
most holiest, full of the Holy Ghost, which cannot err, although we
stink like a filthy puddle to the whole world, polluted with all kinds
of sins, and drowned in ignorance.' But all these reasons prevail
nothing with me: peradventure they may with them which fear lest, if
my sentence should prevail, then purgatory should be taken out of the
pope's hands; and then priests and religious men, having lost their
gainful offices of vexing (of releasing, I would have said) the dead,
should he pinched by the bellies and brought to penury. It was time,
therefore, for their greedy avarice here to awake and look about, and
not to suffer their frivolous opinions, but yet very gainful, to be
overcome with truth, and so to be overthrown.

"V. 'Whereas they say penance standeth of three parts, to wit
contrition, confession, and satisfaction, it is not founded in Holy
Scripture, nor in ancient, holy, and Christian doctors.'

"Answer.-- This article, in what respect it is condemned, I do right
well perceive; for the respect thereof is to greedy covetousness, and
therefore I know that the probation thereof hath the like respect,
which is this: If this article were true, then men would give nothing
for satisfaction and indulgences, neither should we have any more
wherewith to vex them with confessions, cases reserved, restricted, or
ampliated for our gain: and so should we become beggars, and God's
service should be minished in vigils and masses: but it is wicked that
God's service should be minished; therefore, Luther is a heretic. This
consequence holds from the bull to the papists, and contrariwise.

"I beseech thee, by the Lord Jesus, whatsoever grave and learned
reader shall read these things, that thou wilt pardon this my levity,
and, as it may seem, my childishness. For thou seest how I have to do
with such men as be twice children, and yet do brag themselves to be
peers and principal pillars of all men. I assure you, I know it most
certainly to be true, that there be many and great governors of the
people, which this so ridiculous and foolish reason above recited hath
moved to the condemnation of my books. Unless I perceived (with tears
I speak it) the anger of God sharp and fierce against us, in bringing
us under subjection of such effeminate children, and such dregs of the
earth, and vile refuse of all other people of the whole world, it
would make me to burst for very grief and sorrow.

"My sentence is, and hath been, this: That the satisfaction, which the
keys are able to dispense withal, standeth not by the law of God: for,
if it did, then could it not be dispensed withal by the keys. If these
bull-founders do charge me with any other thing besides in this
article, they do nothing else but as they are wont to do: for what
matter or marvel is it, if antichrist do lie?

"VI. Contrition which is gotten by examining, remembering, and
detesting our sins, whereby a man calleth to mind his years past in
the bitterness of his soul, in pondering the greatness, the multitude,
and filthiness of his sins, the losing of eternal bliss, and the
purchasing of eternal damnation: this contrition maketh a hypocrite,
yea, rather a man to be more a sinner.'

"Answer.-- O the incredible blindness and brutishness of these Romish
bulls! This article is truly mine, and very Christian; which I will
not suffer to be wrested from me, for all the popes and papists in the
world. For this I meant by that doctrine, that repentance is of no
force, unless it be done in faith and charity; which thing they also
would teach themselves, but that they do neither know nor teach,
either what faith or charity is. And therefore, in condemning my
doctrine, they condemn also their own, foolishly repugning against
themselves in their own contradiction. I say, therefore, that he that
teacheth repentance in such wise and manner that he hath not a greater
regard to the promised mercy of God and faith in the same, than to
this afflicting and vexing of the mind, he teacheth the repentance of
Judas Iscariot; he is pestilent, a devil to men's souls, and tormentor
of consciences. Read the books of these sophisters, where they write
of repentance, and thou shalt see there no mention made either of
promise or faith: for these lively parts of repentance they clean
omit, and only do vex men with these dead contritions. But hereof we
will hereafter treat more at large.

"But what should I here stand upon every article, seeing my books be
abroad, wherein I have given a reason of all sufficiently, and more
would have done, if mine adversaries also had brought to light theirs?
For what foolishness is this, that they think to answer me with this
one saying, That they count all my sayings as damned? whereas I did
write to this end only, that they should acknowledge their errors
wherewith they have so long bewitched the people of God. Neither did I
look that I should be condemned, who, understanding and knowing the
same right well, have justified those things, which they have
condemned before, with sufficient authority both of Scripture and
reason: neither looked I that they should tell me what they thought
(for I knew all that well enough); but that which I sought of them,
was, to know whether they thought right therein or not. Here looked I
to be taught; and, behold, none of them all durst once put forth his
head. Wherefore I see these asses nothing to understand either the
things that I say, or yet themselves; but they be such blind buzzards,
that they perceive not what it is that I seek in my books: for they
dream that I have such an opinion of them, as though they had the
truth of their side, when there is nothing that I less think to be
true. For I, foreseeing that they had condemned all these things
before, came forth, and showed myself as one not to be condemned, but
as already condemned by them, to accuse their condemnation to be
wicked, heretical, and blasphemous; and so openly to denounce them as
heretics and erroneous, unless they showed some better reason and
ground of their doings and doctrine; whereas they, on the other side,
like foolish minstrels harping all on one string, have nothing else in
their mouths, but we condemn that we have condemned proving, after a
new kind of logic, the same thing by itself. O most idiot huddipeaks,
and blockish condemners! Where is the saying of Peter, Be always ready
to render an account of that faith and hope which is in you?

"Wherefore, seeing these ignorant papists, being thus confounded, do
so flee away from the face of the manifest verity, that they dare not
once open their mouths in defence of themselves or of their cause, and
have blasted out with much ado this timorous bull of theirs; I, being
comforted with the flight of these mine adversaries, do account this
their dastardly damnation, instead of a full justification of my
cause; and so rebound again their own damnation upon their own heads.
For how could they more condemn themselves, than while they (fearing
to be found themselves culpable of heresy, if they should be driven to
give account of their doctrine) do flee to this miserable and
desperate refuge, willingly to shut their eyes, and stop their ears,
and to say 'I will not, I damn thee; I hear thee not, I allow thee
not?' If I should have played any such mad part, how would they (I
pray you) have triumphed against me? This dastardly fear declareth
what cowards they are.

"Wherefore, not to burden the reader with any tedious prolixity of
matter in prosecuting every article, I here protest in these presents,
that I confess all these things here condemned by this miserable bull,
for pure, clear, and catholic doctrine, whereof I have sufficiently
given account in my books which be extant abroad.

"Furthermore, I will also that the said my books, being extant abroad,
shall be taken as a public accusation against these wicked sophisters
and seducers of the people of God; so that unless they shall give an
account of their doctrine, and shall convict me with good ground of
Scripture, I do here, as much as in me lieth, denounce them as guilty
of errors, heresy, and sacrilege; admonishing, desiring, and in the
Lord exhorting, all them that truly confess Christ, that they will
beware and take heed of their pestiferous doctrine; and not to doubt,
but that the true antichrist reigneth by them in the world amongst us.

"And if any shall contemn this my brotherly admonition, let him know
that I am pure and clean from his blood, and excused from the last
judgment of Christ: for I have left nothing undone, which Christian
charity did bind me to do.

"Finally, if there be no other way whereby I may resist these babbling
and trifling condemners, the uttermost and last which I have I will
give and bestow in the quarrel; that is, this life and blood of mine.
For better it were for me a thousand times to be slain, than to revoke
one syllable of these articles, which they have condemned. And now, as
they do curse and excommunicate me for their damnable heresy, so I
again likewise do curse and excommunicate them for the holy verity of
God. Christ, who is the Judge of all, judge and determine this matter
between us, whether of these two excommunications, his or mine, shall
stand and prevail before him! Amen."

[Note: The following remarks of Thomas Carlyle on the character of
Luther are extremely apposite:

"It is curious to reflect what might have been the issue, had Roman
popery happened to pass this Luther by; to go on in its great wasteful
orbit, and not come athwart his little path, and force him to assault
it! Conceivable enough, that in this case he might have held his peace
about the abuses of Rome; left providence and God on high to deal with
them! A modest, quiet man; not prompt he to attack irreverently
persons in authority. His clear task, as I say, was to do his own
duty; to walk wisely in this world of confused wickedness, and save
his soul alive. But the Roman high priesthood did come athwart him;
afar off at Wittenberg he, Luther, could not get live in honesty for
it; he remonstrated, resisted, came to extremity, was struck at, and
struck again, and so it came to wager of battle between them! This is
worth attending to in Luther's history. Perhaps no man of so humble,
peaceable a disposition, ever filled the world with contention. We
cannot but see that he would have loved privacy, quiet diligence in
the shade; that it was against his will he ever became a notoriety.
Notoriety, what would that do for him? The goal of his march through
this world was the Infinite Heaven; an indubitable goal for him. In a
few years he should either have attained that, or lost it for ever! We
will say nothing at all, I think, of that sorrowfulest of theories, of
its being some mean shopkeeper grudge, of the Augustine monk against
the Dominican, that first kindled the wrath of Luther, and produced
the Protestant Reformation. We will say to the people who maintain it,
if indeed any such exist now, Get first into the sphere of thought by
which it is so much as possible to judge of Luther, or of any man like
Luther, otherwise than distractedly; we may then begin arguing with
you.

"The monk Tetzel, sent out carelessly in the way of trade, by Leo the
Tenth,-- who merely wanted to raise a little money, and for the rest
seems to have been a pagan rather than a Christian, so far as he was
any thing -- arrived at Wittenberg and drove his scandalous trade
there. Luther's flock bought indulgences; in the confessional of his
church, people pleaded to him that they had already got their sins
pardoned. Luther, if he would not be found wanting at his own post, a
false sluggard and coward at the very centre of the little space of
ground that was his own and no other man's, had to step forth against
indulgences, and declare aloud that they were a futility and sorrowful
mockery, that no man's sins could be pardoned by them. It was the
beginning of the whole Reformation. We know how it went forward from
this public challenge of Tetzel, on the last day of October, 1517,
through remonstrance, and argument;-- spreading ever wider, rising
ever higher; till it became unquenchable, and enveloped all the world.
Luther's heart's desire was to have this grief and other griefs
amended; his thought was still far from introducing separation in the
church, or revolting against the pope, father of Christendom. The
elegant pagan pope cared little about this monk and his doctrines;
wished, however, to have done with the noise of him. In the space of
some three years, having tried various softer measures, he thought
good to end it by fire. He dooms the monk's writings to be burnt by
the hangman, and his body to be sent bound to Rome -- probably for a
similar purpose. It was the way they had ended with Huss, with Jerome,
the century before. A short argument, fire. Poor Huss: he came to that
Constance council, with all imaginable promises and safe-conducts; an
earnest, not rebellious, kind of man: 'three feet wide, six feet high,
seven feet long;' burnt the true voice out of this world; choked it in
smoke and fire. That was not well done!

"I, for one, pardon Luther for now altogether revolting against the
pope. The elegant pagan, by this fire-decree of his, had kindled into
noble, just wrath the bravest heart then living in this world. The
bravest, if also one of the humblest, peaceablest, it was now kindled.
'These words of mine, words of truth and soberness, aiming faithtully,
as human inability would allow, to promote God's truth on earth, and
save men's souls, you, God's vicegerent on earth, answer them by the
hangman and fire! Yon will burn me and them, for answer to the God's
message they strove to bring you! You are not God's vicegerent; you
are another's, I think! I take your bull as an emparchmented lie, and
burn it. You will do what you see good next: this is what I do.'-- It
was on the tenth of December, 1520, three years after the beginning of
the business, that Luther with a great concourse of people took this
indignant step of burning the pope's fire-decree in the market place
of Wittenberg. Wittenberg looked on 'with shoutings.' The whole world
was looking on. The pope should not have provoked that 'shout!' It was
the shout of the awakening of nations. The quiet German heart, modest,
patient of much, had at length got more than it could bear. Formulism,
pagan popism, and other falsehood and corrupt semblance, had ruled
long enough; and here once more was a man who durst tell all men, that
God's world stood not on semblances but on realities; that life was a
truth and not a lie!"
-- Carlyle's Hero Worship, p. 212-216.]

In storying the life of Luther, it was declared before, how the said
Luther in the beginning, being rejected first by the Cardinal Cajetan,
appealed from the cardinal unto the pope. When that would not serve,
neither could any tolerable submission of Luther to the pope be
received, but that the pope with his cardinals, contrary to all equity
and conscience, would needs proceed against him, and against the
express truth of God's word, thinking by mere authority to bear down
the verity as be had used before to do: Luther, following the justness
of his cause, was then compelled to appeal from the pope to the next
general council, and so did, as before you may read; which was two
years before the pope's bull against Luther came out. The tenor of
this appellation, before omitted, I thought here to exhibit; whereby
the reader, considering the great change of religion and state of the
church which since hath ensued, may also perceive the true original
cause and occasion how it first began; by what order and degrees it
after increased; what humility and submission, first on Luther's part
were showed; and, again, what insolency, wrong, and violence, of the
pope's part, were declared. And further, whereas Pope Leo, in his bull
above prefixed, seemeth to pretend certain conditions of favour,
charity, and money offered to Luther in the beginning, how false and
vain that is, by this present appeal may appear.

The tenor and form of the appeal of Martin Luther from Pope Leo to the
next general council.

"That forasmuch as the liberty of appealing is provided for a remedy
to relieve the oppressed from injury and violence of the superior, it
was therefore lawful for Martin Luther so to do; especially being
manifold ways injured and molested by the see of Rome, and other the
pope's confederates, as he, in the said appeal, declareth. For at
first, whereas he, modestly disputing of the errors and abuses of the
pope's pardons, did somewhat withstand the impudent raving and
blasphemies of them that came about with the pope's pardons, to poll
and rob the people, he was therefore openly railed upon and defamed by
them in their public sermons to be a heretic, and, consequently upon
the same, accused to Pope Leo for a heretic, by Marius the pope's
proctor and others.

"Then was obtained of the pope a commission to cite up the said Luther
to appear at Rome before the cardinals, by Hieronymus, and Sylvester
Prieras, his mortal enemies, whereas he could by no way appear without
manifest danger of his life, both by the way, and also in the city of
Rome.

"For the consideration whereof,Duke John Frederic, prince elector, and
the landgrave, entreated for him to have his cause indifferently to be
heard, and to be committed to two parties that were equal, and not
partial: yet, notwithstanding the earnest suit of these princes, the
contrary labour of the cardinals, which were his capital adversaries,
so prevailed at Rome, that the cause of Luther was still detained in
their own hands; and, contrary to all indifferency, was committed to
the hearing of the pope's legate then in Germany, called Cardinalis
Sancti Sixti; who, being no less enemy against Luther than the others,
and notwithstanding that Luther obediently appeared at his call, and
with humble protestation submitted himself to be answered by the
Scriptures; and referred himself to the judgment of the see of Rome,
and of four universities, to wit, Basil, Friburg, Louvain, and Paris;
yet, contrary to all equity, showing forth no Scripture nor reason,
rejecting his gentle protestation, submission, and honest offer, with
all other his requests and suits, he would needs forthwith have him to
revoke his errors, threatening and menacing him most cruelly, and
commanded him no more to come in his sight.

"Whereupon Luther, being thus proudly rejected of the cardinal, made
his appeal from the said cardinal to Pope Leo, being better informed.

"This appellation also being contemned of the pope, who would neither
come to any agreement, nor take any reasonable condition, nor show
Luther his errors by the Scripture, nor yet refer the matter by
learning to be decided, but would needs perforce proceed against him
by mere authority and oppression at Rome, Luther then, seeing there
was no other refuge or remedy for his own defence, and seeing,
moreover, the truth of God's word to lie under foot, by might and
authority oppressed, so that none durst almost confess the same, and
that the poor flock was so nursled in errors and vain opinions, to the
seduction of their souls; for these, and other such causes, he, being
necessarily thereunto compelled, commenced this appeal from the pope
misinformed, to the next general council that should be, calling for
the help of the public notary, and testimony also of sufficient
witnesses, requisite in that behalf accordingly."

$

225. THE DEATH OF KING HENRY THE EIGHTH

And thus closing up this eighth book with the death of King Henry the
Eighth, I will now (the Lord Christ assisting me with his grace)
proceed next to the time and reign of King Edward his son, after that
first I shall intermit a few words touching the death of the said King
Henry his father, and the manner of the same; who, after long
languishing, infirmity growing more and more upon him, lay from St.
Stephen's day (as is above mentioned) to the latter end of January.
His physicians at length perceiving that he would away, and yet not
daring to discourage him with death, for fear of the act passed before
in parliament, that none should speak any thing of the king's death,
(the act being made only for soothsayers, and talkers of prophecies,)
moved them that were about the king to put him in remembrance of his
mortal state and fatal infirmity; which when the rest were in dread to
do, Master Denny, who was specially attendant upon him, boldly coming
to the king, told him what case he was in, to man's judgment not like
to live; and therefore exhorted him to prepare himself to death,
calling himself to remembrance of his former life, and to call upon
God in Christ betimes for grace and mercy, as becometh every good
Christian man to do.

Although the king was loth to hear any mention of death, yet
perceiving the same to rise upon the judgment of the physicians, and
feeling his own weakness, he disposed himself more quietly to hearken
to the words of his exhortation, and to consider his life past; which
although he much accused, "yet," said he, "is the mercy of Christ able
to pardon me all my sins, though they were greater than they be."
Master Denny, being glad to hear him thus to speak, required to know
his pleasure, whether he would have any learned man sent for to confer
withal, and to open his mind unto. To whom the king answered again,
that if he had any, he would have Dr. Cranmer, who was then lying at
Croydon. And therefore Master Denny, asking the king whether he would
have him sent for, "I will first," said the king, "take a little
sleep; and then, as I feel myself, I will advise upon the matter."
After an hour or two the king, awaking, and feeling feebleness to
increase upon him, commanded Dr. Cranmer to be sent for; but before he
could come, the king was speechless, and almost senseless.
Notwithstanding, perceiving Dr. Cranmer to be come, he, reaching his
hand to Dr. Cranmer, did hold him fast, but could utter no word unto
him, and scarce was able to make any sign. Then the archbishop,
exhorting him to put his trust in Christ, and to call upon his mercy,
desired him, though he could not speak, yet to give some token with
his eyes or with his hand, that he trusted in the Lord. Then the king,
holding him with his hand, did wring his hand in his as hard as he
could; and so, shortly after, departed, after he had reigned in this
land the term of thirty-seven years and nine months, leaving behind
him three children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth.

Moreover, forasmuch as mention is inserted in this place of the good
inclination of King Henry, in his latter days, to the reformation of
religion, by the occasion hereof it cometh to mind also, somewhat
likewise to add, by way of appendix, touching the talk between the
archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Cranmer, the Duke of Suffolk, and
Charles Brandon, as concerning the king's purpose and intent conceived
against the bishop of Winchester, Stephen Gardiner, in that he could
never allow any reformation in religion in this realm, and especially
being offended with this, that men should use in their talk, "the
Lord," as well as "our Lord." The said duke said unto the said
archbishop, "We of the council had him once at a good lift, and should
well have despatched him from his authority, - if the king's Majesty
our master had stayed himself from admitting him to his presence; as
then his Highness was content that we should thoroughly have sifted
and tried him. "It was, my Lord," quoth the duke to the archbishop,
"at that time when Gardiner's secretary was attached and suffered for
defending the pope's authority. For then I, and certain of the
council, having conference with the king's Majesty for that matter,
his Highness was fully persuaded, that the bishop's secretary, being
in such special favour with his master, would never stand so stiff in
defence of the bishop of Rome's usurped power and authority without
his said master's both advice, knowledge, and persuasion. 'For
already, (quoth the king,) he played but a homely part with me, when
he was ambassador to the pope concerning my cause of divorce. And
therefore, (quoth the king to me,) send for him, my Lord,
incontinently; and, by assistance of two or three more of the council,
whom you think good, let him be committed to the Tower, to answer to
such things as may be objected against him.'

"This communication was in the evening, so that we purposed to have
executed the king's pleasure and commandment the next morning. Howbeit
our talk was not so secret, but that some of his friends of the privy
chamber, (where he had many friends then,) suspecting the matter, sent
him word thereof; who incontinently repaired to the king's presence,
and finding some matter to minister unto the king, his Highness said
to the bishop, 'We do marvel that your secretary hath thus notoriously
offended against us and our laws. It is surely thought that you are
not all clear in this offence, but that you are of the same opinion
with him; and, therefore, my Lord, be plain with me, and let me know
if you be that way infected or no. If you will tell me the truth, I
will rather pardon the fault; but if you halt or dissemble with me,
look for no favour at my hand.'

"With this monition Winchester fell down upon his knees, and besought
his Majesty for mercy and pardon, manifestly confessing that he had
long time been of that opinion with his said secretary; and there
bewailing himself, promised from that day forward to reform his
opinion, and become a new man. 'Well, (quoth the king,) this way you
have of me that which otherwise you should never have obtained. I am
content to remit all things past, and pardon you upon your amendment.'

"The next morning I had word how the matter was handled; whereupon I
came to his Highness and said, 'Your Majesty hath prevented our
commission, which I and others had from your Grace, concerning my Lord
of Winchester's committing to the Tower.' 'Wot you what (quoth the
king); he hath confessed himself as guilty in this matter as his man,
and hath, with much sorrow and pensiveness, sued for my pardon; and
you know what my nature and custom hath been in such matters, evermore
to pardon them that will not dissemble, but confess their fault."

"Thus wilily and politicly Gardiner got himself out of our hands. But,
if I had suspected this, I would have had him in the Tower over-night,
and have stopped his journey to the court."

"Well," said my Lord of Canterbury, "he was evermore too good for you
all."

Moreover, as touching this aforesaid bishop of Winchester, forasmuch
as he, in King Edward's time, bragged so much of his old master of
famous memory, King Henry the Eighth, to the intent that the glorious
vanity of this bishop, and of all others like unto him, may appear
more notoriously to all men, here is to be noted by the testification
as well of Master Denny, as also of Sir Henry Nevil, who were there
present witnesses of the matter, whose record was this: that King
Henry, before the time of his sickness, taking his horse upon the
terrace at Windsor to ride out on hawking, saw standing before him the
Lord Wriothesley, lord chancellor, with divers other councillors; and,
amongst them, the bishop of Winchester. Whereupon he called the lord
chancellor, and said, "Did not I command you he should come no more
amongst you?" (meaning the bishop.) Whereupon the lord chancellor
answered, that his coming was to bring his Majesty word of a
benevolence given unto him by the clergy: whereat the king said, "Ah!
let him come hither;" and so he did his message, and the king went
straight away.

Item, another time the king, immediately after his repair to London,
fell sick, and caused divers times his whole council to come unto him
about his will, and other his grave affairs. At that time the bishop
also would come up with them into the outer privy chamber, and there
remain until the council came from the king, and then go down with
them again, to the end (as then was thought) to blind the world
withal.

Furthermore, as the king grew more in sickness, he, considering upon
his will and testament made before, at his going over to Boulogne,
willed the same to be drawn out again, with leaving out and excluding
the bishop of Winchester by name from amongst his executors: which
being to him no small slight, and a cutting off all their purposes, a
way was found, that Sir Anthony Brown, a principal pillar of
Winchester's side, pretending unto the king, as though by the
negligence of the writer the bishop's name had been left out of the
king's will, kneeled down to the king's Majesty, lying in his bed, and
said, "My Lord of Winchester, I think, by negligence is left out of
your Majesty's will; who hath done your Highness most painful, long,
and notable service, and one without whom the rest shall not be able
to overcome your great and weighty affairs committed unto them."

"Hold your peace," quoth the king, "I remembered him well enough, and
of good purpose have left him out: for surely, if he were in my
testament, and one of you, he would cumber you all, and you should
never rule him, he is of so troublesome a nature. Marry," quoth the
king, "I myself could use him, and rule him to all manner of purposes,
as seemed good unto me; but so shall you never do; and therefore talk
no more of him to me in this behalf." Sir Anthony Brown, perceiving
the king somewhat stiff herein, gave place to the king's words at that
time: howbeit, seeking further occasion upon more persuasions put into
his head, he took in hand once again to move the king to have the
bishop one of his executors. When the king perceived that this instant
suit would not cease, "Have you not yet done," quoth the king, "to
molest me in this matter? If you will not yet cease to trouble me, by
the faith I owe unto God, I will surely despatch thee out of my will
also; and therefore let us hear no more of this matter." All this Sir
Anthony Denny was heard to report to the archbishop of Canterbury,
Thomas Cranmer, by the said archbishop's secretary, who is yet alive,
and witness unto the same.

And thus much touching the end of King Henry, who, if he had continued
a few months longer, (all those obits and masses, which appear in his
will made before he went to Boulogne, notwithstanding,) most certain
it is, and to be signified to all posterity, that his full purpose was
to have repurged the estate of the church, and to have gone through
with the same, so that he would not have left one mass in all England.
For the more certain intelligence whereof, two things I have to lead
me: the one is, the assured report and testimony of Thomas Cranmer,
archbishop of Canterbury, hearing the king declare the same out of his
own mouth, both to himself and to Monsieur d'Annebault, lord admiral
of the French, ambassador, in the month of August, a little before his
death, as above may appear more at large. The other cause which
leadeth me thereunto is also of equal credit, grounded upon the
declaration of the king's own mouth after that time, more near unto
his death, unto Bruno, ambassador of John Frederic, duke of Saxony:
unto the which ambassador of Saxony the king gave this answer openly,
that if the quarrel of the duke of Saxony were nothing else against
the emperor, but for religion, he should stand to it strongly, and he
would take his part, willing him not to doubt or fear. And so with
this answer he dismissed the ambassador unto the duke, openly in the
hearing of these four sufficient witnesses, as the Lord Seymour, earl
of Hereford, Lord Lisle, then admiral, the earl of Bedford, lord privy
seal, the Lord Paget. But the secret working of God's holy providence,
who disposeth all things after his own wisdom and purpose, thought it
good rather, by taking the king away, to reserve the accomplishment of
this reformation of his church to the peaceable time of his son Edward
and Elizabeth his daughter, whose hands were yet undefiled with any
blood, and life unspotted with any violence or cruelty.

And thus, to finish this book, I thought here to close up King Henry's
reign: but because a little vacant space of empty paper remaineth
behind needful to be filled up, to employ therefore and to replenish
the same with some matter or other, I thought to annex hereunto one
story which happened in this King Henry's reign; which albeit it
serveth not to the purpose of this our matter now in hand, yet,
nevertheless, to supply the room it may stand in some place, either to
refresh the travailed mind of the reader, wearied with other stories,
or else, to disclose the detestable impiety of these counterfeit sects
of monks and friars, who, under the hypocritical visor of pretended
religion, have so long seduced and deceived the world. Although the 
deceitful parts and practices of these fantastical orders be so many,
and in all places so notorious, that they are not able to be
expressed; yet, amongst many, one you shall hear that chanced in this
king's days, in the city of Orleans in France, by the Grey Friars,
about A. D. 1534. The story is this:

"The mayor's wife of the city of Orleans provided in her will, to be
buried without any pomp or solemnity. For when any departeth there, in
some places the bellmen are hired to go about the city, and in places
most frequented to assemble the people with the sound of the bell, and
there to declare the names and the titles of those parties deceased;
also where and when they shall be buried; exhorting the people to pray
for them. And when the corpse is carried forth, the most part of the
Begging Friars go withal to the church, with many torches and tapers
carried before them; and the more pomp and solemnity is used, the more
is the concourse of people. But this woman, as I said, would have none
of all this gear done for her: wherefore her husband, who loved her
well, followed her mind herein, and gave unto these greedy cormorants
the friars, who waited for their prey, (in whose church she was buried
besides her father and her grandfather,) six crowns for a reward,
whereas they gaped for a great deal more. And afterwards, when he cut
down a wood, and sold it, the friars, craving to have part thereof
freely and without money, he denied them. This took they wonderful
grievously, and whereas they loved him not before, they devised now a
way to be revenged, saying, that his wife was damned everlastingly.

"The workers of this tragedy were Colyman and Stephen of Arras, both
doctors of divinity; and the first indeed was a conjurer, and had all
his trinkets and his furniture concerning such matters in readiness;
and they used the matter thus:

"They set a young man who was a novice, above, over the vault of the
church, and when they came to mumble up their matins at midnight,
after their accustomed manner, he made a wonderful noise and shrieking
aloft. Then went this Colyman to crossing and conjuring, but the other
above would not speak. Being charged to make a sign to declare if he
were a dumb spirit, he rustled and made a noise again, and that was
the sign and token.

"When they had laid this foundation, they went to certain of the
chiefest in all the city, and such as favoured them most, and told
them what a heavy case was chanced; yet did they not utter what it
was, but entreated them to take the pains to come to their service at
night. When they were come, and the service was begun, he that was
aloft made a great noise. Being demanded what he would, and what he
was, he signified that he might not speak. Then was he commanded to
answer to their interrogatories by signs and tokens. Now there was a
hole made for the purpose, whereby, laying to his ear, he might hear
and understand what the conjurer said unto them. There was also a
table at hand, and when any question was asked, he struck and beat
upon the table, so that he might be heard beneath. Then first the
conjurer demanded whether he were any of them that had been buried
there. After that, reckoning up many of their names in order, whose
bodies had been buried there, at the last he named the mayor's wife.
Here he made a sign that he was the spirit of that woman. Then he
asked whether she were damned, and for what desert or offence: whether
it were for covetousness, pride, or lechery, or not doing the works of
charity, or else for this new sprung up heresy and Lutheranism.
Moreover, what was the cause that he made such a noise, and was so
unquiet: whether it were that the body being buried within holy ground
should be digged up again, and carried to some other place. To all
these things he answered by signs in like case as he was commanded;
whereby he affirmed, or denied every thing, striking twice or thrice
upon the table.

"When he had thus signified that Luther's heresy was the cause of her
damnation, and that her body must he taken up, the friars desired the
citizens that were there present, to bear witness of such things as
they had seen and heard, and set their hands to it in writing. But
they, taking advisement lest they should both offend the mayor, and
bring themselves into trouble, refused to subscribe. Notwithstanding,
the friars took the pix with the host and the Lord's body, (as they
call it,) and all their saints' relics, and carried them to another
place, and there they said their masses; which they are wont to do by
the pope's law, when a church is suspended and must be hallowed again.
And when the bishop's official heard of this, he came thither to
understand the matter better, and associating to him certain honest
men, he commanded the friar to conjure in his presence; and would have
appointed certain to go up to the vault, to see if any spirit did
there appear. But Stephen of Arras was sore against it, and exhorted
them earnestly that they should not so do, saying, that the spirit
ought not to be molested. And albeit the official did earnestly urge
them to conjure before him, yet could he not bring them to it. In the
mean time the mayor, making his friends privy what he would do, went
to the king, and informed him of the whole matter. And because the
friars, trusting to their immunities and privileges, refused to come
in judgment, the king chose certain out of the court of parliament at
Paris, to examine the matter, and gave them full authority so to do:
whereupon they were carried to Paris, and constrained to make answer;
but they would confess nothing.

"Then they were sent again to prison, and kept apart one from another;
and the novice was kept in the house of Fremeus, a senator; and being
oftentimes examined, he would confess nothing, fearing lest he should
afterwards be murdered of them, for slandering their order. But, when
the judges promised him that he should have no harm, and should come
no more in the friars' hands, he declared to them the whole matter in
order; and being brought before the others, he avouched the same. But
they, albeit they were convicted, and in manner taken in the deed, yet
refused they their judges, and bragged of their privileges: but it was
altogether in vain, for they were condemned in open judgment, that
they should be carried again to Orleans, and committed to prison, and
afterwards brought openly to the cathedral church, and so to the place
of punishment where malefactors are executed; and there should make
open confession of their wickedness.

"But even at the same time chanced a persecution against the
Lutherans, which was the cause that this sentence, albeit it was too
gentle for so great offence, was not put in execution. For because the
name of the Lutherans was most odious, they feared lest the punishment
of these men should not have been so much thought to be due for their
offence, as done in reproach of the order; and many thought that
whatsoever should be done to them, it would be to the Lutherans a
pleasant spectacle, and cause them much to rejoice.

"This order of the Franciscans was esteemed of the common people very
holy; so that what time they were carried out of Paris, certain women,
moved with pity, followed them unto the gate of the university, with
many tears and sighs.

"After they came to Orleans, and were bestowed in several prisons,
they began to boast again of their liberties and privileges; and at
length, after long imprisonment, they were discharged and set at
liberty without any further punishment. Had not these persecutions
before mentioned letted the matter, the king had determined, as it was
certainly reported, to pluck down their house, and make it even with
the ground."

But to leave the memory of this idolatrous generation, not worthy any
further to be named, let us occupy the time with some better matter.

Amongst other injunctions and letters of King Henry the Eighth,
written and set forth for reformation of religion, he wrote one letter
to Thomas Cranmer, for abolishing of images, pilgrimages, shrines, and
other monuments of idolatry; which letter being before expressed, we
should also have annexed to the same the letter or mandate of Bonner,
directed in Latin to Richard Cloney his sumner, appertaining to the
due execution thereof: which letter because we have omitted before,
the defect thereof I thought here, in this vacant space, to supply.
The letter written to Cloney is this:

Bonner's letter to Clancy, keeper of the Coalhouse: for the abolishing
of images.

"Forasmuch as the thirteenth day of this present month, we have
received the letters of our sovereign lord, by the grace of God king
of England, &c., to us directed, and containing in them the
commandment of his Majesty, by us to be executed in tenor of words
which here I send unto you. We therefore will and desire, according as
our duty bindeth us, to put the same in execution with all diligence
possible, according to the effect and tenor hereof, in the king's
behalf, and for the fidelity which we have in you assuredly approved,
that you, incontinent upon the receipt hereof, do effectually warn all
and singular parsons and vicars of this city of London, and of all our
diocese, that they, immediately upon the sight and intimation of these
present articles and interrogatories hereunder written, do cause
diligent and effectual inquisition thereof to be made: to wit,

"Whether there be used and continued any superstition, hypocrisy, or
abuse within any their parishes or cures, contrary to any ordinance,
injunction, or commandment given and set forth by the king's Majesty,
or by his authority.

"Item, Whether they have in their churches, or within their parishes,
any shrines, covering of shrines, tables of feigned miracles,
pilgrimages, images, and hones, resorted and offered unto, and other
monuments and things wherewith the people have been illuded, or any
offering or setting up of lights or candles, other than be permitted
by the king's Majesty's injunctions; or whether the said injunctions
he duly observed and kept in their parishes or cures, or else
transgressed and broken; and in what part.

"And further, after the said inquisition thus by them and every of
them respectively being made, that you do certify us, or our vicar-
general, what is done in the premises, upon the eve of Simon and Jude,
or thereabouts, under the peril thereof following.

"Dated the 14th day of October, A. D. 1541, and the second of our
translation."

$

THE NINTH BOOK,
CONTAINING
THE ACTS AND THINGS DONE IN THE REIGN OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH.
226. CHARACTER OF EDWARD VI.
(Ilustration: Portrait of Edward VI £237)

NEXT after the death of King Henry, succeeded King Edward his son,
being of the age of nine years. He began his reign the twenty-eighth
day of January, A. D. 1547; and reigned six years, five months, and
nine days; and deceased A. D. 1553, the sixth day of July.

Of the excellent virtues and singular graces of King Edward, wrought
in him by the gift of God, although nothing can be said enough to his
commendation, yet, because the renowned fame of such a worthy prince
shall not utterly pass our story without some grateful remembrance, I
thought, in few words, to touch some little portion of his praise,
taken out of the great heaps of matter which might be inferred. For to
stand upon all that might be said of him, it would be too long; and
yet to say nothing, it were too much unkind. If kings and princes, who
have wisely and virtuously governed, have found in all ages writers to
solemnize and celebrate their acts and memory, such as never knew
them, nor were subject unto them, how much then are we Englishmen
bound not to forget our duty to King Edward: a prince, although but
tender in years, yet for his sage and mature ripeness in wit and all
princely ornaments, as I see but few to whom he may not be equal, so,
again, I see not many to whom he may not justly be preferred.

And here, to use the example of Plutarch, in comparing kings and
rulers, the Latins with the Greeks together, if I should seek with
whom to match this noble Edward, I find not with whom to make my match
more aptly, than with good Josias: for, as the one began his reign at
eight years of his age, so the other began at nine. Neither were their
acts and zealous proceedings in God's cause much discrepant: for as
mild Josias plucked down the hill altars, cut down the groves, and
destroyed all monuments of idolatry in the temple, the like
corruptions, dross, and deformities of popish idolatry, (crept into
the church of Christ of long time,) this evangelical Josias, King
Edward, removed and purged out of the true temple of the Lord. Josias
restored the true worship and service of God in Jerusalem, and
destroyed the idolatrous priests! King Edward likewise, in England,
abolishing idolatrous masses and false invocation, reduced again
religion to a right sincerity; and more would have brought to
perfection, if life and time had answered to his godly purpose. And
though he killed not, as Josias did, the idolatrous sacrificers, yet
he put them to silence, and removed them out of their places.

Moreover, in King Josias's days the Holy Scripture and book of God's
word was utterly neglected and cast aside, which he most graciously
repaired and restored again. And did not King Edward the like, with
the selfsame book of God's blessed word, and with other wholesome
books of Christian doctrine, which before were decayed and
extinguished in his father's days, by sharp laws and severe
punishments, here in England? Briefly, in all points and respects,
between him and this our godly king no odds are to be found, but only
in length of time and reign; who, if he might have reached (by the
sufferance of God) to the continuance of Josias's reign, proceeding in
those beginnings which in his youth appeared, no doubt but of his acts
and doings some great perfection would have ensued to his church and
realm. But the manifold iniquities of Englishmen deserved another
plague, as after fell amongst us; as in sequel of the story hereafter
(God willing) shall be declared.

In the mean time, to proceed in the excellent virtues of this
Christian young Josias, (as we have begun,) although neither do we
know, nor will leisure serve us to stand upon a full description of,
all his acts; yet will we (God willing) give a little taste of the
noble nature and princely qualities of this king, whereby the reader
may esteem with himself, what is to be thought of the rest of his
doings, though they be not here all expressed.

And first, to begin with that which is the chiefest property of all
other extern things in a prince to be considered, that is, to be loved
of his subjects: such were the hearts of all English people toward
this king inclined, and so toward him still continued, as never came
prince in this realm more highly esteemed, more amply magnified, or
more dearly and tenderly beloved of all his subjects; but especially
of the good and the learned sort: and yet not so much beloved, as also
admirable, by reason of his rare towardness and hope both of virtue
and learning, which in him appeared above the capacity of his years.
And as he was entirely of his subjects beloved, so with no less good-
will he loved them again; of nature and disposition meek, and much
inclined to clemency. He always spared and favoured the life of man;
as once appeared in a certain dissertation of his had with Master
Cheek, in favouring the life of heretics; insomuch that when Joan
Butcher should be burned, all the council could not move him to put to
his hand, but were fain to get Dr. Cranmer to persuade with him, and
yet neither could he, with much labour, induce the king so to do;
saying, "What, my Lord? will ye have me to send her quick to the devil
in her error?" So that Dr. Cranmer himself confessed, that he had
never so much to do in all his life, as to cause the king to put to
his hand, saying that he would lay all the charge thereof upon Cranmer
before God. There wanted in him no promptness of wit, gravity of
sentence, ripeness of judgment. Favour and love of religion was in him
from his childhood. Such an organ, given of God to the church of
England, he was, as England had never better. Over and besides these
notable excellencies and other great virtues in him, add, moreover,
skill and knowledge of tongues, and other sciences, whereunto he
seemed rather born, than brought up.

Moreover, there wanted not in him, to this felicity of wit and
dexterity of nature, like happiness of institution of good
instructors; neither did there lack again in him any diligence to
receive that which they would teach him; insomuch that in the midst of
all his play and recreation, he would always observe and keep his hour
appointed to his study, using the same with much attention, till time
called him again from his book to pastime. In this his study and
keeping of his hours, he did so profit, that Dr. Cranmer, the
archbishop then of Canterbury, beholding his towardness, his readiness
in both tongues, in translating from Greek to Latin,from Latin to
Greek again; in declaiming with his school-fellows without help of his
teachers, and that extempore; would weep for joy, declaring to Dr.
Cox, his schoolmaster, that he would never have thought that to have
been in him, except he had seen it himself.

To recite here his witty sentences, his grave reasons, which many
times did proceed from him, and how he would sometimes, in a matter
discoursed by his council, add thereunto, of his own, more reasons and
causes, touching the said matter,than they themselves had or could
devise, it was almost incredible in that age to see, and tedious here
to prosecute.

This in him may seem notorious and admirable, that he, in these
immature years, could tell and recite all the ports, havens, and
creeks, not within his own realm only, but also in Scotland, and
likewise in France; what coming in there was; how the tide served in
every haven or creek; moreover, what burden, and what wind, served the
coming into the haven.

Also, of all his justices, magistrates, gentlemen that bare any
authority within his realm, he knew their names, their housekeeping,
their religion, and conversation, what it was. Few sermons, or none,
in his court, especially in the lord protector's time, but he would be
at them. Again, never was he present at any commonly, but he would
excerp them, or note them with his own hand.

Besides and above all other notes and examples of his commendation, as
touching the chiefest point which ought most to touch all men, for the
maintaining, promoting, preferring, embracing, zealing, and defending
the true cause and quarrel of Christ's holy gospel, what was his
study, his zealous fervency, his admirable constancy therein, by this
one example following, amongst many others, may notably appear.

In the days of this King Edward the Sixth, Charles the emperor made
request to the said king and his council, to permit Lady Mary (who
after succeeded in the crown) to have mass in her house without
prejudice of the law. And the council, on a time, sitting upon matters
of policy, having that in question, sent Cranmer, then archbishop of
Canterbury, and Ridley, then bishop of London, to entreat the king for
the same; who, coming to his Grace, alleged their reasons, and
persuasions for the accomplishing thereof. So the king, hearing what
they could say, replied his answer again out of the Scriptures so
groundedly, gravely, and fully, that they were enforced to give place
to his replication, and grant the same to be true. Then they, after
long debating in this manner with his Majesty, laboured politicly in
another sort, and alleged what dangers the denying thereof might bring
to his Grace; what breach of amity on the emperor's part; what
troubles, what unkindness, and what occasions sundry ways it would
enforce, &c. Unto whom the king answered, willing them to content
themselves; for he would (he said) spend his life, and all he had,
rather than agree and grant to what he knew certainly to be against
the truth: the which when the bishops heard, notwithstanding, they
urged him still to grant, and would by no means have his nay. Then the
good king, seeing their importunate suit, that needs they would have
his Majesty to consent thereto, in the end, his tender heart bursting
out into hitter weeping and sobbing, he desired them to be content;
whereat the bishops themselves, seeing the king's zeal and constancy,
wept as fast as he, and took their leave of his Grace. And coming from 
him, the archbishop took Master Cheek, his schoolmaster, by the hand,
and said, "All! Master Cheek, you may be glad all the days of your
life, that you have such a scholar, for he hath more divinity in his
little finger, than all we have in all our bodies." Thus the Lady
Mary's mass, for that time, was stayed.

Over and besides these heavenly graces and virtues, most chiefly to be
required in all faithful and Christian magistrates which have
governance of Christ's flock, neither was he also unprovided with such
outwards gifts and knowledge as appertain to the governance of his
realm politic; insomuch that he was neither inexpert nor ignorant of
the exchange, and all the circumstances of the same touching doings
beyond the sea: but was as skilful in the practices, and could say as
much thereof, as the chiefest doers in his affairs. Likewise, in the
entertaining of ambassadors; to whom he would give answer, and that to
every part of their oration, to the great wonder of them that heard
him, doing that in his tender years by himself, which many princes, at
their mature age, seldom are wont to do but by others. And as he was a
great notes of things that pertained to princely affairs, so had he a
chest severally to himself, for every year, for the keeping of such
records and matters as passed, and were concluded by the council; of
whom also he would require a reason and cause of every thing that
should pass their judgments: and of this chest he would evermore keep
the key about him. His notes also he ciphered in Greek letters, to the
end that those that waited upon him should not read nor know what he
had written.

He had, moreover, great respect to justice, and to the despatch of
poor men's suits, and would appoint hours and times with Master Cox,
then master of his requests, how, and by what order, they might be
sped in their causes without long delays and attendance; and so also
debate with him, that their matters might be heard and judged with
equity accordingly.

What Jerome Cardan saith of him, concerning his knowledge in liberal
sciences, I thought here to express in his own words, so much the
rather, because he speaketh of his own experiment, and upon the
present talk which he had with the king himself.

"There was in him a towardly disposition and pregnancy, apt to all
human literature; as who, being yet a child, had the knowledge of
divers tongues, first of the English, his own natural tongue, of the
Latin also, and of the French; neither was he ignorant (as I hear) of
the Greek, Italian, and Spanish tongues, and of other languages,
peradventure, more in his own, in the French, and in the Latin tongue,
singularly perfect, and with the like facility apt to receive all
others. Neither was he ignorant in logic, in the principles of natural
philosophy, or in music. There was in him lacking neither humanity,
(the image of our mortality,) a princely gravity and majesty, nor any
kind of towardness beseeming a noble king. Briefly, it might seem a
miracle of nature, to behold the excellent wit and forwardness that
appeared in him, being yet but a child. This I speak not rhetorically,
to amplify things, or to make them more than truth is; yea, the truth
is more than I do utter.

"Being yet but fifteen years of age, he asked of me, in Latin, (in
which tongue he uttered his mind no less readily and eloquently than I
could do myself,) what my books which I had dedicated unto him, De
Verietate Rerum, did contain. I said, that in the first chapter was
showed the cause of comets, or blazing stars, which hath been long
sought for, and yet hitherto scarce fully found.' 'What cause,' said
he, is that? 'The concourse or meeting,' said I, 'of the light of the
wandering planets and stars.' To this the king thus replied again:
'Forasmuch,' said he, 'as the motion of the stars keepeth not one
course, but is divers and variable, by continued alteration, how is
it, then, that the cause of these comets either doth not quickly evade
and vanish, or that the comet doth not keep one certain and uniform
course and motion with the said stars and planets?' Whereunto I
answered, that the comet hath his course and moving, but much more
swift than they, because of the diversity of aspect; as we see in
crystal, and in the sun, when the form of the rainbow reboundeth on
the wall: for a little mutation maketh a great difference of place.
Then said the king, 'And how can that be, having no subject; for of
the rainbow the wall is the subject?' 'Like,' said I, 'as in lactea
via, or in reflection of lights; as, where many candles be lighted and
set near together, in the middle they cause a certain bright and white
lightsomeness to appear,' &c.

"And so, by this little trial, a great guess may be given, what was in
this king: in whom, no doubt, was a great hope and expectation amongst
all good and learned men, both for the ingenuous forwardness, and
amiable sweetness, which in his conditions appeared. First, he began
to love and favour liberal arts and sciences, before he knew them, and
to know them before he could use them; whose mortal condition and
sudden decease and decay, in those tender and unripe years, not only
England, but all the world, hath cause to lament. Oh how truly is it
said of the poet,

'Things that be exceeding excellent,
Be not commonly long permanent.'

"A show or sight only of excellency he could give us: example he could
not give. Where a kingly majesty required gravity, there you should
have seen him a sage and an old man; and yet gentle and pleasant also,
according as the condition of his age then required. He played well
upon the lute; he had, also, to do in handling of weighty affairs of
the realm. He was liberal and bountiful in heart; and therein he
imitated his father," &c.

Thus, after the godly disposition and properties of this king briefly
in this wise declared, now, God willing, we will intermeddle something
to describe the order and proceedings which he followed in his
administration and government of both the states, as well politic, as
especially ecclesiastic; who, after the decease of his father coming
unto the crown, because he was of young and tender age, he was
committed to sixteen governors. Amongst them, especially the Lord
Edward Seymour, duke of Somerset, his uncle, was assigned and joined
to him, as protector and overseer of him and of the commonwealth; a
man not so highly advanced for his consanguinity, as also for his
noble virtues; and, especially for his favour to God's word, worthy of
his vocation and calling. Through the endeavour and industry of this
man, first that monstrous hydra with six heads, (the six articles, I
mean,) which devoured up so many men before, was abolished and taken
away: by reason whereof the counsels and proceedings of Winchester
began to decay, who, storming at the same matter, wrote to the lord
protector in the cause thereof, as by his letters is to be seen.

The Holy Scriptures he restored to the mother tongue. Masses he
extinguished and abolished. Furthermore, after softer beginnings, by
little and little, greater things followed in the reformation of the
churches. Then such as before were in banishment for the danger of the 
truth, were again received to their country. To be short, a new face
of things began now to appear, as it were in a stage, new players
coming in, the old being thrust out; for the most part the bishops of
churches and dioceses were changed: such as had been dumb prelates
before, were then compelled to give place to others that would preach
and take pains.

Besides others also, out of foreign countries, men of learning and
notable knowledge were sent for and received, among whom was Peter
Martyr, Martin Bucer, and Paulus Phagius; of whom the first taught at
Oxford, the other two professed at Cambridge, and that with no small
commendation of the whole university. Of the old bishops some were
committed to one ward, some to another. Bonner, bishop of London, was
committed to the Marshalsea, and eftsoons, for his contempt and
misdemeanour, deposed from his bishopric, as in further process
followeth to be seen. Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, with Tonstal,
bishop of Durham, was cast into the Tower for his disobedience, where
he kept his Christmas five years together; more worthy of some other
place without the Tower, if it had not otherwise pleased God to have
meant a further plague to this realm, by that man.

But these meek and gentle times of King Edward, under the government
of this noble protector, have this one commendation proper unto them,
for that amongst the whole number of the popish sort, of whom some
privily did steal out of the realm, many were crafty dissemblers, some
were open and manifest adversaries; yet, of all that multitude, there
was not one man that lost his life. In sum, during the whole time of
the six years of this king, much tranquillity, and, as it were, a
breathing-time, was granted to the whole church of England: so that
the rage of persecution ceasing, and the sword taken out of the
adversaries' hand, there was now no danger to the godly, unless it
were only by wealth and prosperity, which many times bringeth more
damage in corrupting men's minds, than any time of persecution or
affliction.

Briefly, during all this time, neither in Smithfield nor any other
quarter of this realm, were any heard to suffer for any matter of
religion,, either papist or protestant, either for one opinion or
another, except only two, one an Englishwoman, called Joan of Kent,
and the other a Dutchman, named George, who died for certain articles
not much necessary here to be rehearsed.

Besides these two, there was none else in all King Edward's reign,
that died in any manner or cause of religion, but one Thomas Dobbe,
who, in the beginning of this king's reign, was apprehended and
imprisoned for speaking against the idolatry of the mass, and in the
same prison died; as in the story here ensueth to be seen.

This Thomas Dobbe, being a student and a master of arts in Cambridge,
was brought up in the college called St. John's College, and fellow of
the same; where he increased in the study of good letters, among his
equals very forward, of nature and disposition simple and modest, of
zeal toward God fervent, patient in injuries, injurious to no man; of
much like sort and condition as in doves, which, without all
bitterness of gall, are more apt to receive injury than to work wrong
to any. At length this godly man, intending with himself and addicting
his mind to the Christian state of matrimony, resorted to a certain
maiden not far off where he dwelt: for the which cause he was greatly
molested, and wickedly abused, by three of that college, whose names
were Hutchinson, Pindare, and Tayler, who with their malicious
handling, scornful dealing, opprobries, rebukes, and contumelies, so
much vexed the virtuous simplicity of the man, that they never left
him, till at length they wearied him out of the college: who there
having no rest or quietness, by reason of the unreasonable and
virulent handling of his adversaries, was compelled to seek some other
place, wherein to settle himself. Upon the occasion whereof coming up
unto London, it chanced him to pass through Paul's church, where it
happened that at the south side of the church, at the same time, there
was a priest at mass, (more busy than well occupied,) being at the
elevation as he passed by. The young man, replete with godly zeal,
pitying the ignorance and idolatry of the people, in honouring that so
devoutly which the priest lifted up, was not able to forbear, but,
opening his mouth, and turning to the people, he exhorted them not to
honour the visible bread as God, which neither was God, nor yet
ordained of God to be honoured, &c.; with such other words more of
Christian information. For which cause, straightway, he was
apprehended by the mayor, and afterwards accused to the archbishop of
Canterbury, and committed to the Compter, then in Bread Street, where
he not long continued, but, falling into a sickness, how or whereupon
I cannot tell, shortly upon the same changed this mortal life: whose
pardon, notwithstanding, was obtained of the lord protector, and
should have been brought him, if he had continued. And thus much
concerning Thomas Dobbe and others.

Over and besides, I find that in the first year of the reign of King
Edward, which was A. D. 1547, there was one John Hume, servant to
Master Lewnax, of Wressel, apprehended, accused, and sent up to the
archbishop of Canterbury, by the said Master Lewnax, his master, and
Margaret Lewnax, his mistress, for these articles.

"I. First, for denying the sacrament (as it was then called) of the
altar, to be the real flesh and blood of Christ.

"II. For saying that he would never veil his bonnet unto it, to be
burned there-for.

"III. For saying that if he should hear mass, he should be damned."

For this was he sent up by his master and mistress aforesaid, with
special letters unto the archbishop, requiring him severely to be
punished by the law for the same. But, because I find no execution
following thereupon, I therefore pass over this story of him.

$

227. RELIGIOUS REFORMS UNDER KING EDWARD

These things premised, when this virtuous and godly young prince
(endued as you have heard with special graces from God) was now
peaceably established in his kingdom, and had a council about him,
grave, wise, and zealous in God's cause, especially his uncle the duke
of Somerset, he then most earnestly likewise desired, as well the
advancement of the true honour of Almighty God, and the planting of
his sincere religion, as also the utter suppression and extirpation of
all idolatry, superstition, hypocrisy, and other enormities and
abuses, throughout his realms and dominions: and therefore following,
as is before expressed, the good example of King Josias, he determined
forthwith to enter into some reformation of religion in the church of
England. And, forasmuch as at his first entry, (notwithstanding his
father's good beginning, in abolishing the usurped power of
antichrist,) he yet found most of his laws greatly repugning against
this his zealous enterprise, he therefore purposed, by the advice of
his said wise and honourable council, and of his own regal power and
authority, somewhat to prosecute his godly purpose, until such time as
by consent of the whole estate of parliament, he might establish a
more free, perfect, and uniform order therein.

Whereupon, intending first a general visitation over all the
bishoprics within his realm, (thereby as well to understand, as also
to redress, the abuses in the same,) he chose out certain wise,
learned, discreet, and worshipful personages, to be his commissioners
in that behalf; and so, dividing them into several companies, assigned
unto them several dioceses to be visited; appointing, likewise, unto
every company, one or two godly learned preachers, which, at every
session, should in their preaching both instruct the people in the
true doctrine of the gospel of Christ, and in all love and obedience
to the same; and, also, earnestly dehort them from their old
superstition and wonted idolatry. And that they might be more orderly
directed in this their commission, there were delivered unto them
certain injunctions and ecclesiastical orders drawn out by the king's
learned council, the which they should both inquire of, and also
command in his Majesty's behalf, to be thenceforth observed of every
person, to whom they did severally appertain within their sundry
circuits.

Certain ecclesiastical laws, or general injunctions, given by King
Edward to the Church of England.

"The king's most royal Majesty, by the advice of his most dear uncle
the duke of Somerset, lord protector of all his realms, dominions, and
subjects, and governor of his most royal person, and the residue of
his most honourable council, (intending the advancement of the true
honour of Almighty God, the suppression of idolatry and superstition
throughout all his realms and dominions, and to plant true religion,
to the extirpation of all hypocrisy, enormities, and abuses, as to his
duty appertaineth,) doth minister unto his loving subjects these godly
injunctions hereafter following, whereof part were given unto them
heretofore by the authority of his most dearly beloved father King
Henry the Eighth, of most famous memory, and part are now ministered
and given by his Majesty: all which injunctions his Highness willeth
and commandeth his said loving subjects, by his supreme authority,
obediently to receive, and truly to observe and keep, every man in
their offices, degrees, and states, as they will avoid his
displeasure, and the pains in the same injunctions hereafter
expressed.

The first, that all deans, archdeacons, parsons, vicars, and
ecclesiastical persons, shall faithfully keep and observe, and, as far
as in them may lay, shall cause to be observed and kept of others, all
and singular the laws and statutes made as well for the abolishing and
extirpation of the bishop of Rome's pretended and usurped power and
jurisdiction, as for the establishment and confirmation of the king's
authority, jurisdiction, and supremacy of the Church of England and
Ireland.

"And, furthermore, all ecclesiastical persons having cure of souls,
shall, to the uttermost of their wit, knowledge, and learning, purely,
sincerely, and without any colour or dissimulation, declare, manifest,
and open, four times every year at the least, in their sermons and
other collations, that the bishop of Rome's usurped power and
jurisdiction, having no establishment or ground by the law of God, was
of most just causes taken away and abolished: and that, therefore, no
manner of obedience or subjection within his realms or dominions is
due unto him: and that the king's power, within his realms and
dominions, is the highest power under God, to whom all men within the
same realms and dominions, by God's laws, owe most loyalty and
obedience, afore and above all other powers and potentates in earth.
Besides this, to the intent that all superstition and hypocrisy, crept
into divers men's hearts, may vanish away, they shall not set forth or
extol any images, relics, or miracles, for any superstition or lucre;
nor allure the people, by any enticements, to the pilgrimage of any
saint or image; but, reproving the same, they shall teach, that all
goodness, health, and grace, ought to be both asked and looked for
only of God, as of the very author and giver of the same, and of none
other.

"Item, That they, the persons above rehearsed, shall make, or cause to
be made, in their churches and every other cure they have, one sermon
every quarter of the year at the least, wherein they shall purely and
sincerely declare the word of God, and in the same exhort the hearers
to the works of faith, mercy, and charity, specially prescribed and
commanded in Scripture; and that works devised by man's fantasies,
beside Scripture, as wandering to pilgrimages, offering of money,
candles, or tapers to relics or images, or kissing and licking of the
same, praying upon beads, and such like superstition, have not only no
promise of reward in Scripture for doing of them; but, contrariwise,
great threats and maledictions of God, for that they do things tending
to idolatry and superstition, which, of all other offences, God
Almighty doth most detest and abhor; for that the same diminisheth
most his honour and glory.

"Item, That such images as they know, in any of their cures, to be, or
to have been, so abused with pilgrimage or offerings of any thing made
thereunto, or that shall be hereafter incensed unto, they, and none
other private persons, shall, for the avoiding of that most detestable
offence of idolatry, forthwith take down and destroy the same; and
shall suffer from henceforth no torches, nor candles, tapers, nor
images of wax, to be set afore any image or picture, but only two
lights upon the high altar before the sacrament, which, for the
signification that Christ is the very true light of the world, they
shall suffer to remain still; admonishing their parishioners, that
images serve for no other purpose but to be a remembrance, whereby men
may be admonished of the holy lives and conversation of them that the
said images do represent; which images, if they do abuse for any other
intent, they commit idolatry in the same, to the great danger of their
souls.

"Item, That every holy-day throughout the year, where they have no
sermon, they shall, immediately after the gospel, plainly recite to
their parishioners in the pulpit, the Pater-noster, the Creed, and the
Ten Commandments in English, to the intent the people may learn the
same by heart: exhorting all parents and householders to teach their
children and servants the same, as they are bound by the law of God,
and in consequence, to do.

"Item, That they shall charge fathers and mothers, masters and
governors, to bestow their children and servants, even from their
childhood, either in learning, or to some honest exercise, occupation,
or husbandry, exhorting and counselling, and by all their ways and
means they may, as well in their sermons and collations as others,
persuading their said fathers and mothers, masters, and other
governors, diligently to provide and foresee, that the youth be in no 
manner of wise brought up in idleness, lest at any time afterward, for
lack of some craft, occupation, or other honest mean to live by, they
be driven to begging, stealing, or some other unthriftiness: forasmuch
as we may daily see, through sloth and idleness, divers valiant men
fall some to begging, and some to theft and murder, which after,
brought to calamity and misery, do blame their parents, friends, and
governors, which suffered them to be brought up so idly in their
youth: whereas, if they had been well brought up in good learning,
some occupation, or craft, they should, being rulers of their own
household, have profited as well themselves, as divers other persons,
to the great commodity and ornament of the commonwealth.

"Also, That the said parsons, vicars, and other curates, shall
diligently provide, that the sacraments be reverently and duly
ministered in their parishes. And if at any time it happen them, in
any of the cases expressed in the statutes of this realm, or of
special licence given by the king's Majesty, to be absent from their
benefices, they shall leave their cure not to a rude and unlearned
person, but to an honest, well learned, and expert curate, that can,
by his ability, teach the rude and unlearned of their cure, wholesome
doctrine, and reduce them to the right way that do err; and which will
also execute their injunctions, and do their duty otherwise, as they
are bound to do in every behalf; and accordingly may and will profit
their cure no less with good example of living, than with the
declaration of the word of God; or else their lack and default shall
be imputed unto them, who shall straitly answer for the same, if they
do otherwise. And always let them see, that neither they, nor their
curates, do seek more their own profit, promotion, or advantage, than
the profit of thesouls that they have under their cure, or the glory
of God.

"Also, That they shall provide, within three months next after this
visitation, one book of the whole Bible of the largest volume in
English, and within one twelvemonth next after the said visitation,
the paraphrase of Erasmus, also in English, upon the Gospels, and the
same set up in some convenient place within the said church that they
have cure of, where their parishioners may most commodiously resort
unto, and read the same; the charges of which books shall be rateably
well borne, between the person or proprietary, and the parishes
aforesaid; that is to say, the one half by the person or proprietary,
and the other half by the parishioners. And they shall discourage no
man, authorized and licensed thereunto, from the reading of any part
of the Bible either in Latin or English, but shall rather conform and
exhort every person to read the same as the very lively word of God,
and the special food of man's soul, that all Christian persons are
bound to embrace, believe, and follow, if they look to be saved,
whereby they may the better know their duties to God; ever gently and
charitably exhorting them, and in his Majesty's name straitly charging
and commanding them, that, in the reading thereof, no man to reason or
contend, but quietly to hear the reader.

"Also, the said ecclesiastical persons shall in no wise, at any
unlawful time, nor for any other cause than for their honest
necessity, haunt or resort to any taverns or ale-houses; and after
their dinner or supper they shall not give themselves to drinking or
riot, spending their time idly, by day or by night, at dice, cards,
tables-playing, or any other unlawful game: but, at all times as they
shall have leisure, they shall hear or read somewhat of Holy
Scripture, or shall occupy themselves with some honest exercise; and
that they always do the things which appertain to honesty with
endeavour to profit the common weal, having always in mind, that they
ought to excel others in purity of life, and should be examples to the
people to live well and Christianly.

"Item, That they shall, in confessions every Lent, examine every
person that cometh to confession, whether they can recite the Articles
of their faith, the Pater-noster, and the Ten Commandments in English;
and hear them say the same particularly: wherein if they be not
perfect, they shall declare, then, that every Christian person ought
to know the said things before they should receive the blessed
sacrament of the altar; and monish them to learn the said necessary
things more perfectly; or else they ought not to presume to come to
God's board without perfect knowledge and will to observe the same;
and if they do, it is at the great peril of their souls, and also to
the worldly rebuke that they might incur hereafter by the same.

Also, that they shall admit no man to preach within any their cures,
but such as shall appear unto them to be sufficiently licensed
thereunto by the king's Majesty, his Grace the lord protector, the
archbishop of Canterbury, the archbishop of York in his province, or
the bishop in his diocese and such as shall be so licensed they shall
gladly receive, to declare the word of God without any resistance or
contradiction.

"Also, if they have heretofore declared to their parishioners any
thing to the extolling or setting forth of pilgrimages, relics, or
images, or lighting of candles, kissing, kneeling, decking of the same
images, or any such superstition, they shall now, openly, before the
same, recant and reprove the same; showing them, as the truth is, that
they did the same upon no ground of Scripture, but were led and
seduced by a common error or abuse, crept into the church through the
sufferance and avarice of such as felt profit by the same.

"Also, if they do or shall know any man, within their parish or
elsewhere, that is a letter of the word of God to be read in English,
or sincerely preached, or of the execution of these the king's
Majesty's injunctions, or a favourer of the bishop of Rome's pretended
power, now by the laws of this realm justly rejected, extirped, and
taken away, utterly they shall detect and present the same to the
king, or his council, or to the justice of the peace next adjoining.

"Also, that the parson, vicar, or curate, and parishioners of every
parish within this realm, shall, in their churches and chapels, keep
one book or register, wherein they shall write the day and year of
every wedding, christening, and burial, made within their parish for
their time; and so every man succeeding them likewise; and also
therein shall write every person's name, that shall be so wedded,
christened, or buried; and, for the safe keeping of the same book, the
parish shall be bound to provide, of their common charges, one big
coffer, with two locks and keys, whereof the one to remain with the
parson, vicar, or curate, and the other with the wardens of every
parish, church, or chapel, wherein the said book shall he laid up:
which book they shall every Sunday take forth, and, in the presence of
the said wardens or one of them, write and record in the same all the
weddings, christenings, and burials, made the whole week before; and,
that done, to lay up the book in the said coffer, as before; and, for
every time that the same shall be omitted, the party that shall be in
fault thereof,shall be forfeit to the said church 3s. 9d., to be
employed to the poor men's box of that parish.

"Furthermore, because the goods of the church are called the goods of
the poor, and, at these days, nothing is less seen, than the poor to
be sustained with the same, all parsons, vicars, pensioners,
prebendaries, and other beneficed men within this deanery, not being
resident upon their benefices, who may dispend yearly £20, and above,
either within this deanery or elsewhere, shall distribute hereafter
among their poor parishioners, or other inhabitants there, in the
presence of the churchwardens or some other honest men of the parish,
the fortieth part of the fruits and revenues of their said benefices,
lest they be men worthily noted of ingratitude, who, reserving so many
parts to themselves, cannot vouchsafe to impart the fortieth portion
thereof among the poor people of that parish, that is so fruitful and
profitable to them.

"And, to the intent that learned men may hereafter spring the more for
the execution of the premises, every parson, vicar, clerk, or
beneficed man within this deanery, having yearly to dispend, in
benefices and other promotions of the church, a £100, shall give
competent exhibition to one scholar; and for as many hundred pounds
more as he may dispend, to so many scholars more, shall give like
exhibition in the university of Oxford or Cambridge, or some grammar
school; which, after they have profited in good learning, may be
pertainers of their patrons cure and charge, as well in preaching, as
otherwise in the execution of their offices; or may, when need shall
be, otherwise profit the common weal, with their counsel and wisdom.

"Also, that all proprietaries, parsons, vicars, and clerks, having
churches, chapels, or mansions, within this deanery, shall bestow
yearly, hereafter, upon the same mansions or chancels of their
churches being in decay, the fifth part of their benefices, till they
be fully repaired; and the same, so repaired, shall always keep and
maintain in good estate.

"Also, that the said parsons, vicars, and clerks, shall, once every
quarter of the year, read these injunctions given unto them, openly
and deliberately, before all their parishioners; to the intent that
both they may be the better admonished of their duty, and their said
parishioners the more moved to follow the same for their part.

"Also, forasmuch as, by a law established, every man is bound to pay
his tithes, no man shall, by colour of duty omitted by the curates,
detain their tithes, and so redouble and requite one wrong with
another, or be his own judge; but shall truly pay the same as he hath
been accustomed, to the parsons, vicars, and curates, without any
restraint or diminution. And such lack and default as they can justly
find in their parsons and curates, to call for the reformation
thereof, at their ordinary's, and other superiors' hands; who, upon
complaint and due proof thereof, shall reform the same accordingly.

"Also, that no parson, from henceforth, alter or change the order and
manner of any fasting-day that is so commanded, nor of Common Prayer,
or divine service, otherwise than is specified in these Injunctions,
until such time as the same shall be otherwise ordered and transposed
by the king's authority.

"Also, that the parson, vicar, curate, chantry-priest, and
stipendiary, being under the degree of a bachelor of divinity, shall
provide and have of his own, within three months after this
visitation, the New Testament, both in Latin and English, with
paraphrase upon the same of Erasmus; and diligently study the same,
conferring the one with the other. And the bishops and ordinaries, by
themselves or their officers, in their synods and visitation, shall
examine the said ecclesiastical persons, how they have profited in the
study of Scripture. Also, in the time of high mass, within every
church, he that sayeth or singeth the same, shall read, or cause to be
read, the epistle and gospel of that mass, in English, and not in
Latin, in the pulpit, or in such convenient place as the people may
hear the same. And also every Sunday and holy-day, they shall plainly
and distinctly read, or cause to be read, one chapter of the New
Testament in English, in the said place at matins, immediately after
the lessons; and at evensong, after Magnificat, one chapter of the Old
Testament. And, to the intent the premises may be more conveniently
done, the king's Majesty's pleasure is, that when nine lessons should
be read in the church, three of them should be omitted and left out,
with their responds; and at evensong-time, the responds, with all the
memories, shall be left out, for that purpose.

"Also, because those persons which be sick and in peril of death, be
oftentimes put in despair by the craft and subtlety of the devil, who
is then most busy, and specially with them that lack the knowledge,
sure persuasion, and stedfast belief, that they may be made partakers
of the great and infinite mercy which Almighty God, of his bountiful
goodness and mere liberality, without our deserving, hath offered
freely to all persons that put their full trust and confidence in him;
therefore, that this damnable vice of despair may he clearly taken
away, and firm belief and stedfast hope surely conceived by all their
parishioners being in any danger, they shall learn, and have always in
a readiness, such comfortable places and sentences of Scripture, as do
set forth the mercy, benefits, and goodness of Almighty God towards
all penitent and believing persons; that they may, at all times when
necessity shall require, comfort promptly their flock with the lively
word of God, which is the only stay of man's conscience.

"Also, to avoid all contention and strife, which heretofore hath risen
amongst the king's Majesty's subjects in sundry places of his realms
and dominions, by reason of fond courtesy, and changing of places in
procession, and also that they may the more quietly hear that which is
said or sung, to their edifying, they shall not from henceforth, in
any parish church, at any time use any procession about the church or
church-yard, or other place; but immediately before high mass, the
priests, with others of the choir, shall kneel in the midst of the
church, and sing or say plainly or distinctly the Litany which is set
forth in English, adding nothing thereto, but as the king's Grace
shall hereafter appoint; and, in cathedral or collegiate churches, the
same shall be done in such places as our commissaries in our
visitation shall appoint. And in the time of the Litany, of the high
mass, of the sermon, and when the priest readeth the Scripture to the
parishioners, no manner of persons, without a just and urgent cause,
shall depart out of the church; and all ringing and knolling of bells,
shall be utterly forborne for that time, except one bell, in
convenient time, to be rung and knelled before the sermon.

"Also, like as the people be commonly occupied on the work-day with
bodily labour, for their bodily sustenance, so was the holy-day, at
the first beginning, godly instituted and ordained, that the people
should that day give themselves wholly to God and whereas, in our
time, God is more offended than pleased, more dishonoured upon the
holy-day, because of idleness, pride, drunkenness, quarrelling, and
brawling, which are most used on such days (people, nevertheless,
persuading themselves sufficiently to honour God on that day, if they
hear mass and service, though they understand nothing to their
edifying); therefore, all the king's faithful and loving subjects
shall, from henceforth, celebrate and keep their holy-day according to
God's holy will and pleasure; that is, in hearing the word of God read
and taught; in private and public prayers; in acknowledging their
offences to God; in amendment of the same; in reconciling themselves
charitably to their neighbours, where displeasure hath been; in
oftentimes receiving the communion of the very body and blood of
Christ; in visiting the poor and sick; in using all soberness and
godly conversation. Yet, notwithstanding, all parsons, vicars, and
curates, shall teach and declare unto their parishioners, that they
may, with a safe and quiet conscience, in the time of harvest, labour
upon the holy and festival days, and save the thing which God hath
sent. And if, for any scrupulosity, or grudge of conscience, men
should superstitiously abstain from working upon those days, that then
they should grievously offend and displease God.

"Also, forasmuch as variance and contention is a thing which most
displeaseth God, and is most contrary to the blessed communion of the
body and blood of our Saviour Christ, curates shall in no case admit
to the receiving thereof, any of their cure and flock, who hath
maliciously and openly contended with his neighbour, unless the same
do first charitably and openly reconcile himself again, remitting all
rancour and malice, whatsoever controversy hath been between them.
And, nevertheless, their just titles and rights they may charitably
prosecute before such as have authority to hear the same.

"Also, that every dean, archdeacon, master of collegiate church,
master of hospital, and prebendary, being priest, shall preach by
himself personally, twice every year at the least, either in the place
where he is entitled, or in some church where he hath jurisdiction, or
else which is to the said place appropriate or united.

"Also, that they shall instruct and teach in their cures, that no man
ought obstinately and maliciously to break and violate the laudable
ceremonies of the church, by the king commanded to be observed, as yet
not abrogated. And, on the other side, that whosoever doth
superstitiously abuse them, doth the same to the great peril of his
soul's health; as in casting holy water upon his bed, upon images, and
other dead things; or bearing about him holy bread, or St. John's
Gospel; or making crosses of wood upon Palm Sunday, in time of reading
of the passion; or keeping of private holy-days, as bakers, brewers,
smiths, shoemakers, and such others do; or ringing of the holy bells,
or blessing with the holy candle, to the intent thereby to be
discharged of the burden of sin, or drive away devils, or to put away
dreams and fantasies; or in putting trust and confidence of health and
salvation in the same ceremonies, when they be only ordained to put us
in remembrance of the benefits which we have received by Christ. And
if any use them for any other purpose, he grievously offendeth God.

"Also, that they shall take away, utterly extinct and destroy, all
shrines, coverings of shrines, tables, candlesticks, trindles, or
rolls of wax, pictures, paintings, and all other monuments of feigned
miracles, pilgrimages, idolatry, and superstition, so that there
remain no memory of the same on walls, glasses, windows, or elsewhere,
within their churches or houses; and they shall exhort all their
parishioners to do the like within their several houses.

"Also, that the churchwardens, at the common charge of the
parishioners, in every church shall provide a comely and honest
pulpit, to be set in a convenient place within the same, for the
preaching of God's word.

"Also, they shall provide and have, within three months after this
visitation, a strong chest, with a hole in the upper part thereof, to
be provided at the cost and charge of the parish, having three keys,
whereof one shall remain in the custody of the parson, vicar, or
curate, and the other two in the custody of the churchwardens, or any
other two honest men, to be appointed by the parish from year to year;
which chest you shall set and fasten near unto the high altar, to the
intent the parishioners should put into it their oblations and alms
for their poor neighbours. And the parson, vicar, or curate, shall
diligently from time to time, and especially when men make their
testaments, call upon, exhort, and move their neighbours, to confer
and give, as they may well spare, to the said chest; declaring unto
them that whereas, heretofore, they have been diligent to bestow much
substance otherwise than God commanded, upon pardons, pilgrimages,
trentals, decking of images, offering of candles, giving to the
friars, and upon other like blind devotions, they ought, at this time,
to be much more ready to help the poor and needy, knowing that to
relieve the poor is a true worshipping of God, required earnestly upon
pain of everlasting damnation; and that also whatsoever is given for
their comfort, is given to Christ himself, and so is accepted of him;
that he will mercifully reward the same with everlasting life, the
which alms and devotion of the people, the keepers of the keys shall,
at all times convenient, take out of the church, and distribute the
same in the presence of the whole parish, or six of them, to be truly
and faithfully delivered to their most needy neighbours; and if they
be provided for, then to the reparations of the highways next
adjoining. And also, the money which riseth of fraternities, guilds,
and other stocks of the church, except by the king's Majesty's
authority it be otherwise appointed, shall be put into the said chest,
and converted to the said use; and also the rents of lands, the profit
of cattle, and money given and bequeathed to the finding of torches,
lights, tapers, and lamps, shall be converted to the said use; saving
that it shall be lawful for them to bestow part of the said profits
upon the reparations of the church, if great need require, and where
the parish is very poor, and not able otherwise to repair the same.

"And forasmuch as priests be public ministers of the church, and upon
the holy-days ought to apply themselves to the common ministration of
the whole parish, they shall not be bound to go to women lying in
childbed, except in time of dangerous sickness; and not to fetch any
corpse before it be brought to the church-yard: and if the woman be
sick, or the corpse brought to the church, the priest shall do his
duty accordingly in visiting the woman, and burying the dead person.

"Also, to avoid the detestable sin of simony, because the buying and
selling of benefices is execrable before God, therefore all such as
buy any benefices, or come to them by fraud or deceit, shall be
deprived of such benefices, and be made unable at any time after to
receive any other spiritual promotions: and such as do sell them, or
by any colour do bestow them for their own gain and profit, shall lose
the right and title of patronage and presentment for that time; and
the gift thereof for that vacation shall appertain to the king's
Majesty.

"Also because, through lack of preachers, in many places of the king's
realms and dominions, the people continued in ignorance and blindness,
all parsons, vicars, and curates, shall read in their churches every
Sunday, one of the homilies which are and shall be set forth, for the
same purpose, by the king's authority, in such sort as they shall be
appointed to do, in the preface of the same.

"Also, whereas many indiscreet persons do at this day uncharitably
contemn and abuse priests and ministers of the church, because some of
them (having small learning) have of long time favoured phantasies,
rather than God's truth; yet, forasmuch as their office and function
is appointed of God, the king's Majesty willeth and chargeth all his
loving subjects, that, from henceforth, they shall use them charitably
and reverently, for their office and ministration's sake; and,
especially, all such as labour in the setting-forth of God's holy
word.

"Also, that all manner of persons, who understand not the Latin
tongue, shall pray on no other Primer but upon that which was lately
set forth in English by the authority of King Henry the Eighth, of
most famous memory; and that no teachers of youth shall teach any
other than the said Primer. And all those who have knowledge of the
Latin tongue, shall pray upon none other Latin Primer, but upon that
which is likewise set forth by the said authority. And that all graces
to be said at dinner and supper, shall be always said in the English
tongue. And that none other grammar shall be taught in any school or
other place within the king'srealms and dominions, but only that which
is set forth by the said authority.

"Item, That all chantry priests shall exercise themselves in teaching
youth to read and write, and bring them up in good manners, and other
virtuous exercises.

"Item, When any sermon or homily shall be had, the prime and hours
shall be omitted."

Besides these general injunctions and laws ecclesiastical, set out by
the godly prince, King Edward, with the consent of his uncle, for the
whole estate of the realm, there were also certain others particularly
appointed for the bishops only, which, being delivered unto the
commissioners, were likewise at their visitations committed unto the
said bishops, with charge to be inviolably observed and kept, upon
pain of the king's Majesty's displeasure; the copies whereof here
ensue in tenor and effect following:-

"Injunctions given by the most excellent prince, Edward the Sixth, to
the reverend father in God, Thomas, bishop of Westminster, in his
Highness's visitation.

"First, you shall, to your uttermost wit and understanding, see, and
cause all, every, and singular the king's injunctions heretofore
given, or hereafter to be given, from time to time, in and through
your diocese duly, faithfully, and truly, to be kept, observed, and
accomplished.

"Item, you shall personally preach in your diocese, every quarter of a
year, once, at the least; that is to say, once in your cathedral
church, and thrice in the year in other several places of your
diocese, where to you shall seem most convenient and necesssary;
except you have a reasonable excuse to the contrary.

"Item, You shall not retain into your service or household, any
chaplain or chaplains but such as be learned, or able to preach the
word of God; and these you shall cause to exercise the same.

"Item, you shall not give orders to any person or persons, not being
learned in Holy Scripture, nor deny them that be learned in the same,
and of honest conversation and living.

"Item, you shall not, at any time or place, preach or set forth unto
the people, any doctrine contrary or repugnant to the effect and 
content contained and set forth in the king's Highness's homilies;
neither yet admit, or give licence to preach to, any within your
diocese, but to such as you shall know, or, at least, assuredly trust,
will do the same. And if, at any time, by hearing or by report proved,
you shall perceive the contrary, you shall, incontinent, inhibit that
person so offending, and punish him, and revoke your licences. All
which and singular injunctions you shall inviolably observe and keep,
upon pain of the king's Majesty's displeasure, and as you will answer
for the contrary.

"Given, the twenty-ninth day of August, in the chapter-house of the
cathedral church of St. Peter's of Westminster, the first year of the
reign of our said sovereign lord, King Edward the Sixth.

"Anthony Cook; John Godsalve; John Gosnold; Christopher Nevinson; John
Madew."

"Injunctions given by the king's Majesty's visitation, by us, Sir
Anthony Cook, knight; Sir John Godsalve, knight; John Gosnold,
esquire; Christopher Nevinson, doctor of law; and John Madew, doctor
of divinity; commissioners specially appointed by the king's Majesty
to visit the churches of Westminster, London, Norwich, and Ely: to the
right reverend Father in God, Thomas, bishop of Westminster.

"In primis: In consideration, that above and before all other things,
such ways and means are to be sought for, whereby the people may learn
to know their duties to God, their sovereign lord, and one another:
you shall cause, every Sunday, divine service to be done and ended in
every parish church within this city of Westminster, before nine of
the clock the same days; to the intent that the priests and the laity
of the city may resort to the sermon to be made in your cathedral
church, except they have a sermon made and preached in your own parish
churches.

"Item, Whereas, by the ignorance of the clergy, not only God's glory
is greatly obscured, but, also, the same clergy much disdained and
evil spoken of by some of the laity, you shall cause that every
parson, vicar, chantry-priest, and other stipendiary within this city
of Westminster, be present at every lecture of divinity to be made
within the college of St. Stephen, except they or any of them have
some reasonable let, to be allowed and admitted by your chancellor,
commissary, or other officer for that purpose, or the reader of the
said lecture.

"Also you, your chancellor, commissary, and others, exercising
jurisdiction ecclesiastical under you, shall proceed in all kinds of
causes summarily, and de plano, sine figura et strepitu judicii; and
shall give sentence in every cause within four assignations after the
term ad audiendum sententiam finalem. All which and singular
injunctions you shall inviolably observe and keep, upon pain of the
king's Majesty's displeasure, and as you will answer for the contrary.

"Given at Westminster the third day of September, in the first year of
the reign of our sovereign lord, Edward the Sixth, by the grace of
God, king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith; and,
in earth, of the Church of England, and also in Ireland, the supreme
head.

"Anthony Cook; John Godsalve; John Gosnold; Christopher Nevinson; John
Madew."

Now, during the time that the commissioners were occupied abroad in
their circuits about the speedy and diligent execution of these godly
and zealous orders and decrees of the king and his council, his
Majesty, (with the advice of the same,) yet still desiring a further
reformation as well in this case of religion, as also in some others
of his civil government, appointed a parliament of the three estates
of his realm to be summoned against the fourth day of November, in the
first year of his reign, A. D. 1547, which continued unto the twenty-
fourth day of December then next following; in which session,
forasmuch as his Highness minded the governance and order of his
people to be in perfect unity and concord in all things, and
especially in the true faith and religion of God, and therewithal also
duly weighed the great danger that his loving subjects were in, for
professing the gospel of Christ, through many and divers cruel
statutes made by sundry his predecessors against the same, (which
being still left in force, might both cause the obstinate to contemn
his Grace's godly proceedings, and also the weak to be fearful of
their Christianlike profession,) he therefore caused it among other
things, by the authority of the same parliament, to be enacted, "that
all acts of parliament and statutes, touching, mentioning, or in any
wise concerning, religion or opinions; that is to say, as well the
statute made in the first year of the reign of King Richard the
Second, and the statute made in the second year of the reign of King
Henry the Fifth, and the statute made in the 25th year of the reign of
King Henry the Eighth, concerning punishment and reformation of
heretics and Lollards, and every provision therein contained; and the
statutes made for the abolishment of diversity of opinions in certain
articles concerning Christian religion, commonly called the six
articles, made in the 31st year of the reign of King Henry the Eighth,
and also the statute made in the parliament begun the 16th day of
January, in the 33d year of the reign of the said King Henry the
Eighth, and, after, prorogued unto the 22d day of January, in the 34th
year of his said reign, touching, mentioning, or in any wise
concerning, books of the Old and New Testament in English, and the
printing, uttering, selling, giving, or delivering of books or
writings, and retaining of English books or writings, and reading,
preaching, teaching, or expounding the Scriptures, or in any wise
touching, mentioning, or concerning, any of the said matters; and also
one other statute, made in the 35th year of the reign of the said King
Henry the Eighth, concerning the qualification of the statute of the
six articles, and all and every other act or acts of parliament,
concerning doctrine or matters of religion; and all and every branch,
article, sentence, matter, pains, or forfeitures contained, mentioned,
or in any wise declared, in any of the same acts and statutes, should
from thenceforth be utterly repealed, made void, and of none effect."

By occasion hereof, as well all such his godly subjects as were then
still abiding within this realm, had free liberty publicly to profess
the gospel; as also many learned and zealous preachers, before
banished, were now both licensed freely to return home again, and also
encouraged boldly and faithfully to travail in their function and
calling, so that God was much glorified, and the people, in many
places, greatly edified.

Moreover, in the same session his Majesty, with the lords spiritual
and temporal, and the commons in the same parliament assembled,
thoroughly understanding by the judgment of the best learned, that it
was more agreeable unto the first institution of the sacrament of the
most precious body and blood of our Saviour Christ, and also more
conformable to the common use and practice both of the apostles, and
of the primitive church, by the space of five hundred years and more
after Christ's ascension, that the said holy sacrament should be
ministered unto all Christian people under both the kinds of bread and
wine, than under the form of bread only; and also that it was more
agreeable unto the said first institution of Christ, and the usage of
the apostles and primitive church, that the people, being present,
should receive the same with the priest, than that the priest should
receive it alone; did, by their authority, moreover enact:

"That the said holy sacrament should be from thenceforth commonly
delivered and ministered unto the people, throughout the churches of
England and Ireland, and other the king's dominions, under both the
kinds of bread and wine, except necessity otherwise required; and,
also, that the priest that should minister the same, should, at least
one day before, exhort all persons who should be present, likewise to
resort and prepare themselves to receive the same. And at the day
prefixed, after some godly exhortation made by the minister, wherein
should be further expressed the benefit and comfort promised to them
that worthily receive this holy sacrament, and the danger and
indignation of God, threatened to them which presume to receive the
same unworthily, to the end that every man might try and examine his
own conscience before he should come thereto; the said minister should
not, without a lawful cause, deny the same to any person that would
devoutly and humbly desire it: any law, statute, ordinance, or custom
contrary thereunto in any wise notwithstanding."

After which most godly consent of the parliament, the king, being no
less desirous to have the form of administration of the sacrament
truly reduced to the right rule of the Scriptures, and first use of
the primitive church, than he was to establish the same by the
authority of his own regal laws, appointed certain of the most grave
and best learned bishops, and others of his realm, to assemble
together at his castle of Windsor, there to argue and treat upon this
matter, and to conclude upon, and set forth, one perfect and uniform
order, according to the rule and use aforesaid.

And, in the mean time, while that the learned were thus occupied about
their conferences, the lord protector and the rest of the king's
council, further remembering that that time of the year did then
approach, wherein were practised many superstitious abuses and
blasphemous ceremonies against the glory of God and truth of his word,
(determining the utter abolishing thereof,) directed their letters
unto the godly and reverend father, Thomas Cranmer, then archbishop of
Canterbury, and metropolitan of England, requiring him that, upon the
receipt thereof, he should will every bishop within his province,
forthwith to give in charge unto all the curates of their dioceses,
that neither candles should be any more borne upon Candlemas-day, nor
yet ashes used in Lent, nor palms upon Palm-Sunday.

Whereupon the archbishop, zealously favouring the good and Christian-
like purpose of the king and his council, did immediately, in that
behalf, write unto all the rest of the bishops of that province, and,
amongst them, unto Edmund Bonner, then bishop of London; of whose
rebellious and obstinate contumacy, for that we have hereafter more to
say, I thought not to stand now long thereupon, but only by the way
somewhat to note his former dissimulation and cloaked hypocrisy, in
that he outwardly, at the first, consented as well unto this, as also
unto all other the king's proceedings; but whether for fear or for any
other subtle fetch I know not; howbeit most like it is rather for one
of them, or both, than for any true love. And therefore, receiving the
archbishop's letters, as one of them seeming to allow the contents
thereof, he did presently write unto the bishop of Westminster, and to
others to whom he was appointed, requiring them to give such knowledge
thereof in their dioceses, as thereunto appertained; as more plainly
appeareth by these his own letters here inserted, which here do
follow.

A letter missive of Edmund Bonner, sent to the bishop of Westminster,
with the tenor of the archbishop's letter for abolishing of candles,
ashes, palms, and other ceremonies.

"My very good lord, after most hearty commendations, these be to
advertise your good Lordship, that my Lord of Canterbury's Grace, this
present twenty-eighth day of January, sent unto me his letters
missive, containing this, in effect: that my lord protector's Grace,
with the advice of other the king's Majesty's most honourable council,
for certain considerations them moving, are fully resolved that no
candles shall be borne upon Candlemas-day, nor also from henceforth
ashes or palms used any longer: requiring me thereupon, by his said
letters, to cause admonition and knowledge thereof to be given unto
your Lordship, and other bishops, with celerity accordingly. In
consideration whereof, I do send at this present these letters unto
your said Lordship, that you thereupon may give knowledge and
advertisement thereof within your diocese, as appertaineth. Thus I
commit your good Lordship to Almighty God, as well to fare as your
good heart can best desire.

"Written in haste, at my house in London, the said twenty-eighth day
of January, 1548. 
"Your good Lordship's to command,

"EDMUND LONDON."

Now, about that present time, credible and certain report was made
unto the lords of the council, that great contention and strife did
daily arise among the common people, in divers parts of this realm,
for the pulling down and taking away of such images out of the
churches, as had been idolatrously abused by pilgrimage, offerings, or
otherwise, (according to the tenor of one of the injunctions given by
the king in his late visitation,) some affirming that that image was
abused, others that this, and, most, that neither of them both; so
that, if speedy remedy were not had therein, it might turn to further
inconvenience. Wherefore they, by one advice, thinking it best, (of
good experience,) for avoiding of all discord and tumult, that all
manner of images should be clean taken out of all churches, and none
suffered to remain, did thereupon again write their letters unto the
archbishop of Canterbury, requiring his ready aid therein, in manner
following.

Another letter of the council, sent to the archbishop of Canterbury
for the abolishing of images.

"After our right hearty commendations to your good Lordship: whereas
now of late, in the king's Majesty's visitations, among other godly
injunctions commanded to be generally observed through all parts of
this his Highness's realm, one was set forth for the taking down of
all such images as had at any time been abused with pilgrimages,
offerings, or censings, albeit that this said injunction hath in many
parts of this realm been quietly obeyed and executed, yet, in many
other places, much strife and contention hath risen and daily riseth,
and more and more increaseth, about the execution of the same (some 
men being so superstitious, or rather wilful, as they would, by their
good will, retain all such images still, although they have been most
manifestly abused); and in some places also the images, which by the
said injunctions were taken down, be now restored and set up again;
and almost in every place is contention for images, whether they have
been abused or not: and while these men go on both sides contentiously
to obtain their minds, contending whether this or that image hath been
offered unto, kissed, censed, or otherwise abused, parts have, in some
places, been taken in such sort, as further inconveniences be like to
ensue, if remedy be not found in time. Considering therefore, that
almost in no place of this realm is any sure quietness, but where all
images be clean taken away and pulled down already, to the intent that
all contention in every part of the realm, for this matter, may be
clearly taken away, and that the lively image of Christ should not
contend for the dead images, which be things not necessary, and
without which the churches of Christ continued most godly many years;
we have thought good to signify unto you, that his Highness's
pleasure, with the advice and consent of us the lord protector and the
rest of the council, is, that immediately upon the sight hereof, with
as convenient diligence as you may, you shall not only give order,
that all the images remaining in any church or chapel within your
diocese be removed and taken away, but also, by your letters, signify
unto the rest of the bishops within your province, his Highness's
pleasure, for the like order to be given by them and every of them,
within their several dioceses. And in the execution hereof, we require
both you and the rest of the said bishops, to use such foresight that
the same may be quietly done, with as good satisfaction of the people
as may be. Thus fare your good Lordship heartily well.

"From Somerset-place, the 11th of February, 1547.
"Your Lordship's assured loving friends,
Edward Somerset,
John Russell,
Henry Arundel,
Thomas Seymour,
Anthony Wingfield,
William Paget."

When the archbishop had received these letters, he forthwith directed
his precept unto Bonner, bishop of London, requiring, and in the
king's Majesty's name commanding him, that, with all speed, he should
as well give in charge unto the rest of the bishops within the
province of Canterbury, to look immediately, without delay, unto the
diligent and careful execution of the contents of the said letter
through all places of their diocese; as also, that he himself should
do the like within his own city and diocese of London. Whereupon he,
seeming then, with like outward consent as before, to allow these
doings, presently (by virtue of the said precept) did send out his
mandate as well unto the rest of the bishops, as also again unto the
bishop of Westminster.

$

228. THE BOOK OF COMMON PRAYER

Now, by the time that these things were thus determined, the learned
men whom the king had appointed (as ye have heard before) to assemble
together for the true and right manner of administering the sacrament
of the body and blood of Christ, according to the rule of the
Scriptures of God, and first usage of the primitive church, after
their long, learned, wise, and deliberate advices, did finally
conclude and agree upon one godly and uniform order of receiving the
same, not much differing from the manner at this present used and
authorized within this realm and Church of England, commonly called,
The Communion. Which agreement, being by them exhibited unto the king,
and of him most gladly accepted, was thereupon publicly imprinted,
and, by his Majesty's council, particularly divided and sent unto
every bishop of the realm, requiring and commanding them, by their
letters on the king's Majesty's behalf, that both they, in their own
persons, should forthwith have diligent and careful respect to the due
execution thereof, and also should, with all diligence, cause the
books which they then sent them, to be delivered unto every parson,
vicar, and curate within their diocese; that they, likewise, might
well and sufficiently advise themselves for the better distribution of
the same communion, (according to the tenor of the said book,) against
the feast of Easter then next ensuing, as more fully appeareth by
these their letters here following.

Letters missive from the council, to the bishops of the realm,
concerning the communion to be ministered in both kinds.

"After our most hearty commendations unto your Lordship: Whereas in
the parliament late holden at Westminster, it was, amongst other
things, most godly established, that, according to the first
institution and use of the primitive church, the most holy sacrament
of the body and blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ should be
distributed to the people under the kinds of bread and wine: according
to the effect whereof, the king's Majesty, minding, with the advice
and consent of the lord protector's Grace, and the rest of the
council, to have the said statute well executed in such sort, or like
as is agreeable with the word of God, (so the same may be also
faithfully and reverently received of his most loving subjects, to
their comforts and wealth,) hath caused sundry of his Majesty's most
grave and well-learned prelates, and other learned men in the
Scriptures, to assemble themselves for this matter; who, after long
conference together, have, with deliberate advice, finally agreed upon
such an order to be used in all places of the king's Majesty's
dominions, in the distribution of the said most holy sacrament, as may
appear to you by the book thereof, which we send herewith unto you.
Albeit, knowing your Lordship's knowledge in the Scriptures, and
earnest good will and zeal to the setting forth of all things
according to the truth thereof, we be well assured, you will, of your
own good will, and upon respect to your duty, diligently set forth
this most godly order here agreed upon, and commanded to be used by
the authority of the king's Majesty: yet, remembering the crafty
practice of the devil, who ceases not, by his members, to work by all
ways and means the hinderance of all godliness; and considering
furthermore, that a great number of the curates of the realm, either
for lack of knowledge cannot, or for want of good mind will not, be so
ready to set forth the same, as we would wish, and as the importance
of the matter and their own bounden duties require -- we have thought
good to pray and require your Lordship, and nevertheless, in the
king's Majesty's, our most dread sovereign lord's name, to command
you, to have an earnest diligence, and careful respect, both in your
own person, and by all your officers and ministers also, to cause
these books to be delivered to every parson, vicar, and curate within
your diocese, with such diligence as they may have sufficient time
well to instruct and advise themselves, for the distribution of the
most holy communion, according to the order of this book, before this
Easter time; and that they may, by your good means, be well directed
to use such good, gentle, and charitable instruction of their simple
and unlearned parishioners, as may be to all their good satisfactions
as much as may be; praying you to consider, that this order is set
forth, to the intent there should be, in all parts of the realm, and
among all men, one uniform manner quietly used. The execution whereof,
like as it shall stand very much in the diligence of you and others of
your vocation, so do we eftsoons require you to have a diligent
respect thereunto, as ye tender the king's Majesty's pleasure, and
will answer for the contrary. And thus we bid your Lordship right
heartily farewell.

"From Westminster the 13th of March, 1548.
"Your Lordship's loving friends,
Thomas Canterbury,
Henry Arundel,
Richard Rich,
Anthony Wingfield,
William St. John,
William Peter,
John Russell, 
Edward North,
Edward Wooton."

By means as well of this letter, and the godly order of the learned,
as also of the statute and act of parliament before mentioned, made
for the establishing thereof, all private blasphemous masses were now,
by just authority, fully abolished throughout this realm of England,
and the right use of the sacrament of the most precious body and blood
of our Saviour Jesus Christ truly restored instead of the same. But
nevertheless, as at no time any thing can be so well done by the
godly, but that the wicked will find some means subtlely to deface the
same, so likewise, at this present, through the perverse obstinacy and
dissembling frowardness of many of the inferior priests and ministers
of the cathedrals, and other churches of this realm, there did arise a
marvellous schism, and variety of fashions, in celebrating the common
service and administration of the sacraments, and other rites and
ceremonies of the church. For some, zealously allowing the king's
proceedings, did gladly follow the order thereof; and others, though
not so willingly admitting them, did yet dissemblingly and patchingly
use some part of them; but many, carelessly contemning all, would
still exercise their old wonted popery.

Whereof the king and his council having good intelligence, and fearing
the great inconveniences and dangers that might happen through this
division, and being therewithal loth, at first, to use any great
severity towards his subjects, but rather desirous, by some quiet and
godly order, to bring them to some conformity, did, by their prudent
advices, again appoint the archbishop of Canterbury, with certain of
the best learned and discreet bishops and other learned men,
diligently to consider and ponder the premises; and thereupon, having
as well an eye and respect unto the most sincere and pure Christian
religion taught by the Holy Scriptures, as also to the usages of the
primitive church, to draw and make one convenient and meet order,
rite, and fashion of Common Prayer, and administration of the
sacraments, to be had and used within this his realm of England, and
the dominions of the same; who, after most godly and learned
conferences, through the aid of the Holy Ghost, with one uniform
agreement did conclude, set forth, and deliver unto the king's
Highness, a book in English, entitled, A Book of the Common Prayer and
Administration of the Sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies of
the Church, after the use of the Church of England. Which his Highness
receiving, with great comfort and quietness of mind, did forthwith
exhibit unto the lords and commons of the parliament then assembled at
Westminster, about the fourth of November, in the second year of his
reign, and in the year of our Lord 1548, and continuing unto the
fourteenth day of March, then next ensuing.

Whereupon the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of the
said parliament assembled, well and thoroughly considering, as well
the most godly travail of the king's Highness, of the lord protector,
and others of his Majesty's council, in gathering together the said
archbishop, bishops, and other learned men, as the godly prayers,
orders, rites, and ceremonies in the said book mentioned, with the
consideration of altering those things which were altered, and
retaining those things which were retained in the same book; as also
the honour of God, and great quietness, which, by the grace of God,
should ensue upon that one and uniform rite and order in such common
prayer, rites, and extern ceremonies, to be used throughout England,
Wales, Calais, and the marches of the same, did first give unto his
Highness most lowly and hearty thanks for the same, and then most
humbly prayed him that it might be ordained and enacted by his
Majesty, with the assent of the lords and commons in that parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same, as followeth:

"That not only all and singular person and persons that had hitherto
offended concerning the premises (other than such as were then
remaining in ward in the Tower of London, or in the Fleet) might be
pardoned thereof; but also, that all and singular ministers in any
cathedral or parish churches, or other places, within the realm of
England, Wales, Calais, and the marches of the same, or other the
king's dominions, should, from and after the feast of Pentecost next
coming, be bound to say and use the matins, evensong, celebration of
the Lord's supper, and administration of each of the sacraments, and
all other common and open prayer, in such order and form as were
mentioned in the said book, and none other or otherwise.

"And, albeit that they were so godly and good that they gave occasion
unto every honest and conformable man most willingly to embrace them,
yet, lest any obstinate persons, who willingly would disturb so godly
an order and quiet in this realm, should go unpunished, they further
requested, that it might be ordained and enacted, by the authority
aforesaid, that if any manner of parson, vicar, or whatsoever other
minister that ought or should say or sing Common Prayer, (mentioned in
the said book,) or minister the sacraments, should, after the said
feast of Pentecost then next coming, refuse to use the said Common
Prayer, or to minister the sacraments in such cathedral or parish
churches, or other places, as he should use or minister the same, in
such order and form as they were mentioned, and set forth in the said
book; or should use wilfully, and obstinately standing in the same,
any other rite, ceremony, form, or manner of mass, openly or privily,
or matins, evensong, administration of the sacraments, or other open
prayer than was mentioned and set forth in the said book; or should
preach, declare, or speak, any thing in derogation or depraving of the
said book, or any thing therein contained, or of any part thereof, and
should be thereof lawfully convicted according to the laws of this
realm by verdict of twelve men, or by his own confession, or by the
notorious evidence of the fact, should lose and forfeit unto the
king's Highness, his heirs and successors, for his first offence, one
whole year's profit of such one of his benefices or spiritual
promotions, as it should please the king's Highness to assign and
appoint; and also, for the same offence, should suffer imprisonment by
the space of six months, without bail or mainprize. But, if any such
person, after his first conviction, should eftsoons offend again, and
be thereof, in form aforesaid, lawfully convicted, then he should, for
his second offence, suffer imprisonment by the space of one whole
year; and should also be deprived, ipso facto, of all his spiritual
promotions for ever, so that it should be lawful to the patrons and
donors thereof, to give the same again unto any other learned man, in
like manner as if the said party so offending were dead. And if any
the said person or persons should again the third time offend, and he
thereof, in form aforesaid, lawfully convicted, then he should, for
the same third offence, suffer imprisonment during his life. If any
such person or persons aforesaid, so offending, had not any benefice,

For spiritual promotion, that then he should, for his first offence,
suffer imprisonment by the space of six months without bail or
mainprize, and, for his second offence, imprisonment during his life."

Which request, or rather actual agreement, of the lords and commons of
the parliament, being once understood by the king, was also soon
ratified and confirmed by his regal consent and authority; and
thereupon the said book of Common Prayer was presently imprinted, and
commanded to be exercised throughout the whole realm and dominions
thereof, according to the tenor and effect of the said statute.
Moreover, in the same session of the said parliament it was enacted
and established by the authority thereof, as followeth:

"That forasmuch as great, horrible, and not to be rehearsed,
inconveniences had, from time to time, risen amongst the priests,
ministers, and other officers of the clergy, through their compelled
chastity, and by such laws as prohibited them the godly and lawful use
of marriage; that therefore all and every law and laws positive,
canons, constitutions, and ordinances theretofore made by the
authority of man only, which did prohibit or forbid marriage to any
ecclesiastical or spiritual person or persons, of what estate,
condition, or degree soever they were, or by what name or names they
were called, who, by God's law, may lawfully marry; in all and every
article, branch and sentence, concerning only the prohibition of the
marriage of the persons aforesaid, should be utterly void and of none
effect. And that all manner of forfeitures, pains, penalties, crimes,
or actions, which were in the said laws contained, and of the same did
follow, concerning the prohibition of the marriage of the said
ecclesiastical persons, should also be thenceforth clearly and utterly
void, frustrate, and of none effect."

By occasion hereof, it was, thence after, right lawful for any
ecclesiastical person, not having the gift of chastity, most godly to
live in the pure and holy estate of matrimony, according to the laws
and word of God.

But, if the first injunctions, statutes, and decrees of the prince
were, by many, but slenderly regarded, with much less good affection
were these, especially the book of Common Prayer, by divers now
received; yea, and that by some of them, who had always before, in
outward show, willingly allowed the former doings, as appeareth most
plainly, amongst others, by Bonner the bishop of London; who,
although, by his former letters and other mandates, he seemed hitherto
to favour all the king's proceedings, yet did lie, at that present,
(notwithstanding both the first statute for the establishing of the
communion and the abolishing of all private masses, and also this
statute of the ratifying and confirming of the book of Common Prayer,)
still suffer sundry idolatrous private masses of peculiar names, as
the Apostles' Mass, the Lady's Mass, and such-like, to be daily
solemnly sang within certain peculiar chapels of the cathedral church
of Paul's, cloaking them with the names of the Apostles' Communion,
and our Lady's Communion; not once finding any fault therewith, until
such time as the lords of the council, having intelligence thereof,
were fain, by their letters, to command and charge him to look better
thereunto. And then, being therewith somewhat pricked forwards,
(perhaps by fear,) he was content to direct his letters unto the dean
and chapter of his cathedral church of Paul's, thereby requesting them
forthwith to take such order therein, as the tenor of the council's
said letters, therewithal sent unto them, did import; both which
letters I have, for the more credit, here following inserted.

A letter directed from the King's council to Edmund Bonner, bishop of
London, for abrogating of private masses; especially the Apostles'
Mass, within the church of St. Paul, used under the name of the
Apostles' Communion.

"After hearty commendations; having very credible notice that within
that your cathedral church there be as yet the Apostles' Mass, and our
Lady's Mass, and other masses of such peculiar names, under the
defence and nomination of our Lady's Communion, and the Apostles'
Communion, used in private chapels, and other remote places of the
same, and not in the chancel: contrary unto the king's Majesty's
proceedings, the same being, for the misuse, displeasing to God; for
the place, Paul's, in example not tolerable; for the fondness of the
name, a scorn to the reverence of the communion of the Lord's body and
blood: we, for the augmentation of God's honour and glory, and the
consonance of his Majesty's laws, and the avoiding of murmur, have
thought good to will and command you, that, from henceforth, no such
masses in this manner be in your church any longer used; but that the
holy blessed communion, according to the act of parliament, be
ministered at the high altar of the church, and in no other places of
the same; and only at such time as your high masses were wont to be
used, except some number of people desire, for their necessary
business, to have a communion in the morning; and yet the same to be
executed in the chancel, at the high altar, as it is appointed in the
book of the public service, without cautel or digression from the
common order. And herein you shall not only satisfy our expectation of
your conformity in all lawful things, but also avoid the murmur of
sundry that be therewith justly offended. And so we bid your Lordship
heartily farewell.

"From Richmond, the 24th of June, anno 1519.
"Your loving friends,
Edward Somerset,
R. Rich, Chancellor,
William Saint John,
Francis Shrewsbury,
Edmund Montague,
William Cecil."

A letter of Edmund Bonner to the dean and chapter of Paul's, sent with
the order in council.

"To my right worshipful friends, and most loving good brethren, master
dean of Paul's, with all the canons, residentiaries, prebendaries,
sub-deans, and ministers of the same, and every of them, with speed:

"Right worshipful, with most hearty commendations. So it is, this
Wednesday, the 26th of June, going to dinner, I received letters from
the king's council by a pursuivant, and the same I do send now
herewith unto you, to the intent you may peruse them well, and proceed
accordingly; praying you, in case all be not present, yet those that
be now resident, and supplying the places, may, in their absence, call
the company together of the church, and make declaration hereof unto
them. Thus committing you to God, right well to fare.

"Written with speed this 26th of June, at one of the clock.
"Your loving brother,
EDMUND LONDON."

What zealous care was in this young king, and in the lord protector
his uncle, concerning reformation of Christ's church, and sincere
religion, by these injunctions, letters, precepts, and exhortations,
as well to the bishops, as to the justices of the realm above
premised, it may right well appear. Whereby we have to note, not so
much the careful diligence of the king and his learned council; as the
lingering slackness, and drawing back, on the other side, of divers of
the said justices and lawyers, but especially of bishops, and old
popish curates, by whose cloaked contempt, wilful winking, and
stubborn disobedience, the book of the Common Prayer was, long after
the publishing thereof, either not known at all, or else very
irreverently used, throughout many places of the realm. Which, when
the king, by complaint of divers, perfectly understood, being not a
little aggrieved to see the godly agreement of the learned, the
willing consent of the parliament, and his Grace's own zealous desire,
to take so small effect among his subjects, he decreed presently, with
the advice of his whole council, again to write unto all the bishops
of his realm, for speedy and diligent redress therein; willing and
commanding them thereby, that as well they themselves should,
thenceforth, have a more special regard to the due execution of the
premises, as also that all others, within their several precincts and
jurisdictions, should, by their good instructions and willing example,
be the more often and with better devotion, moved to use and frequent
the same: as further appeareth by the contents of this letter here
ensuing.

Another letter, directed by the king and his council to Bonner, bishop
of London, partly rebuking him of negligence, partly charging him to
see to the better setting-out of the Service-Book within his diocese.

"Right reverend father in God! right trusty and well-beloved! we greet
you well: and whereas, after great and serious debating and long
conference of the bishops and other grave and well learned men in the
Holy Scriptures, one uniform order for Common Prayers and
Administration of the Sacraments, hath been, and is, most godly set
forth, not only by the common agreement and full assent of the
nobility and commons of the late session of our late parliament, but
also, by the like assent of the bishops in the same parliament, and of
all other the learned men of this our realm, in their synods and
convocations provincial: like as it was much to our comfort, to
understand the godly travail then diligently and willingly taken for
the true opening of things mentioned in the said book, whereby the
true service and honour of Almighty God, and the right ministration of
the sacraments being well and sincerely set forth, according to the
Scriptures and use of the primitive church, much idolatry, vain
superstition, and great and slanderous abuses be taken away: so it is
no small occasion of sorrow unto us, to understand, by the complaints
of many, that our said book, so much travailed for, and also sincerely
set forth, (as is aforesaid,) remaineth, in many places of this our
realm, either not known at all, or not used; or at least, if it be
used, very seldom, and that in such light and irreverent sort, that
the people, in many places, either have heard nothing, or, if they
hear, they neither understand, nor have that spiritual delectation in
the same, that to good Christians appertaineth. The fault whereof,
like as we must of reason impute to you and other of your vocation,
called by God, through our appointment, to have due respect to this
and such-like matters; so, considering that, by these and such-like
occasions, our loving subjects remain yet still in their blindness and
superstitious errors, and, in some places, in an irreligious
forgetfulness of God, whereby his wrath may be provoked upon us and
them; and remembering withal, that amongst other cures committed to
our princely charge, we think this the greatest, to see the glory and
true service of Him maintained and extolled, by whose clemency we
acknowledge ourselves to have all that we have; we could not but, by
advice and consent of our dearest uncle, Edward, duke of Somerset,
governor of our person, and protector of our realm, dominions, and
subjects, and the rest of our privy council, admonish you of the
premises. Wherein, as it had been your office to have used an earnest
diligence, and to have preferred the same in all places within your
diocese, as the case required; so have we thought good to pray and
require you, and nevertheless straitly to charge and command you, that
from henceforth ye have an earnest and special regard to the
restoration of these things, so as the curates may do their duties
more often, and in more reverent sort, and the people be occasioned,
by the good advices and examples of yourself, your chancellor,
archdeacons, and other inferior ministers, to come with oftener and
more devotion to their said Common Prayers, to give thanks to God, and
to be partakers of the most holy communion. Wherein showing yourself
diligent, and giving good example in your own person, you shall both
discharge your duty to the great Pastor, to whom we all have to
account, and also do us good service: and, on the other side, if we
shall hereafter (these our letters and commandment notwithstanding)
have eftsoons complaint, and find the like faults in your diocese, we
shall have just cause to impute the fault thereof, and of all that
ensueth thereof, unto you; and, consequently, be occasioned thereby to
see otherwise to the redress of these things; whereof we would be
sorry. And, therefore, we do eftsoons charge and command you, upon
your allegiance, to look well upon your duty herein, as ye tender our
pleasure.

"Given under our signet, at our manor of Richmond, the 23rd day of
July, the third year of our reign, 1549."

The bishop of London, amongst the rest of the bishops, receiving these
letters, did (as always before) in outward show willingly accept the
same; and, therefore, immediately with the said letters directed this
his precept unto the dean and chapter of his cathedral church of
Paul's, commanding them to look to the due accomplishing thereof
accordingly.

"Edmund, by the grace of God, &c.: to my well-beloved brethren the
dean and chapter of the cathedral church of St. Paul in London, and to
the other ministers there, and every of them, do send greeting. And
whereas it is so, that of late I have received the said sovereign lord
the king's Majesty's letters, of such tenor as is hereunto annexed, 
and, according to my most bounden duty, am right well willing and
desiring, that the said letters should be in all points duly executed
and observed, according to the tenor and purport of the same, as
appertaineth: these therefore are to require, and also straitly to
charge you, and every of you, on his Majesty's behalf, &c., that you
do admonish and command, or cause to be admonished or commanded, all
and singular parsons, vicars, and curates of your jurisdiction, to
observe and accomplish the same from time to time accordingly:
furthermore requiring and likewise charging you, and every of you, to
make certificate herein to me, my chancellor, or others, my officers
in this behalf, with such convenient celerity as appertaineth, both of 
your proceedings in the execution hereof, and also the persons and
names of all such as, from henceforth, shall be found negligent in
doing their duties in the premises, or any of them.

"Given at my house at Fulham, the twenty-sixth of July, A. D. 1549,
and in the third year of our said sovereign lord the king's Majesty's
reign."

Moreover, forasmuch as the king, at that instant, hearing the
muttering of certain rebellion then stirring, (whereof more shall be
said, the Lord willing, hereafter,) and also being credibly informed
by divers, that, through the evil example, slackness of preaching and
administering the sacraments, and careless contempt of Bonner, bishop
of London, not only many of the people within the city of London, and 
other places of his diocese, were very negligent and forgetful of
their duties to God, in frequenting the divine service then
established and set forth by the authority of parliament, but also,
that divers others, utterly despising the same, did, in secret places
of his diocese, often frequent the popish mass, and other foreign
rites not allowed by the laws of this realm, he thought it therefore
good (having thereby just cause to suspect his former dissembling
doubleness) to appoint the lord protector and the rest of his privy
council to call the said bishop before them, and according to their
wise and discreet judgments, to deal with him for the same.

Whereupon, the eleventh day of August, A. D. 1549, they sent a
messenger for him, and, upon his appearance, made first declaration of
such informations and complaints as had been heretofore made against
him. And then, after sharp admonitions and reproofs for his evil
demeanours in the premises, they delivered unto him from the king (for
his better reformation and amendment) certain private injunctions, to
be necessarily followed and observed of himself. And whereas, in the
first branch of the said injunctions, he was personally assigned to
preach at Paul's Cross the Sunday three weeks then next ensuing,
(because both the dangerous and fickle estate of the time, and also
partly his own suspicious behaviour, so required,) they further
delivered unto him, in writing, such articles to treat upon in his
sermon, as they thought then most meet and necessary for the time and
causes aforesaid.

All the aforesaid injunctions and articles, for the further
manifestation thereof, I have here inserted as followeth:

"Forasmuch as we are advertised that, amongst other disorders of our
subjects at this present, there be divers of our city of London, and
other places within your diocese, which, being very negligent and
forgetful of their duty to Almighty God, of whom all good things are
to be looked for, do assemble themselves very seldom, and fewer times
than they were heretofore accustomed, unto Common Prayer, and to the
Holy Communion, being now a time when it were more needful, with heart
and mind, to pray to our heavenly Father for his aid and succour;
whereof as we be right sorry, so we do understand that, through your
evil example, and the slackness of your preaching and instructing of
our said people to do their duties, this offence to God is most
generally committed. For whereas heretofore, upon all principal
feasts, and such as were called majus duplex, you yourself were wont
to execute in person, now, since the time that we, by the advice of
our whole parliament, have set a most godly and devout order in our
Church of England and Ireland, ye have very seldom or never executed
upon such or other days; to the contempt of our proceedings and evil
example of others. And, forasmuch as it is also brought to our
knowledge, that divers, as well in London, as in other places of your
diocese, do frequent and haunt foreign rites and masses, and such as
be not allowed by the orders of our realm, and contemn and forbear to
praise and laud God, and pray unto his Majesty, after such rites and
ceremonies as, in this realm, are approved and set out by our
authority; and further, that adultery and fornication are maintained
and kept openly and commonly in the said city of London and other
places of your diocese, whereby the wrath of God is provoked against
our people; of the which things you, being heretofore admonished, yet
hitherto have made no redress, as to the pastoral office, authority,
and cure of a bishop doth appertain: we, therefore, to whom the
supreme cure and charge of this church doth appertain, to avoid from
us the high indignation of Almighty God, by the advice of our most
entirely beloved uncle the lord protector, and the rest of our privy
council, have thought it no less than our most bounden duty, now at
this present, and eftsoons peremptorily, to admonish, charge, and warn
you, that you do most straitly look upon the premises, and see them so
reformed that there may appear no negligence on your behalf; upon such
pain as, by our laws ecclesiastical and temporal, we may inflict upon
you, unto deprivation or otherwise, as shall seem to us, for quality
of the offence, reasonable. And to the intent you should the better
see to the reformation of the said abuses, we have thought good to
give you these injunctions following:

"First, ye shall preach at Paul's Cross in London, in proper person,
the Sunday after the date hereof three weeks, and in the same sermon
declare and set forth the articles hereunto annexed; and ye shall
preach hereafter once every quarter of the year there, exhorting, in
your sermon, the people to obedience, prayer, and godly living; and ye
shall be present at every sermon hereafter made at Paul's Cross, if
sickness, or some other reasonable cause, do not let you.

"Secondly, You yourself, in person, shall from henceforth every day
which heretofore was accounted in this Church of England a principal
feast, or majus duplex, and at all such times as the bishops of
London, your predecessors, were wont to celebrate and sing high mass,
now celebrate and execute the communion at the high altar in Paul's
for the better example of all others; except sickness do let.

"Thirdly, Ye shall yourself, according to your duty and the office of
a bishop, call before you all such as do not come unto and frequent
the common prayer and service in the church, or do not come unto God's
board, and receive the communion at least once a year; or whosoever do
frequent or go unto any other rite or service than is appointed by our
book, either of matins, evensong, or mass, in any church, chapel, or
other private places within your diocese; and ye shall see all such
offenders convented before you, and punished according unto the
ecclesiastical laws, with severe and strait punishment therefore.
Likewise ye shall see one only order used in your diocese, according
to our said book, and none other.

"Fourthly, Ye shall, both by yourself and all your officers under you,
search out and convent before you more diligently than heretofore ye
have done (as appertaineth to your office) all adulterers, and see the
same punished according to the ecclesiastical laws, and to the
authority given you in that behalf.

"Fifthly, We have heard also complaints, that the church of Paul's and
other churches of London, are of late more neglected, as well in
reparation of the glass, as other buildings and ornaments of the same,
than they were heretofore wont; and that divers and many persons in
the city, of malice deny the payment of their due tithe to their
curates, whereby the curates are both injured, and made not so well
able, and in manner discouraged, to do their duties: the which thing
also, our will and commandment is, ye shall diligently look unto, and
see redressed as appertaineth.

"Sixthly, And forasmuch as all these complaints be made, as most done
and committed in London, to the intent you may look more earnestly,
better, and more diligently, to the reformation of them, our pleasure
is, that you shall abide and keep residence in your house there, as in
the city, see, and principal place, of your diocese, and none other
where, for a certain time, until you shall be otherwise licensed by
us."

$

229. PAPIST REBELLIONS

And thus, having brought Bishop Bonner home to his own house, there to
leave him awhile, to take his ease in his own lodging till we return
to him again, we will, in the mean time, make a little intercourse
into Cornwall and Devonshire, to discourse some part of the disordered
and disloyal doings of those men against their so meek and excellent a
prince, having no cause ministered thereunto; yea, having cause rather
to yield praise and thanks to the Lord for such a quiet and peaceable
prince in his mercy given unto them. But such is the condition of
unquiet natures, that they cannot skill of peace: and where due
discretion lacketh, there lewd disposed persons cannot tell when they
be well. Again, some be so crooked and so perversely given, that the
more courteously they be treated, the worse they are; and when, by
honest diligence, they list not to get their living, by public
disturbance of commonwealths they think to thrive. And so seemed it to
fare with this seditious people of Cornwall and Devonshire, who,
having so good and virtuous a king, that if they should have sought
him, as Diogenes, they say, did seek for a man with a candle, a meeker
and better sovereign they could not have found, a crueller they well
deserved; yet were they not with him contented, but, contrary to all
order, reason, nature, and loyalty, advanced themselves in a
rebellious conspiracy against him, and against his proceedings,
through the pernicious instigation, first (as it seemeth) of certain
popish priests, who, grudging and disdaining against the injunctions
and godly order of reformation set forward by the king, and especially
mourning to see their old popish Church of Rome to decay, ceased not,
by all sinister and subtle means, first under God's name and the
king's, and under colour of religion, to persuade the people; then, to
gather sides, to assemble in companies, and to gather captains; and at
last to burst out in rank rebellion.

Neither lacked there among the lay sort some as seditiously disposed
as they to mischief and madness, as well gentlemen as others. Of whom
the chief gentlemen captains were, Humfrey Arundel, esquire, governor
of the Mount, James Rosogan, John Rosogan, John Pain, Thomas Underhil,
John Soleman, William Segar. Of priests who were principal stirrers,
and some of them governors of the camps, and afterwards executed,
there were to the number of eight, whose names were Robert Bochim,
John Tompson, Roger Barret, John Wolcock, William Asa, James Mourton,
John Barrow, Richard Benet, besides a multitude of other popish
priests, which to the same faction was adjoined. The number of the
whole rebellion, speaking with the least, mounted to little less than
ten thousand stout traitors.

These, hearing first of the commotions which began about the same time
in other parts to broil, as in Oxfordshire, Yorkshire, and especially
in Norfolk and Suffolk, began to take therein some courage, hoping
that they should have well fortified the same quarrel. But afterwards,
they, perceiving how the mischievous mutterings and enterprises of
their conspiracy did suddenly fail, either being prevented by time, or
repressed by power; or that their cause, being but only about plucking
down of enclosures, and enlarging of commons, was divided from theirs,
so that either they would not or could not join their aid together,
then began they again to quail, and their courage to abate.
Notwithstanding, forasmuch as they had gone so far that they thought
there was no shrinking back, they fell to new devices and inventions,
for the best furtherance of their desperate purposes.

Their first intent was, after they had spoiled their own country most
miserably, to invade the city of Exeter, and so, consequently, all
other parts of the realm. But first, for Exeter, they gaped, the gates
whereof twice they burned, but gained nothing saving only gunshot,
whereof they lacked no plenty. Being put from Exeter, they fell on
spoiling and robbing, where or whatsoever they might catch. At length,
laying their traitorous heads together, they consulted upon certain
articles to be sent up. But herein such diversity of heads and wits
was amongst them, that for every kind of brain there was one manner of
article; so that there neither appeared any consent in their 
diversity, nor yet any constancy in their agreement. Some seemed more
tolerable: others altogether unreasonable: some would have no justice:
some would have no state of gentlemen. The priests ever harped upon
one string, to ring in the bishop of Rome into England again, and to
halloo home Cardinal Pole their countryman.

After much ado, and little to the purpose, at last a few sorry
articles were agreed upon, to be directed unto the king, with the
names of certain set thereunto, the copy whereof here ensueth.

The articles of the commons of Devonshire and Cornwall, sent to the
king.

"First, Forasmuch as man, except he be born of water and the Holy
Ghost, cannot enter into the kingdom of God, and forasmuch as the
gates of heaven be not opened without his blessed sacrament of
baptism, therefore we will that our curates shall minister this
sacrament at all times of need, as well on the week-days, as on the
holy-days.

"Item, We will have our children confirmed of the bishop, whensoever
we shall within the diocese resort unto him.

"Item, Forasmuch as we constantly believe, that after the priest hath
spoken the words of consecration, being at mass, there celebrating and
consecrating the same, there is very really the body and blood of our
Saviour Jesus Christ, God and man, and that no substance of bread and
wine remaineth after, but the very selfsame body that was born of the
Virgin Mary, and was given upon the cross for our redemption;
therefore, we will have mass celebrated, as it hath been in times
past, without any man communicating with the priests; forasmuch as
many, rudely presuming unworthily to receive the same, put no
difference between the Lord's body and other kind of meat, some saying
that it is bread before and after, some saying that it is profitable
to no man except he receive it; with many other abused terms.

"Item, We will have in our churches reservation.

"Item, We will have holy bread and holy water, in remembrance of
Christ's precious body and blood.

"Item, We will that our priests shall sing or say, with an audible
voice, God's service in the choir of the parish churches, and not
God's service to be set forth like a Christmas play.

"Item, Forasmuch as priests be men dedicated to God, for ministering
and celebrating the blessed sacraments and preaching of God's word, we
will that they shall live chaste without marriage, as St. Paul did,
being the elect and chosen vessel of God, saying unto all honest
priests, Be ye followers of me.

"Item, We will that the six articles which our sovereign lord, King
Henry the Eighth, set forth in his latter days, shall be used, and so
taken as they were at that time.

"Item, We pray God save King Edward, for we be his, both body and
goods."

A message or answer sent by the king's Majesty to certain of his
people assembled in Devonshire.

"Although knowledge hath been given to us and our dearest uncle,
Edward, duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector of all
our realms, dominions, and subjects, and to the rest of our privy
council, of divers assemblies made by you, which ought of duty to be
our loving subjects, against all order, law, and otherwise than ever
any loving and kind subjects have attempted against their natural and
liege sovereign lord: yet we have thought it meet, at this very first
time, not to condemn or reject you, as we might justly do, but to use
you as our subjects; thinking that the devil hath not that power in
you, to make you, of natural born Englishmen, so suddenly to become
enemies to your own native country, or, of our subjects to make you
traitors, or, under pretence to relieve yourselves, to destroy
yourselves, your wives, children, lands, houses, and all other
commodities of this your life. This we say: we trust that, although ye
be by ignorance seduced, ye will not be upon knowledge obstinate: and
though some amongst you (as ever there is some cockle amongst good
corn) forget God, neglect their prince, esteem not the state of the
realm, but, as careless desperate men, delight in sedition, tumult,
and wars; yet, nevertheless, the greater part of you will hear the
voice of us your natural prince, and will, by wisdom and counsel, be
warned, and cease your evils in the beginning, whose ends will be,
even by Almighty God's order, your own destruction. Wherefore, as to
you our subjects, by ignorance seduced, we speak, and be content to
use our princely authority like a father to his children, for this
time, to admonish you of your faults, not to punish them; to put you
in remembrance of your duties, not to avenge your forgetfulness.

"First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble yourselves
against others our loving subjects, to array yourselves to the war:
who amongst you all can answer for the same to Almighty God, charging
you to obey us in all things? or how can any English good heart answer
us, our laws, and the rest of our very loving and faithful
subjects,who, indeed, by their obedience, make our honour, estate, and
degree?

"Ye use our name in your writings, and abuse the same against ourself.
What injury herein do you us, to call those which love us to your evil
purposes by the authority of our name! God hath made us your king by
his ordinance and providence, by our blood and inheritance, by lawful
succession and our coronation; but not to this end, as you use our
name. We are your most natural sovereign lord and king, Edward the
Sixth, to rule you, to preserve you, to save you from all your outward
enemies, to see our laws well ministered, every man to have his own,
to suppress disordered people, to correct traitors, thieves, pirates,
robbers, and such like, yea, to keep our realms from foreign princes,
from the malice of the Scots, of Frenchmen, of the bishop of Rome.
Thus, good subjects! our name is written; thus it is honoured and
obeyed; this majesty it hath by God's ordinance, not by man's. So that
of this your offence we cannot write too much; and yet doubt not but
this is enough from a prince to all reasonable people, from a king to
all kind-hearted and loving subjects, from a puissant king of England
to every natural Englishman.

"Your pretences which you say move you to do this, and wherewith you
seek to excuse this disorder, we assure you, be either all false, or
so vain, that we doubt not but, after ye shall hereby understand the
truth thereof, ye will all, with one voice, acknowledge yourselves
ignorantly led, and by error seduced: and if there be any that will
not, assure you the same be rank traitors, enemies of our crown,
seditious people, heretics, papists, or such as care not for what
cause they seek to provoke an insurrection, so they may do it; nor
indeed can wax so rich with their own labours, and with peace, as they
can do with spoils, with wars, with robberies, and such like; yea,
with the spoil of your own goods, with the living of your labours,
with the sweat of your bodies, the food of your own households, wives,
and children. Such they be, as for a time use pleasant persuasions to
you, and, in the end, will cut your throats, for your own goods.

"You be borne in hand, that your children, though necessity chance,
shall not be christened but upon the holy-days. How false this is,
learn you of us: our book which we have set forth by the free consent
of our whole parliament, in the English tongue, teacheth you the
contrary, even in the first leaf, yea, the first side of the first
leaf of that part which treateth of baptism. Good subjects! (for to
others we speak not,) look and be not deceived. They which have put
this false opinion into your ears, they mean not the christening of
children, but the destruction of you our christened subjects. Be this
known unto you, our honour is so much, that we may not be found faulty
of our word. Prove it; if by our laws ye may not christen your
children, upon necessity, every day or hour in the week, then might
you be offended; but, seeing you may do it, how can you believe them
which teach to the contrary? What think you they mean in the rest,
which move you to break your obedience against us your king and
sovereign, upon these so false tales and persuasions in so evident a
matter? Therefore you all which will acknowledge us your sovereign
lord, and which will hear the voice of us your natural king, may
easily perceive how ye be deceived, and how subtlety traitors and
papists, with their falsehood, seek to achieve and bring their purpose
to pass with your help. Every traitor will be glad to dissemble his
treason, and feed it secretly; every papist his popery, and nourish it
inwardly; and, in the end, make you, our subjects, partakers of
treason and popery, which, in the beginning, was pretended a
commonwealth and holiness.

"And how are you seduced by them, which put in your heads, That the
blessed sacrament of Christ's body should not differ from other common
bread! If our laws, proclamations, and statutes be all to the
contrary, why shall any private man persuade you against them? We do,
ourself in our own heart, our council in all their profession, our
laws and statutes in all purposes, our good subjects in all their
doings, most highly esteem that sacrament, and use the communion
thereof to our most comfort. We make so much difference thereof from
other common bread, that we think no profit of other bread, but to
maintain our bodies; but of this blessed bread we take the very food
of our souls to everlasting life. How think you, good subjects! shall
not we, being your prince, your lord, your king by God's appointment,
with truth more prevail, than certain evil persons with open
falsehood? Shall any seditious person persuade you, that the sacrament
is despised, which is by our laws, by ourself, by our council, by all
our good subjects, esteemed, used, participated, and daily received?
If ever ye were seduced, if ever deceived, if ever traitors were
believed, if ever papists poisoned good subjects, it is now. It is not
the christening of children, not the reverence of the sacrament, not
the health of your souls that they shoot at, good subjects! It is
sedition, it is high treason, it is your destruction they seek; how
craftily, how piteously, how cunningly soever they do it. With one
rule judge ye the end, which of force must come of your purposes.
Almighty God forbiddeth, upon pain of everlasting damnation,
disobedience to us your king; and in his place we rule in earth. If we
should be slow, would God err? If your offence be towards God, think
you it pardoned without repentance? Is God's judgment mutable? Your
pain is damnation, your Judge is incorruptible, your fault is most
evident.

"Likewise are ye evil informed in divers other articles, as for
confirmation of your children, for the mass, for the manner of your
service of matins and even-song. Whatsoever is therein ordered, hath
been long debated and consulted by many learned bishops, doctors, and
other men of great learning in this realm concluded: in nothing were
so much labour and time spent of late time, nothing so fully ended.

"As for the service in the English tongue, it hath manifest reasons
for it. And yet, perchance, it seemeth to you a new service, and
indeed is none other but the old. The selfsame words in English, which
were in Latin, saving a few things taken out, so fond, that it had
been a shame to have heard them in English, as all they can judge
which list to report the truth. The difference is, we meant godly,
that you, our subjects, should understand in English, being our
natural country tongue, that which was heretofore spoken in Latin;
then, serving only for them which understood Latin, and now, for all
you which be born English. How can this with reason offend any
reasonable man, that he shall understand what any other saith, and so
consent with the speaker? If the service in the church was good in
Latin, it remaineth good in English; for nothing is altered, but to
speak with knowledge, that which was spoken with ignorance, and to let
you understand what is said for you, to the intent you may further it
with your own devotion: an alteration to the better, except knowledge
be worse than ignorance. So that whosoever hath moved you to mislike
this order, can give you no reason, nor answer yours, if ye understood
it.

"Wherefore, you our subjects! remember, we speak to you, being
ordained your prince and king by Almighty God: if anywise we could
advance God's honour more than we do, we would do it. And see that ye
become subject to God's ordinances, obeying us your prince, and learn
of them which have authority to teach you, which have power to rule
you, and will execute our justice if we be provoked. Learn not of them
whose fruits be nothing but wilfulness, disobedience, obstinacy,
dissimulation, and destruction of the realm.

"For the mass, we assure you, no small study nor travail hath been
spent by all the learned clergy therein; and, to avoid all contention;
it is brought even to the very use as Christ left it, as the apostles
used it, as holy fathers delivered it: indeed somewhat altered from
that the popes of Rome, for their lucre, brought it to. And although
ye may hear the contrary of some popish evil men, yet our majesty,
which, for our honour, may not he blemished or stained, assureth you,
that they deceive you, abuse you, and blow these opinions into your
head, to finish their own purposes.

"And so, likewise, judge you of confirmation of children; and let them
answer you this one question: Think they, that a child christened is
damned, because it dieth before bishoping? They be confirmed at the
time of discretion, to learn that which they professed, in the lack
thereof by baptism; taught in age, that which they received in
infancy: and yet, no doubt but they be saved by baptism, not by
confirmation; and made Christ's by christening, and taught how to
continue by confirmation. Wherefore, in the whole, mark, good
subjects! how our doctrine is founded upon true learning, and theirs
upon shameless errors.

"To conclude; besides our gentle manner of information to you,
whatsoever is contained in our book, either for baptism, sacrament,
mass, confirmation, and service in the church, is by our parliament
established, by the whole clergy agreed, yea, by the bishops of the
realm devised; and, further, by God's word confirmed. And how dare ye
trust, yea, how dare ye give ear without trembling, to any singular
person to disallow a parliament, a subject to persuade against our
majesty, a man of his singular arrogancy against the determination of
the bishops and all the clergy, any invented argument against the word
of God?

"But now you, our subjects! we resort to a greater matter of your
blindness, of your unkindness and great unnaturalness; and such an
evil, that if we thought it had not begun of ignorance, and continued
by persuasion of certain traitors amongst you, which we think few in
number, but in their doings busy; we could not be persuaded but to use
our sword, and do justice, and as we be ordained by God; that is, to
redress your errors by avengement. But love and zeal yet overcome our
just anger; but how long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our
heart is; and rather for your own causes, being our christened
subjects, we would ye were rather persuaded than vanquished, informed
than forced, taught than overthrown, quietly pacified than rigorously
persecuted.

"Ye require to have the statute of the six articles revived, and know
ye what ye require? or know ye what ease ye have with the loss of
them? They were laws made, but quickly repented; too bloody they were
to be borne of our people, and yet at the first, indeed, made of some
necessity. O subjects, how are ye trapped by subtle persons! We of
pity, because they were bloody, took them away; and you now of
ignorance, will ask them again. You know full well, that they helped
us to extend rigour, and gave us cause to draw our sword very often;
they were as a whetstone to our sword, and for your causes we left to
use them. And since our mercy moved us to write our laws with milk and
equity, how be ye blinded to ask them in blood!

"But, leaving this manner of reasoning, and resorting to the truth of
our authority, we let you wit, the same hath been annulled by our
parliament, with great rejoicing of our subjects, and is not now to be
called by subjects in question. Dare then any of you, with the name of
a subject, stand against an act of parliament, a law of the whole
realm? What is our power, if laws should be thus neglected? Yea, what
is your surety, if laws be not kept? Assure yourselves most surely, 
that we of no earthly thing under the heaven make such a reputation,
as we do of this one thing: to have our law obeyed, and this cause of
God, which we have taken in hand, to be thoroughly maintained: from
the which we will never remove a hair's breadth, nor give place to any
creature living, much less to any subject; but therein will spend our
own royal person, our crown, treasure, realm, and all our state;
whereof we assure you of our high honour. For herein indeed resteth
our honour, herein standeth our kingdom, herein do all kings
acknowledge us a king. And shall any of you dare breathe or think
against our honour, our kingdom, or crown?

"In the end of this your request (as we be given to understand) ye
would have them stand in force until our full age. To this, we think,
if ye knew what ye spake, ye would never have uttered that motion, nor
ever have given breath to such a thought. For what think you of our
kingdom? Be we of less authority for our age? Be we not your king now,
as we shall be? or shall ye be subjects hereafter, and now are ye not?
Have not we the right we shall have? If we would suspend and hang our
doings in doubt until our full age, ye must first know, that as a
king, we have no difference of years or time, but as a natural man and
creature of God, we have youth, and, by his sufferance, shall have
age. We are your rightful king, your liege lord, your king anointed,
your king crowned, the sovereign king of England, not by our age, but
by God's ordinance; not only when we shall be of twenty-one years, but
when we are of ten years. We possess our crown, not by years, but by
the blood and descent from our father King Henry the Eighth. You are
our subjects, because we be your king; and rule we will, because God
hath willed. It is as great a fault in us not to rule, as in a subject
not to obey.

"If it be considered, they which move this matter, if they durst utter
themselves, would deny our kingdom. But our good subjects know their
prince, and will increase, not diminish, his honour; enlarge, not
abate, his power; acknowledge, not defer, his kingdom to certain
years. All is one, to speak against our crown, and to deny our
kingdom, as to require that our laws may be broken unto twenty-one
years. Be we not your crowned, anointed, and established king?
Wherein, then, be we of less majesty, of less authority, or less
state, than were our progenitors, kings of this realm, except your
unkindness, your unnaturalness, will diminish our estimation? We have
hitherto, since the death of our father, by the good advice and
counsel of our dear and entirely beloved uncle, kept our state,
maintained our realm, preserved our honour, defended our people from
our enemies; we have hitherto been feared and dreaded of our enemies,
yea, of princes, kings, and nations; yea, herein we be nothing
inferior to any our progenitors, (which grace we acknowledge to be
given us from God,) and how else, but by good obedience of our people,
good counsel of our magistrates, due execution of our laws? By
authority of our kingdom, England hitherto hath gained honour; during
our reign, it hath won of the enemy, and not lost.

"It hath been marvelled, that we, of so young years, have reigned so
nobly, so royally, so quietly. And how chanceth it that you, our
subjects of that our country of Devonshire, will give the first
occasion to slander this our realm of England, to give courage to the
enemy, to note our realm of the evil of rebellion? to make it a prey
to our old enemies? to diminish our honour, which God hath given, our
father left, our good uncle and council preserved unto us? What
greater evil could ye commit, than even now, when our foreign enemy in
Scotland, and upon the sea, seeketh to invade us, to rise in this
manner against our law? to provoke so justly our wrath, to ask our
vengeance, and to give us occasion to spend that force upon you, which
we meant to bestow upon our enemies? to begin to slay you with that
sword which we drew against the Scots and other enemies? to make a
conquest of our own people, which otherwise should have been of the
whole realm of Scotland?

"Thus far, ye see, we have descended from our high majesty for love,
to consider you in your base and simple ignorance, and have been
content to send you an instruction like a fatherly prince, who, of
justice, might have sent you your destruction like a king to rebels.
And now we let you know, that as ye see our mercy abundant, so, if ye
provoke us further, we swear to you by the living God, by whom we
reign, ye shall feel the power of the same God in our sword, which how
mighty it is, no subject knoweth; how puissant it is, no private man
can judge; how mortal it is, no English heart dare think. But surely,
surely, as your lord and prince, your only king and master, we say to
you, Repent yourselves, and take our mercy without delay; or else, we
will forthwith extend our princely power, and execute our sharp sword
against you, as against very infidels and Turks, and rather adventure
our own royal person, state, and power, than the same shall not be
executed.

"And, if ye will prove the example of our mercy, learn of certain
which lately did arise, pretending some griefs, and yet, acknowledging
their offences, have not only received most humbly their pardon, but
feel also, by our order, to whom all public order only pertaineth,
redress devised for their griefs. In the end we admonish you of your
duties to God, whom ye shall answer in the day of the Lord; and of
your duties towards us, whom ye shall answer by our order; and take
our mercy whilst God so inclineth us; lest, when ye shall he
constrained to ask, we shall be too much hardened in our heart to
grant it you; and whereas ye shall now hear of mercy -- mercy and
life! -- ye shall then hear of justice -- justice and death!

"Given at Richmond, the 8th day of July, the third year of our reign."

Besides the articles of these Devonshire men above mentioned, the said
rebels sent up also, not long after, a supplication to the king,
whereunto answer again was made by the king's learned council, which
here, to make short, leisure serveth not to rehearse.

Over and besides, to behold the malicious working of those popish
priests, to kindle more the spark of sedition in the people's hearts,
what bruits and rumours did they raise up against the king and his
council, making the vulgar multitude to believe, that they should be
made to pay, first for their sheep, then for their geese and pigs
also, and other like things; and whatsoever they had in store, or
should put in their mouths, they must fine, there-for to the king! of
all which matter never a word was either thought or meant. But this
seemed matter fit for such priests, whereby to set the prince and his
subjects together by the ears.

Against this seditious company of rebels, was appointed and sent by
the king and his council, Sir John Russell, knight, lord privy seal,
as lieutenant-general of the king's army, on whom chiefly depended the
charge and achievance of that voyage in the west parts. To him also
were adjoined, as in part of ordinary council in those affairs under
him, Sir William Herbert, Sir Johan Pawlet, Sir Hugh Pawlet, Sir
Thomas Speck, with the Lord Gray, and others beside.

Thus the said lord privy seal, accompanied with the Lord Gray,
advancing his power against the rebels, although in number of soldiers
not equally furnished like to the others, yet, through the gracious
assistance of the Lord's help, fighting in his cause, and giving the
adventure against the enemy, about the latter end of July, A. D. 1599,
gave them the repulse; who, notwithstanding, recovering themselves
again with such stomachs as they had, encountered the second time with
the aforesaid lord privy seal, about the beginning of August
following, by whom, through the Lord's mighty power, they, with their
whole cause of false religion, were utterly vanquished and overthrown.

In the which victory a great work of God's mighty power undoubtedly
did appear; for, although the number of the rebels did surmount, in
great quantity, the power and strength of the lord privy seal, and
their stomachs were so fiercely set upon all desperate adventures; and
though the power of Sir William Herbert (being the same time at
Bristol) was not yet presently come, which should have joined with the
lord privy seal; yet, all this notwithstanding, the goodness of the
Lord so wrought on the king's behalf, more than any industry of man,
(which in all respects in handling that matter was very raw, and far
behind,) that the victory fell to the king's part, under the valiant
guiding of the aforesaid lord privy seal; so that the popish rebels
not only lost the field, but a great part of them also lost their
lives, lying there slain miserably in the chase, to the compass of two
miles' space. Where also were taken and apprehended the chieftains and
ringleaders of that mischievous dance, whereof the principal were
Humfrey Arundel, Berry, Thomas Underhil, John Soleman, William Segar;
Tempson and Barret, two priests; Henry Bray and Henry Lee, two mayors;
with divers others more above specified; all which, accordingly,
afterwards were executed.

These rebels, to make their part more sure by the help and presence of
their consecrated god and maker, brought with them, into the battle,
the pix under his canopy; and instead of an altar, where he was
hanging before, set him now riding in a cart. Neither were there
lacking masses, crosses, banners, candlesticks, with holy bread also,
and holy water plenty, to defend them from devils, and all adversary
power; which, in the end, neither could help their friends, nor yet
could save themselves from the hands of their enemies, but, eftsoons,
both the consecreted god, and all the trumpery about him, were taken
in the cart, and there lay all in the dust, leaving to them a notable
lesson of bitter experience, how to put their confidence hereafter in
no such vain idols, but only in the true living God and immortal
Maker, to be served according to his prescribed word; and that only in
the faith of his Son, and not after their own dreaming fantasies.

The story whereof putteth me also in remembrance of another like
popish field called Musselborough field, fought in Scotland the year
before this, where the Scots likewise encamping themselves against the
lord protector, and the king's power sent into Scotland, did, in
semblable wise, bring with them to the battle the consecrated gods of
their altars, with masses, crosses, banners, and all their popish
stuff of idolatry; having great affiance, by virtue thereof, to have a
great day against the English army, as indeed, in man's judgment, it
might seem not unlike. For the number of the Scots' army so far
exceeded ours, and they were so appointed with their pikes in the
first front against our horsemen, (which gave the first onset,) that
our men were fain to recule, not without the loss of divers gentlemen.
Notwithstanding, the mighty arm of the Lord so turned the victory,
that the Scots, in the end, with all their masses, pixes, and
idolatrous trinkets, were put to the worse: of whom in that field were
slain between thirteen and fourteen thousand, and not passing a
hundred Englishmen. The cause of this was the promise of the said
Scots, made before to King Henry, for the marriage of the young
Scottish queen to King Edward, which promise the said Scots afterwards
brake, and paid thereafter.

In the which victory this is also to be noted, that the same day and
hour when the images were burned openly in London, the Scots were put
to flight in Musselborough, as is credibly noted in records.

During this hurly-burly amongst the popish rebels in Cornwall and
Devonshire, the like commotion at the same time, by such like popish
priests as Holmes and his fellows, began to gender in the parts of
Oxford and Buckingham; but that was soon appeased by the Lord Gray,
who, coming down that way into Devonshire, chased the rebels to their
houses; of whom two hundred were taken, and a dozen of the ringleaders
delivered unto him, whereof certain were after executed.

In Norfolk and parts thereabout, albeit the original of their
tumultuous stirring was not for the like cause, yet the obstinate
hearts of that unruly multitude seemed no less bent upon mischief, to
disturb public peace, which was also in the month of July, the year
abovesaid. For repression of which rebellion, first was sent the lord
marquis of Northampton, with special instruction to avoid the fight;
and so, by order, was appointed with a number of horse to keep the
field and passages, whereby they, being stopped from victual, might
the sooner he brought to acknowledge their folly, and to seek their
pardon; who then, following other policy than by order was given, came
and pinned himself within the city of Norwich, which afterwards they
were fain to abandon, the rebels pressing upon the city so on every
side, that at length they obtained the same. Nevertheless, in all that
conflict there were but a hundred on both sides slain, and otherwise
no great loss, but only the loss of the Lord Sheffield.

Then was sent down against them the earl of Warwick, with sufficient
force and number of soldiers, besides the convoy of two thousand
Almains, by whom the rude and confused rabble were there overthrown
and slain, to the number, as is supposed, of four thousand at the
least: and, in fine, both the Kets, chief stirrers and authors of that
commotion, were taken and put to execution, and one of them hanged up
in chains.

Moreover, besides these inordinate uproars and insurrections above
mentioned, about the latter end of the said month of July the same
year, which was 1549, another like stir or commotion began at Seamer,
in the North Riding of Yorkshire, and continued in the East Riding of
the same, and there ended. The principal doers and raisers up of this
insurrection were one William Ombler of East Allerton, yeoman; and
Thomas Dale, parish clerk of Seamer; with one Stevenson of Seamer,
neighbour to Dale, and nephew to Ombler. Which Stevenson was a mean or
messenger between the said Ombler and Dale, being before not
acquainted together, and dwelling seven miles one from the other; who
at last, by the travail of the said Stevenson and their own evil
disposition, inclined to ungraciousness and mischief, knowing before
one the other's mind by secret conference, were brought to talk
together on St. James's day, A. D. 1549.

The causes moving them to raise this rebellion, were these: First and
principally, their traitorous hearts, grudging at the king's most
honourable proceedings, in advancing and reforming the true honour of
God, and his religion. Another cause also was, for trusting to a blind
and a fantastical prophecy, wherewith they were seduced, thinking the
same prophecy should shortly come to pass, by hearing the rebellions
of Norfolk, Devonshire, and other places. The tenor of which prophecy,
and purpose together of the traitors, was, "That there should no king
reign in England; that the noblemen and gentlemen should be destroyed,
and the realm should be ruled by four governors, to be elected and
appointed by the commons holding a parliament; in a commotion to begin
at the south and north seas of England," &c.: supposing that this
their rebellion in the north, and the other of the Devonshire men in
the west, meeting (as they intended) at one place, should be the mean
how to compass this their traitorous devilish device. And therefore,
laying their studies together, how they might find out more company to
join with them in that detestable purpose, and so set forward this
device they framed, as to stir in two places, the one distant seven
miles from the other; and, at the first rush, to kill and destroy such
gentlemen and men of substance about them, as were favourers of the
king's proceedings, or which would resist them. But, first of all, for
the more speedy raising of men, they devised to burn beacons, and
thereby to bring the people together, as though it were to defend the
sea-coasts; and, having the ignorant people assembled, then to pour
out their poison; first, beginning with the rudest and poorest sort,
such as they thought were pricked with poverty, and were unwilling to
labour, and therefore the more ready to follow the spoil of rich men's
goods, blowing into their heads that God's service was laid aside, and
new inventions, neither good nor godly, put in place; and so, feeding
them with fair promises to reduce into the church again their old
ignorance and idolatry, they thought, by that means soonest, to allure
them to rage and run with them in this commotion. And furthermore, to
the intent they might give the more terror to the gentlemen at their
first rising, lest they should be resisted, they devised that some
should be murdered in churches, some in their houses, some in serving
the king in commission, and others as they could be caught; and to
pick quarrels with them for alteration of service on the holy-days.
And thus was the platform cast of their device, according as
afterwards, by the confession at their examinations, it was testified,
and remaineth in true record.

Thus they being together agreed, Ombler and Dale, and others by their
secret appointment, so laboured the matter in the parishes of Seamer
and Wintringham, and in the towns about, that they were infected with
the poison of this confederacy in such sort, that it was easy to
understand whereunto they would incline, if a commotion were begun.
The accomplishment thereof did shortly follow; for, although by the
words of one drunken fellow of that conspiracy, named Calvered, at the
alehouse in Wintringham, some suspicion of that rebellion began to be
smelled before by the lord president and gentlemen in those parts, and
so prevented in that place where the rebels thought to begin; yet they
gave not over so, but drew to another place at Seamer, by the sea-
coast; and there, by night, rode to the beacon at Saxton, and set it
on fire. And so, gathering together a rude rout of rascals out of the
towns near about, being in a stir, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and
Robert Dale, hasted forthwith with the rebels to Master White's house,
to take him, who notwithstanding, being on horseback, minding to have
escaped their hands, Dale, Ombler, and the rest of the rebels, took
him, and Clopton his wife's brother, one Savage, a merchant of York,
and one Bury, servant to Sir Walter Mildmay; which four, without cause
or quarrel, saving to fulfil their seditious prophecy in some part,
and to give a terror to other gentlemen, they cruelly murdered, after
they had carried them one mile from Seamer, towards the Wold; and
there, after they had stripped them of their clothes and purses, left
them naked behind them in the plain field, for crows to feed on, until
White's wife and Savage's wife, then at Seamer. caused them to be
buried.

Long it were, and tedious, to recite what revel these rebels kept in
their raging madness, who, ranging about the country from town to
town, to enlarge their ungracious and rebellious band, taking those
with force which were not willing to go, and leaving in no town where
they came any man above the age of sixteen years, so increased this
number, that, in short time, they had gathered three thousand to
favour their wicked attempts; and had like to have gathered more, had
not the Lord's goodness, through prudent circumspection, interrupted
the course of their furious beginning.

For, first, came the king's gracious and free pardon, discharging and 
pardoning them, and the rest of the rebels, of all treasons, murders,
felonies, and other offences done to his Majesty, before the twenty-
first of August, A. D. 1549; which pardon, although Ombler
contemptuously refused, persisting still in his wilful obstinacy,
dissuading also the rest from the humble accepting the king's so
loving and liberal pardon, yet, notwithstanding, with some it did
good.

To make short, it was not long after this, but Ombler, as he was
riding from town to town, twelve miles from Hunmanby, to charge all
the constables and inhabitants where he came, in the king's name, to
resort to Hunmanby, by the way he was espied, and by the circumspect
diligence of John Wood the younger, James Aslabe, Ralph Twinge, and
Thomas Constable, gentleman, he was had in chase, and at last by them
apprehended, and brought in the night in sure custody unto the city of
York, to answer to his demerits. After whom, within a short time,
Thomas Dale and Henry Barton, the first chieftains and ringleaders of
the former commotion, with John Dale, Robert Wright, William Peacock,
Wetherel, and Edmund Buttry, busy stirrers in this sedition, as they
travelled from place to place to draw people to their faction, were
likewise apprehended, committed to ward, lawfully convicted, and
lastly, executed at York the twenty-first of September, A. D. 1549.

To these pestiferous commotions, raised up against King Edward by his
own subjects in this year aforesaid, within the realm, I might also
adjoin the busy stirring and raging of the French king, against our
young and innocent prince, without the realm: who, hearing of these
tumults and violent insurrections of the king's subjects in divers and
sundry quarters of the realm, supposing to take the time for his most
advantage, thought, likewise, for his part, not to be unoccupied. Who,
after he had by his ambassador made open breach with the king,
immediately after the revocation of the said ambassador from hence,
intending to annoy the king, and make his first invasion against the
isles of Jersey and Guernsey, thought to have surprised our ships and
the said isles with a certain number of his ships and galleys; in the
which his assault he was so hotly saluted by the king's ships and the
island, that, by the confession of them that saw it, and by the report
written unto the lord protector, the Frenchmen lost at least a
thousand men. Their ships and galleys were so spoiled, that being
forced to return home, they were not able then to set out again.

Furthermore, out of France credible word was brought to the lord
protector, (which yet in letters appeareth,) that into one town, in
one vessel, were brought, at least, threescore gentlemen to be buried;
and also an inhibition specially given out by the king, not to speak
of the success in that journey. This was about the beginning of
August, 1549, The like also might be noted of the losses of the said
French king at Boulogne, the eighth day of August, the same year, as
by the Lord Clinton's letters may well appear; but for spending of
time I pass it over. What the meaning of the French king was in these
voyages, or how he intended further to proceed, I have not herein to
deal. This is certain and evident, that the mighty arm of God
mercifully fought for King Edward his servant, to defend and deliver
him from so many hard dangers, so dangerous and sundry commotions,
stirred up in so many quarters within this realm, and also without the
realm, and all within the compass of one year; and yet the Lord above,
fighting for his true servant, despatched them all, as in story here
ye have heard declared, and is no less worthy of all posterity to be
noted.

$

230. TRIAL AND IMPRISONMENT OF EDMUND BONNER.

And thus much hitherto having discoursed touching the manifold
troubles and tumults raised up on every side against King Edward by
his unkind and unnatural subjects, and yet, notwithstanding, the
gracious goodness of the Lord ever giving him the victory; now let us
return again to Bonner, bishop of London, where we left him before,
that is, in his own house, where he was by the council commanded to
remain, as is above signified.

And now, forasmuch as we have to enter into the story of the said
Bonner, for the better understanding of the whole order thereof, it
shall be requisite to rip up and declare the matter, with the
circumstances and occasions thereof, from the first beginning of King
Edward's time. Where is to be understood, that King Edward, in the
first year of his reign, A. D. 1547, the first day of September, for
the order of his visitations, directed out certain commissioners, as
Sir Anthony Cook, and Sir John Godsalve, knights, John Godsalve and
Christopher Nevinson, doctors of the law, and John Madew, doctor of
divinity; who, sitting in Paul's church upon their commission, the day
and year aforesaid, there being present at the same time, Edmund,
bishop of London, John Royston, Polydore Virgil, Peter Van, and others
of the said cathedral church, after the sermon made, and the
commission being read, ministered an oath unto the said bishop of
London, to renounce and deny the bishop of Rome with his usurped
authority, and to swear obedience unto the king, according to the
effect and form of the statute made in the thirty-first year of King
Henry the Eighth; also, that he should present and redress all and
singular such things as were needful within the said church to be
reformed.

Whereupon the said bishop humbly and instantly desired them that he
might see their commission, only for this purpose and intent, (as he
said,) that he might the better fulfil and put in execution the things
wherein he was charged by them or their commission: unto whom the
commissioners, answering, said, they would deliberate more upon the
matter. And so they called the other ministers of the said church
before them, and ministered the like oath unto them, as they did to
the bishop before. To whom moreover, there and then, certain
interrogatories and articles of inquisition were read by Peter Lilly
the public notary. Which done, after their oaths taken, the said
commissioners delivered unto the bishop aforesaid, certain
injunctions, as well in print as written, and homilies set forth by
the king; all which things the said bishop received, under the words
of this protestation, as followeth

"I do receive these injunctions and homilies with this protestation,
that I will observe them, if they be not contrary and repugnant to
God's law and the statutes and ordinances of the church."

And immediately he added, with an oath, that he never read the said
homilies and injunctions. The which protestation being made in manner
and form aforesaid, the said Edmund Bonner bishop of London instantly
desired and required Peter Lilly, the registrar aforesaid, there and
then to register and enact the same. And so the said commissioners,
delivering the injunctions and homilies to Master Bellassere,
archdeacon of Colchester, and Gilbert Bourn, archdeacon of London,
Essex, and Middlesex; and enjoining them, in most effectuous manner,
under pains therein contained, to put the same in speedy execution,
and also reserving other new injunctions to be ministered afterwards,
as well to the bishop, as to the archdeacons aforesaid, according as
they should see cause, &c., did so continue the said visitation till
three of the clock the same day in the afternoon.

At the which hour and place assigned, the commissioners being set, and
the canons and priests of the said church appearing before them, and
being examined upon virtue of their oath, for their doctrine and
conversation of life, first one John Painter, one of the canons of the
said cathedral church, there and then openly confessed, that he,
viciously and carnally, had often the company of a certain married
man's wife, whose name he denied to declare: in the which crime divers
other canons and priests of the aforesaid church, confessed in like
manner, and could not deny themselves to be culpable.

And then, after the commissioners aforesaid had delivered to Master
Royston, prebendary, and to the proctor of the dean and of the chapter
of the said cathedral church of St. Paul, the king's injunctions, and
the book of homilies, enjoining them to see the execution thereof,
under pain therein specified, they prorogued their said visitation
until seven of the clock the next day following.

By this visitation, above specified, it appears, gentle reader, first
how Bonner made his protestation after the receiving of the king's
injunctions, and also how he required the same to be put in public
record. Furthermore, thou hast to note the unchaste life and
conversation of these popish votaries and priests of Paul's. Now, what
followed after this protestation of the bishop made, remaineth
further, in the sequel of the story, to be declared; wherein, first
thou shalt understand that the said bishop, shortly after his
protestation, whether for fear, or for conscience, repenting himself,
went unto the king, where he submitted himself, and recanting his
former protestation, craved pardon of the king for his inordinate
demeanour toward his Grace's commissioners, in the former visitation:
which pardon, notwithstanding it was granted unto him by the king for
the acknowledging of his fault, yet for the evil example of the fact,
it was thought good that he should be committed to the Fleet, as by
the tenor of the council's letter sent to the commissioners may
appear; which, together with the form also of the bishop's
protestation and of his recantation, here under followeth.

"To our very loving friends, Sir Anthony Cook, knight, and the rest of
the commissioners for the visitation at London, in haste.

"After our hearty commendation: This shall be to signify unto you,
that we have received your letters, and in the same enclosed the copy
of the protestation made by the bishop of London in the time of your
visitation at Paul's: your wise proceedings wherein, and
advertisements from you, we take in very thankful part towards us. And
because the said bishop, who, being here before us, hath acknowledged
his indiscreet demeanour, did at that time, at Paul's, require the
registrar of your visitation to make record and entry of his
protestation, and now, upon better consideration of his duty, maketh
means to have the same revoked, as shall appear unto you by the true
copy of his writings enclosed, the original whereof, remaining with
us, he hath subscribed; we pray you to cause the registrar to make
entry of this his revocation, according to the tenor of this his said
writing: further signifying unto you, that in respect of his offence,
and the evil ensample that might thereupon ensue, we have thought meet
to send him to the prison of the Fleet, whither he hath been conveyed
by Master Vice-chamberlain. And whereas sundry things for the king's
Majesty's service do now occur here, which require the present
attendance of you, Sir John Godsalve, as well for your office of the
signet, as of the prothonotaryship, we pray you that, leaving the
execution of the visitation to the rest of your colleagues, you make
your repair hither with convenient diligence. Thus fare you right
heartily well.

"From Hampton Court, the 12th of September 1547.
"Your assured loving friends,
Thomas Canterbury,
William Paget,
William Saint John,
Anthony Brown,
John Russell
William Peter,
Thomas Seymour,
Anthony Dennie,
Edward North."

The form of Bonner's recantation.

"Whereas I, Edmund, bishop of London, at such time as I received the
king's Majesty's injunctions and homilies of my most dread sovereign
lord, at the hands of his Highness's visitors, did unadvisedly make
such protestation as now, upon better consideration of my duty of
obedience, and of the evil example that might ensue unto others
thereof, appeareth to me neither reasonable, nor such as might well
stand with the duty of an humble subject: forasmuch as the same
protestation, at my request, was then, by the registrar of that
visitation, enacted and put in record, I have thought it my duty not
only to declare before your Lordships, that I do now, upon better
consideration of my duty, renounce and revoke my said protestation;
but also most humbly beseech your Lordships, that this my revocation
of the same may be likewise put in the same records, for a perpetual
memory of the truth; most humbly beseeching your good Lordships, both
to take order that it may take effect, and also that my former and
unadvised doings may be, by your good mediations, pardoned by the
king's Majesty.

"EDMUND LONDON."

The registers of these affairs of Bonner's remain in the hands of
Peter Lilly, then being registrar to the aforesaid commissioners.

Thus far thou hast heard, loving reader, first the popish protestation
of Bonner; then how he, calling himself home again, solemnly recanted
the same, requiring further the said his revocation to be committed to
public record, for a perpetual remembrance. Also, how he, upon his
humble submission, received his pardon of the king, and yet, for
example' sake, was commanded to the Fleet; where he nevertheless did
not long continue, but, according to the effect of the king's pardon
before granted, was restored both to house and living again; which was
in the first year of the king, A. D. 1547.

After this ye have heard also, in the story above, in the second year,
and a great part of the third year of the king, how he demeaned
himself, although not most forward in advancing the king's
proceedings, yet in such sort, as no great advantage by any law could
be taken against him, both in swearing his obedience to the king, and
so receiving his injunctions; also in confessing his assent and
consent touching the state of religion then; and, furthermore, in
directing out his letters, according to the archbishop of Canterbury's
precepts, to Cloney his sumner, to the bishop of Westminster, and to
other bishops, for abolishing of images, for abrogation of the mass,
for Bibles to be set up, and for ministering in both kinds, with such
other like matters of reformation; till at length he, hearing of the
death of the lord admiral, the lord protector's brother, and after
that of the stirring and rising of the king's subjects in sundry
tumults against the king, began somewhat, as he durst, to draw back
and slack his pastoral diligence, so that in many places of his
diocese, and in London, the people not only were negligent in
resorting to Divine service, but also did frequent and haunt foreign
rites of masses, and other orders than in this realm were appointed;
and he also himself, contrary to his wonted manner, upon principal
feasts refused in his own person to execute. Whereupon he, being
suspected and complained of, and convented before the king's council,
(as ye heard before,) after sharp admonitions and reproofs, had
certain private injunctions to him enjoined.

"1. That he should personally preach within three weeks after at
Paul's Cross.

"2. That according as his predecessors were wont to celebrate mass, he
at such wonted times should execute and administer the communion.

"3. That he should call before him and correct more diligently such
transgressors as absented themselves from the order of service, and
ministration of the Lord's board, appointed then in churches by the
king's ordinance.

"4. That he should see more carefully and vigilantly to the punishment
of adulterers and fornicators.

"5. That he, in the mean while, should be resident within his own
house during the time while he should make his sermon at Paul's above
mentioned, which was A. D. 1549."

In the which sermon certain special points were prefixed unto him,
whereupon he should treat; which here in order follow, and are these:

Special points and articles to be treated of by Bonner, bishop of
London, in his sermon.

"1. That all such as rebel against their prince, get unto them
damnation, and those that resist the higher power, resist the
ordinances of God; and he that dieth therefore in rebellion, by the
word of God is utterly damned, and so loseth both body and soul. And
therefore those rebels in Devonshire and Cornwall, in Norfolk, or
elsewhere, who take upon them to assemble a power and force against
their king and prince, against the laws and statutes of the realm, and
go about to subvert the state and order of the commonwealth, not only
do deserve therefore death as traitors and rebels, but do accumulate
to themselves eternal damnation, even to be in the burning fire of
hell with Lucifer, the father and first author of pride, disobedience,
and rebellion, what pretences soever they have, and what masses or
holy water soever they pretend, or go about to make among themselves;
as Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, for rebellion against Moses, were
swallowed down alive into hell, although they pretended to sacrifice
unto God.

"2. Likewise, in the order of the church, and extern rites and
ceremonies of Divine service, forasmuch as God requireth humility of
heart, innocency of living, knowledge of him, charity and love towards
our neighbours, and obedience to his word and to his ministers and
superior powers, these we must bring to all our prayers, to all our
service; and this is that sacrifice which Christ requireth, and these
be those that make all things pleasant unto God. The extern rites and
ceremonies be but exercises of our religion, and appointable by
superior powers; in choosing whereof we must obey the magistrates;
which things also we do see ever have been and shall be (as the time
and place is) diverse, and yet all hath pleased God so long as these
before spoken inward things be there. If any man shall use the old
rites, and thereby disobey the superior power, the devotion of his
ceremonies is made naught by his disobedience: so that which else (so
long as the law did so stand) might be good, by pride and disobedience
now is made naught: as Saul's sacrifice, Korah, Dathan, and Abiram,
and Aaron's two children were. But whoso joineth to devotion
obedience, he winneth the garland. For else it is a zeal, sed non
secundum scientiam; a will, desire, zeal, and devotion, but not after
wisdom; that is, a foolish devotion, which can require no thanks or
praise. And yet again, where ye obey, ye must have devotion, for God
requireth the heart more than the outward doings; and, therefore, he
that taketh the communion, or saith or heareth the service appointed
by the king's Majesty, must bring devotion and inward prayers with
him, or else his prayers are but vain, lacking that which God
requireth, that is, the heart and mind to pray to him.

"3. Further, ye shall, for example, on Sunday come seventh night,
after the aforesaid date, celebrate the communion at Paul's church.

"4. Ye shall also set forth in your sermon, that. our authority of
royal power is (as of truth it is) of no less authority and force in
this our young age, than is or was that of any our predecessors,
though the same were much older, as may appear by example of Josias,
and other young kings, in Scripture; and therefore all our subjects to
be no less bound to obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes,
than if we were of thirty or forty years of age."

The delivery of these injunctions and articles unto the bishop, (with
the time of his appointed preaching,) was soon after known abroad
among the citizens, and other the commons within the city of London,
so that every man expected the time thereof, wishing to hear the same;
which time being once come, the bishop, according to the tenor of the
injunctions, publicly preached at the Cross of Paul's the first day of
Septemiber. Howbeit, as hypocrisy never lurketh so secretly in the
hearts of the wicked, but that, at one time or other, God, in his most
righteous judgment, maketh it open unto the world; so, at this
present, was that long, coloured, perverse obstinacy, and the
infestered hatred of this double-faced dissembler against the king's
godly proceedings, most plainly manifested by his disobedient
demeanour in this his sermon. For, whereas he was commanded to treat
only upon such special points as were mentioned in his articles, he
yet, both besides the council's commandment, and to the withdrawing of
the minds of the common people, as much as in him lay, from the right
and true understanding of the holy sacrament, ministered in the holy
communion then set forth by the authority of the king's Majesty,
(according to the true sense of the Holy Scripture,) did spend most
part of his sermon about the gross, carnal, and papistical presence of
Christ's body and blood in the sacrament of the altar; and also,
contrary thereunto, did not only slenderly touch the rest of his
articles, but, of a rebellious and wilful carelessness, did utterly
leave out unspoken the whole last article, concerning the as effectual
and as lawful authority of the king's Highness during his young age,
as if he were thirty or forty years old; notwithstanding the same
(because it was the traitorous opinion of the popish rebels) was, by
special commandment, chiefly appointed him to treat upon.

This contemptuous and disobedient dealing, as it greatly offended most
of the king's faithful and loving subjects there present, so did it
much mislike the minds, and was far from the good expectation, as well
of that faithful and godly preacher Master John Hooper, afterwards
bishop of Worcester and Gloucester, and lastly, a most constant martyr
for the gospel of Christ, and also of Master Hugh Latimer, bachelor of
divinity: and therefore they, well weighing the foulness of the fact,
and their bounden allegiances unto their prince, did thereupon exhibit
unto the king's Highness, under both their names, a bill of complaint
or denunciation against the said bishop, in form following:

"In most humble wise show unto your Majesty Hugh Latimer and John
Hooper, that whereas of late, as we be certainly informed from your
Majesty, by the hand of the right high and noble Prince Edward, duke
of Somerset, governor of your royal person, and protector of all your
Highness's realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of your privy
council, there were certain injunctions given to the bishop of London
that now is, with articles to be insinuated and preached unto your
subjects at a certain day limited, the which injunctions and articles
did only tend to the honour of God, and the better instruction of your
Highness's people to obedience, and hatred of rebellion and mutiny,
wherewith of late this your Majesty's realm hath been marvellously
vexed, to the danger of your Highness's person, and the state of the
whole realm; and, therefore, a thing at this time most necessary to be
taught unto the people, that they might know their duty unto your
Majesty, and unto Almighty God; and especially to acknowledge your
Majesty in these years and age to be a perfect high and sovereign lord
and king, and supreme head, whose laws, proclamations, and
commandments we are bound to obey, as well as any prince's subjects
are bound to obey the laws, proclamations, and commandments of their
natural and sovereign lord, notwithstanding that nature hath not yet
given unto your person such age as, we trust, she shall, nor so many
years, which we wish to be so many as any prince ever had, the which 
years do not make you king or prince, but the right of your birth, and
lawful succession whatsoever it be, so that we all must as well
acknowledge your Majesty to be our king and prince, at these years, as
if you were at the age of thirty or forty years, and your laws and
statutes no less to be feared and obeyed, than if your Highness were
fifty or a hundred years old (the which thing not only is most
certainly true, but also at this time most necessarily to be taught,
especially when divers rebels have openly declared, that they would
not obey your Highness's laws, nor acknowledge the statutes made by
your Majesty to be available, till you come to the age of twenty
years): and this not only being so, but the same thing being commanded 
by your said Majesty, amongst other injunctions and articles given in
writing to the said Edmund Bonner, to be preached in his last sermon,
as by the same injunctions may appear, of the which the true copy we
have, when need is, to be showed: yet all this notwithstanding, the
said Bonner, of what zeal or mind we cannot tell, whether favouring
the opinion of the said rebels, or contemning your Highness's
commandment declared unto him, hath not only left out to declare the
said article, which we most and chiefly expected and looked for, but
also, in all the rest of his sermon, did not so fully and apertly
declare the said injunctions and articles, as to our judgment did
appear they ought to have been declared, and was of no light ground
looked for, entreating of others far distant and diverse from the
articles upon the which he was commanded to entreat, and such as most
should move and stir up the people to disorder and dissension;
willingly leaving out those things which should have made quiet and
obedience. Wherefore, not moved of any malice, grudge, envy, or evil
will to the person of the bishop, but constrained by the love and zeal
which we bear towards your Highness, and of our duty and allegiance to
your Majesty, whose honour and safety, with tranquillity, quietness,
and good governance of this your realm, we do most desire, and for the
discharge of our most bounden duties, to avoid all the dangers that
might ensue of the concealment thereof, we most humbly do declare the
same to your Highness, to the intent that your Majesty, by the advice
aforesaid, may, if it please your Highness, at this our humble
denunciation, call the said bishop to answer to the premises, the
which we are ready to avow and prove; and then your Highness may take
further order herein, as to your princely wisdom shall seem most
convenient, whose long life and most prosperous government God
Almighty long continue, for the which we shall pray during our lives."

The king's Majesty having thus, by the information of these two
credible persons, perfect intelligence of the contemptuous and
perverse negligence of this bishop, in not accomplishing his
Highness's commandment given him by injunction, thought it most
necessary, with all convenient speed, (for the avoiding of further
inconveniences,) to look more severely unto the due punishment of such
dangerous, rebellious obstinacy; and, therefore, by the advice of the
lord protector, and the rest of his honourable council, immediately he
directed forth his commission under his broad seal unto the archbishop
of Canterbury, the bishop of Rochester, and to other grave and trusty
personages and councillors, appointing and authorizing all them, or
certain of them, by virtue of the same, to call before them, as well
the bishop of London, as also the aforesaid denouncers, and upon due
examination and proof of the premises, or any other matter otherwise
to be objected, further to proceed against him summarily et de plano,
according to law and justice,either to suspension, excommunication,
committing to prison, or deprivation (if the quality of the offence so
required): or otherwise, to use any other censure ecclesiastical,
which, for the better hearing and determining of that cause, might to
their wisdoms seem more pertinent, as appeareth more amply by the
tenor of the commission here ensuing.

"Edward the Sixth, &c. To the most reverend father in God, Thomas,
archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of England, the
right reverend father in God, Nicholas bishop of Rochester, our trusty
and right well-beloved councillors, Sir William Peter and Sir Thomas
Smith, knights, our two principal secretaries, and William May, doctor
of the law civil, and dean of Paul's, greeting: It is come to our
knowledge, that where we, by the advice of our most entirely beloved
uncle Edward, duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and protector
of all our realms, dominions, and subjects, and the rest of our privy
council, did give to the right reverend father in God Edmund, bishop
of London, upon certain complaints before made unto us, and other
great considerations, certain injunctions to be followed, done, and
executed; and, in a sermon appointed to him to preach by us with
certain articles, and for the more sure knowledge, keeping, and
observing, did exhibit the same in writing unto him by the hands of
our said uncle, in the fulfilling of our council: all this
notwithstanding, the said bishop hath, in contempt of us, (as it may
appear,) overslipped and not observed certain of the said things so by
us enjoined, and others so perversely and negligently done, that the
things minded of us to reformation, and for a good quiet of our
subjects and our whole realm, be converted, by the wilful negligence
or perversity of him, to a great occasion of slander, tumult, and
grudge amongst our people, as it hath been denounced to us in writing
by certain honest and discreet persons, and otherwise called. The
which things if they be so, we, tendering the health, quietness, good
order, and government of our people, have not thought convenient to be
let past unpunished and unreformed, and therefore, by the advice
aforesaid, have appointed you five, four, or three, upon whose
fidelities, wisdoms, dexterities, and circumspections, we have full
confidence, to call before you as well the denouncers of the said
faults, as also the said bishop; and, with due examinations and
process, according to the law and justice, to hear the said matter,
and all other matters, of what kind, nature, or condition soever they
shall be, that shall be objected against the said bishop, summarily,
et de plano or otherwise, as to your discretions shall be thought most
meet, with full power and authority to suspend, excommunicate, commit
to prison, or deprive the said bishop, if the offence shall so appear
to merit, or to use any other censure ecclesiastical, which, for the
better hearing and determining of the cause shall he requisite and
appertain: any law, statute, or act to the contrary notwithstanding.
In witness whereof we have caused these our letters to be made
patents.

"Witness ourself at Westminster, the eighth of September, in the third
year of our reign.

The commission, being sealed with the king's broad seal, was by his
Highness's council forthwith delivered at the court unto Thomas
Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the commissioners
mentioned in the same, being there all together present; who, upon the
receipt thereof, determined, by virtue of the same, to sit at the
archbishop's house at Lambeth, the Wednesday then next ensuing, which
was the tenth day of that present month of September, and therefore
appointed the bishop of London to be summoned to appear before them,
as at that time and place. The manner of whose behaviour at his
appearance, because it both declareth the froward nature and stubborn
condition of the person, and also what estimation and authority he
thought the commissioners to be of, I thought it not unmeet first,
before I enter into the process, somewhat to note and describe unto
you.

At his first entry into the place within the archbishop's house at
Lambeth, where the archbishop and others of the commissioners sat, he
passed forth directly by them with his cap upon his head, (making as
though he saw them not,) until one plucked him by the sleeve, willing
him to do reverence unto the commissioners: whereat he laughingly
turned himself, and spake unto the archbishop on this wise: "What, my
Lord! are you here? by my troth I saw you not." "No," said the
archbishop, "you would not see." "Well," quoth he, "you sent for me:
have you any thing to say to me?" "Yea," said the commissioners, "we
have here authority from the king's Highness to call you to an account
for your sermon you made lately at Paul's Cross, for that you did not
there publish to the people the article which you were commanded then
to preach upon." At which words the bishop, either for that he did not
greatly delight to hear of this matter, or else because he would make
his friends believe that he was called to account only for his opinion
in religion, (as afterwards in the sequel of this process it more
plainly appeareth,) began to turn his talk unto other matters, and
said unto the archbishop, "In good faith, my Lord, I would one thing
were had in more reverence than it is." "What is it?" said the
archbishop. "The blessed mass," quoth he: "you have written very well
of the sacrament; I marvel you do no more honour it." The archbishop
of Canterbury, therewith perceiving his subtlety, and seeing his gross
blindness, to commend that which was utterly contrary to his opinion,
said unto him again: "If you think it well, it is because you
understand it not." The other then, adding unto his former gross
ignorance an obstinate impudency, answered, "I think I understand it
better than you that wrote it." Unto which words the archbishop
replied, "Truly I will easily make a child that is but ten years old
to understand therein as much as you. But what is this to the matter?"

Moreover, at what time as they began to enter the judicial prosecuting
of their commission, and had called forth the denouncers to propound
such matter as they had to object against him, he, hearing them speak,
fell to scorning and taunting of them, saying to the one, that he
spake like a goose; and to the other, that he spake like a woodcock;
utterly denying their accusations to be true. Whereupon the archbishop
seeing his peevish malice against the denouncers, asked him, if he
would not believe them, whether he would credit the people there
present? and therewithal (because many of them were also at the
bishop's sermon at Paul's) he stood up and read the article of the
king's authority during his young age; saying unto them, "How say you,
my Masters! did my Lord of London preach this article?" whereunto they
answered, "No, no." At which words the bishop turning himself about,
deriding said, "Will you believe this fond people?"

Besides this, at all his appearings he used many irreverent, uncomely,
obstinate, and froward words and behaviours towards the commissioners
and others, (in defacing their authority with the terms of pretended
commissioners, pretended witnesses, and unjust, unlawful, and
pretended proceedings, with recusation of some, and terming others
daws, woodcocks, fools, and such like,) which I will here omit, for
they do more manifestly appear in the sequel of the story in the time
and place as they happened; adding yet this much by the way, that
although such stoutness of heart and will, if it had been in a cause
true and rightful, might have perchance seemed, in some men's
judgment, to be somewhat sufferable, yet, to say the truth, in what
case soever it be, being immoderate, as this shall appear, it beseemed
no wise man, and therefore much less one of his calling. For, if his
cause had been good, why did he not take the wrong patiently and
meekly, as the true canon law of the gospel doth teach him? If it were
(as it was indeed) naught and wrong, whereto served so bold sturdy
stoutness, but to show the impudency of the person, and to make the
case worse, which was bad enough before? But belike he was disposed to
declare, if need were, what he was able to do in the law, in shifting
off the matter by subtle dilatories, and frivolous cavilling about the
law. And if that would not help, yet with facing and bracing, and
railing upon the denouncers with furious words, and irreverent
behaviour toward the king's commissioners, he thought to countenance
out the matter before the people, that something might seem yet to be
in him, whatsoever was in the cause. For to conclude, for all his
crafty cautels and tergiversations alleged out of the law, yet neither
his cause could be so defended, nor his behaviour so excused, but that
he was therefore both justly imprisoned, and also, in the end, most
lawfully deprived; as by the sequel of this process may well appear,
the manner whereof is as followeth.

The first action or session against Bonner, before the king's
commissioners.

Upon Wednesday, the tenth day of September, in the year of our Lord
1549, and in the third year of the reign of King Edward the Sixth,
Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, metropolitan and primate of
all England, associated with Nicholas Ridley, then bishop of
Rochester, Sir William Peter, knight, one of the king's two principal
secretaries, and Master William May, doctor of the civil law, and dean
of Paul's, by virtue of the king's commission, sat judicially upon the
examination of Edmund Bonner, bishop of London, within the
archbishop's chamber of presence, at his house in Lambeth, before whom
there then also personally appeared the said bishop. At which time the
commissioners, first showing forth their commission, requested Sir
William Peter, that he would openly publish and read the same. That
done, the archbishop, in the name of the rest, declared unto the
bishop, that a grievous complaint had been heretofore made and
exhibited against him in writing, unto the king's Majesty and his most
honourable council, and that therefore his Highness, with their
advice, had committed the examination thereof unto him, and other his
colleagues there present; as also, unto Sir Thomas Smith, knight, the
other of his Majesty's two principal secretaries, though then absent:
and therewithal showed also forth a bill of complaint, exhibited unto
the king by Hugh Latimer and John Hooper, ministers; which they
likewise requested Sir William Peter to read.

These things ended, the bishop, like a subtle lawyer, having most like
some secret intelligence before of these matters, (whatsoever he
pretended to the contrary,) pulled out of his bosom a solemn
protestation ready written, which he then exhibited unto the
commissioners, requesting that the same might he there openly read.

This protestation being read, he requested the commissioners that he
might have the bill of complaint delivered him; which when he had well
perused, he said, that the same was very general, and so general as
that he could not directly answer thereunto. Whereunto the archbishop
answered, that the special cause of the complaint against him was, for
that he had transgressed the king's commandment, given unto him by his
council, in that he, in his late sermon made at Paul's Cross, did not
set forth unto the people the king's Highness's royal power in his
minority, according to the tenor of the article delivered unto him by
them for that purpose; and for proof thereof called forth Hugh Latimer
and John Hooper, preachers, who before that time had put up the bill
of complaint unto the king against him.

Upon whom when the bishop had earnestly looked, and well beheld them,
he said, "As for this merchant Latimer, I know him very well, and have
borne with him, and winked at his doings a great while, but I have
more to say to him hereafter. But as touching this other merchant
Hooper, I have not seen him before, howbeit I have heard much of his
naughty preaching." And then, turning himself again unto the
archbishop, (of purpose, most like, to make his friends think that he
was not called thither to answer for his contemptuous disobedience,
but for matters of religion,) said unto him, "Ah, my lord! now I see
that the cause of my trouble is not for the matter that you pretend
against me, but it is for that I did preach and set forth in my late
sermon the true presence of the most blessed body and blood of our
Saviour Jesus Christ to be in the sacrament of the altar. For as for
these my accusers, as they be evil, infamed, notorious, and
crimiminous persons, so are they manifest and notable heretics and
seducers of the people, especially touching the sacrament of the
altar; and most of all this Hooper. For whereas, in my late sermon at
Paul's Cross, I preached, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar,
after the words of consecration, there is the true body and blood of
our Saviour Jesus Christ, the selfsame in substance that was hanged
and shed upon the cross, he, the same day at afternoon, having a great
rabblement with him of his damnable sect, openly in the pulpit, within
my diocese, did preach erroneously to the people against it; and
maliciously inveighing against my sermon, denied the verity and
presence of Christ's true body and blood to be in the same sacrament,
and also falsely and untruly interpreted and expounded my words. And
especially, where I preached and affirmed the very true body and blood
of our Saviour Jesus Christ to be in the said sacrament, the selfsame
in substance that was hanged and shed upon the cross, he, like an ass,
(as he is an ass indeed,) falsely changed and turned the word 'that'
into 'as,' like an ass, saying, that I had said as it hanged, as it
was shed upon the cross."

The archbishop hereupon, perceiving the bishop's drift, and hearing
him talk so much of the presence of Christ's body and blood in the
sacrament, said unto him, "My Lord of London! ye speak much of a
presence in the sacrament; what presence is there, and of what
presence do you mean?" Wherewith the bishop, being somewhat stirred
and moved in his mind, (as appeared by his choleric countenance,)
spake again to the archbishop very earnestly, and said, "What
presence, my Lord? I say and believe that there is the very true
presence of the body and blood of Christ. What believe you, and how do
you believe, my Lord?" Upon which words the archbishop, because he saw
his answer dark and subtle, and minding somewhat to nip the gross
absurdities of the papists, asked him further, whether he were there,
face, nose, mouth, eyes, arms, and lips, with other lineaments of his
body? Whereat the bishop shaking his head, said, "Oh! I am right sorry
to hear your Grace speak these words;" and therewith boldly urged the
archbishop to show his mind therein; who wisely weighing the fond
presumption of the party, with the place and occasion of their
assembly, refused then so to do, saying, that their being there at
that time was, not to dispute of those matters, but to prosecute their
commission committed to them by their prince; and therefore willed him
to answer them unto such things as were objected against him.

Whereupon, under his protestation, he required to have a copy both of
the commission, and also of the denunciation given unto him, with time
to answer thereto; which the commissioners willingly granted,
assigning him there to appear again before them upon Friday then next
following, at eight o'clock before noon; and then to answer the tenor
of the denunciation. And so, for that day, (he complaining somewhat of
the shortness of his time to answer,) they all together departed.

The second appearance of Bonner in the chapel of Lambeth, before the
archbishop and other four commissioners, the bishop of Rochester,
secretary Peter, secretary Smith, and the dean of Paul's.

Upon Friday, the thirteenth of September afore-named, four
commissioners, associated then also with Sir Thomas Smith, knight, the
other of the king's two principal secretaries, and joint commissioner
with them, sat judicially in the archbishop's chapel, within his house
at Lambeth; before whom (according to their former assignment) there
and then appeared the bishop of London. To whom the archbishop, in the
name of the rest, first said, "My Lord of London! the last time you
were before us, we laid certain articles and matter to your charge
touching your disobedience to the kings Majesty, and you have this day
to make your answer thereunto: wherefore now show us what you have to
say for your defence."

Whereto the bishop, first asking the archbishop if he had all said and
done, and he again saying "Yea," made this answer: "My Lord, the last
day that I appeared before you, I remember there sat in the kings
Majesty's commission, your Grace, you my Lord of Rochester, you Master
Secretary Peter, and you Master Dean of Paul's; hut now, I perceive,
there sitteth also Master Secretary Smith, who, because he sat not at
the beginning, nor took there the commission upon him, ought not so to
do: for by the law, they that begin, must continue the commission."
Whereupon the archbishop first answered, that he was no lawyer, and
therefore could not certainly show what the law willeth in that case;
"But," saith he,"if the law be so indeed, surely I take it to be an
unreasonable law." "Well," said the bishop, "there be here that know
the law, and yet I say not this to the intent to stand or stick much
in this point with you, but to tell it you as it were by the way; for
I have here mine answer ready."

Then said Master Secretary Peter to the bishop, "My Lord! in good
sooth I must say unto you, that although I have professed the law,
yet, by discontinuance and disuse thereof, and having been occupied a
long time in other matters from study of the law, I have perhaps
forgotten what the law will do precisely in this point. But, admit the
law were so as you say, yet yourself know, my Lord, that this is our
certain rule in law, quad consuetudo eat juris interpres optimus: and
I am sure you will not, and cannot deny, but that the custom is
commonly in this realm in all judgments and commissions used to the
contrary; and, in very deed, we all together at the court, having the
commission presented unto us, took it upon us; and therefore, for you
to stick in such trifling matters, you shall rather in my judgment
hurt yourself and your matter, than otherwise."

"Truly, Master Secretary!" said the bishop, "I have also of long while
been disused in the study of law, but having occasion, partly by
reason of this matter, to turn my books, I find the law to be as I
say; and yet, as I said, I tell you hereof but by the way, not minding
to stick much with you in that point."

At which words, Master Secretary Smith said also unto the bishop,
"Well, my Lord of London! as cunning as you make yourself in the law,
there be here that know the law as well as you: and for my part I have
studied the law too, and I promise you these be but quiddities and
quirks invented to delay matters, but our commission is to proceed
summarily, and straitforwardly, and to cut off such frivolous
allegations."

"Well," said the bishop again, "look well on your commission, and you
shall find therein these words, 'To proceed according to the law and
justice;' and I ask both law and justice at your hands."

Then Master Secretary Peter willed him to stand no more thereupon, but
to proceed unto his answer: whereupon he took forth a writing, wherein
was contained his answer to the denunciation exhibited the day before
by Latimer and Hooper, and delivering it untothe archbishop, said,
that it was of his own hand-writing, and for lack of sufficient time
written so hastily and coarsely, that it could scarcely be read by any
other, and therefore he desired to read it himself; and so taking it
again, read it openly, the copy whereof here followeth:

"I Edmund, bishop of London, concerning Hugh Latimer, and John Hooper,
the pretended denunciators of this matter here now before you, and for
answer unto the unlawful, untrue, and uncharitable, pretended
denunciation of them, lately indeed, contrary to justice and good
reason, exhibited here and read before you, under protestation
heretofore made by me, and read unto you, remaining in the acts of
this court, unto which I refer me, and have the same here again for
repeated and rehearsed to all purposes agreeable to the law, do, for
my necessary defence and help, allege and say as followeth:

"I. First, I do allege and say, that the said Hugh Latimer, and John
Hooper, or either of them, were not, nor now are, to be admitted in
any wise, by virtue of this or any other commission, as denunciators
against me their bishop; especially, for that they and either of them
have, as well before the time of their pretended denunciation, and
also then and since, been and be, vile and infamed,
notorious,criminous persons, and also open and manifest notable
heretics, especially concerning the sacrament of the catholic church,
and namely concerning the blessed sacrament of the altar; by reason of
which their heresies, they were and be, by the order of the said
catholic church, here in this realm of England, justly and duly
excommunicated and accursed, and have divided themselves thereby from
the unity and integrity of Christ's catholic church; and for such
persons they have been and are named, reputed, and taken openly,
notoriously, and commonly, amongst the catholic people of this realm
of England, and especially of this city of London; familiarly haunting
and conversant with sacramentaries, and openly known condemned
heretics, and favourers and abettors of the same, and their detestable
and pestilent doctrine and heresy.

"II. Item, That the said John Hooper, amongst other his poisoned and
venomous doctrine, and amongst other his erroneous, detestable, and
abominable errors and heresies taught and spread abroad here within
this realm, infecting and poisoning the king's subjects therewith,
hath, before the time of the said pretended denunciation, damnably and
detestably made divers erroneous and heretical books, especially one,
entitled, A Declaration of Christ, and of his Office, printed (as he
falsely surmiseth) in Zurich, by Augustine Friars, wherein he, in many
places, heretically and damnably denieth the true presence of Christ's
body in the blessed sacrament of the altar, and also, in effect,
denieth the verity of Christ's blessed body upon the cross, calling it
'mathematical,' and excluding thereby the true and very substance
thereof.

"III. Item, The said John Hooper doth persevere, and continueth still,
in his said poisoned and wicked venomous doctrine, in all points
maintaining and defending the same, and every part thereof, all the
ways he can, especially against the presence of Christ's blessed body
in the sacrament of the altar; and his said books, especially the said
Declaration of Christ and of his Office, he doth yet allow and
maintain as good and catholic, whereas indeed it is heretical, wicked,
and damnable: the contents of which doctrine and book so entitled, the
said Latimer, especially touching the heresy against the verity of
Christ's body, and his true presence in the sacrament of the altar,
hath heard, taught, read, preached, believed, holden, maintained, and
kept; and so, at this present, doth yet believe, hold, maintain, and
keep; contrary to the faith of Christ's catholic church, and the unity
of the same observed amongst all true Christian people; incurring
thereby heresy, excommunication, and schism, to the loss both of their
souls, and of their believers'.

"IV. Item, That the said Latimer and Hooper, and either of them, being
of these vile and detestable qualities, and consequently, by the
ordinance of the catholic church of Christ, as well of this realm, as
also throughout all Christendom, being so excommunicated and cast out
thereby from the said church, are not to this pretended denunciation
against me their bishop, nor to any judicial act, to be admitted, nor
yet to be accompanied withal, or answered unto; but are, by Scripture,
and the order of Christ's catholic church here in this realm, utterly
and truly to be excluded, avoided, detested, eschewed, and abhorred,
in all manner of wise, of all faithful and true Christian people,
fearing God, and desiring the advancement of the truth.

"V. Item, That whereas the said Latimer and Hooper, in their said
pretended denunciation, amongst other things, do untruly deduce that
they have made their said pretended denunciation, not moved of any
malice or evil will, but for the good tranquillity and governance of
this realm, which, as they pretend in their gay and glorious proem,
they would seem to have a great care and solicitude of, whereas in
very deed they, and such as they are, by sundry ways, and especially
by their corrupt doctrine, and heretical, naughty preaching, and
infecting of the king's Majesty's people, have disturbed and greatly
inquieted the good tranquillity and governance of this realm, as
evidently and notoriously it is well known; the truth is, that this
their saying is evidently and plainly false; for notorious it is, and
lawfully shall be proved, that the said Hooper, conspiring with the
said Latimer, and other heretics of their factious sect and damnable
opinion, did, the first day of September last past, after that I, the
said bishop of London, had made the sermon at Paul's Cross, assemble
maliciously, uncharitably, and unlawfully, a great rabblement of such
as himself is, within my diocese and jurisdiction, and, under the
colour of reading, did openly and manifestly rail and inveigh against
me the said bishop, for my said sermon; not for such matter, pretence,
or cause, as is falsely and untruly surmised in the said pretended
denunciation, but only and chiefly for that I, the said bishop, as
became a Christian man, and especially him that had and hath cure and
charge of his flock, faithfully and truly to teach them, did, taking
occasion of the communion not frequented nor reverenced, but neglected
and contemned, confess and declare my faith and belief openly before
my audience, touching the blessed sacrament of the altar, ministered
in the same communion, affirming, as the catholic church affirmeth and
teacheth, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar there is the very
true body of our Saviour Christ, the selfsame in substance that hanged
upon the cross,and the very true blood of our Saviour Christ, the
selfsame in substance that was shed upon the cross. Against which
affirmation and assertion, being catholic and true, the said John
Hooper (albeit now colourably, and falsely, and foolishly, he
pretendeth another matter more plausible in his opinion and judgment
in sundry places of the city and suburbs of London) hath since that
time maliciously inveighed and taught, learning and teaching his
audience heretically (being many in number, and assembling in great
routs) to reprove, contemn, and despise the said blessed sacrament of
the altar, and not to have a true and faithful belief of it, as
hitherto always the catholic church hath ever had, the said William
Latimer, and the rabblement of his complices, conspiring and agreeing
in points therein, and inducing others to do the same; not making any
such pretence at all (as they, in their said pretended denunciation,
do falsely surmise and deduce); but only and chiefly offended for my
said assertion, and affirmation of the verity of Christ's body and
blood in the sacrament of the altar.

"Item, That whereas the said Hugh Latimer and John Hooper, in their
said pretended denunciation, do further deduce, and falsely surmise,
that I, the said bishop of London, had delivered to me from the king's
Majesty, by the hands of the lord protector's Grace, and the rest of
the king's Majesty's council, certain injunctions with articles to be
insinuated and preached to the king's Majesty's subjects, at a certain
day limited, and after such sort, form, and manner, as is in the said
pretended denunciation surmised untruly and deduced: it is notorious
and evident, as well by the tenor and continue of that writing which
was to me, the said bishop of London, delivered by the hands of Sir
Thomas Smith, knight, one of the two principal secretaries to the
king's Majesty, as otherwise, that the said surmise, in such sort and
fashion as it is deduced and made, is not true in this behalf,
referring me to the tenor of the said writing, which neither was
signed with the king's Majesty's hand, nor sealed with any his
Majesty's seal or signet, nor yet subscribed by any of the said
council, or delivered after such sort as is alleged and pretended, as
more evidently hereafter shall appear, and sufficiently be proved, for
my lawful necessary defence in this behalf.

"VI. Item, That in case any such injunctions, with articles after such
form and fashion, had been so delivered unto me as is surmised and
pretended, yet false and untrue it is that I, the said bishop, either
left out, or refused to declare the same for any such cause or causes
falsely and untruly surmised in the said pretended denunciation, or
else so perversely and negligently did, as likewise in the said
pretended denunciation is deduced; which thing may well appear in the
discourse of my said sermon, where, in substance and effect, I
declared faithfully and truly these points specially following; that
is to wit, that all such as rebel against their prince, get unto them
damnation, and those that refuse the higher power resist the ordinance
of God; and he that dieth therefore in rebellion, is by the word of
God utterly damned, and so loseth both body and soul, alleging for
this purpose the 13th chapter of St. Paul to the Romans, and it at
large declaring unto the audience. Furthermore, speaking of the rebels
in Devonshire, Cornwall, Norfolk, and elsewhere within this realm;
standing in doubt whether I might put them in the place of those that
put trust in themselves and despised all others, or in the place of
both, doing as they did; forgetting God, not duly considering the
king's Majesty, their supreme head next and immediately under God;
forgetting their wives, their children, their kinsfolk, their
alliance, acquaintance, and friends, yea, themselves, and their native
country, and most unnaturally rebelling against their sovereign lord
and king, whom, by God's law they were bound to love, serve, and
faithfully obey; I did, to the best of my power, dissuade rebellion,
and exhort the audience unto true obedience being thus commanded: And
all rebellion being, in like manner, forbidden, under pain of eternal
damnation, all these rebels in Cornwall, Devonshire, Norfolk, or
elsewhere, who take upon them to assemble a power or force against
their king and prince, against the laws and statutes of the realm, and
went about to subvert the order of the commonwealth, did not only
deserve therefore death, as rebels and traitors, but also did
accumulate unto themselves eternal damnation, even to be in the
burning fire of hell, with Lucifer, the father and first author of
pride, disobedience, and rebellion.

"And here I did ask, who had induced the said rebels thus to do? To
which I answered by another question, demanding who moved and induced
Eve to take the apple and break her obedience against God's
commandment? who moved also and induced Cain to kill his brother Abel?
yea, who moved Judas the apostle to betray his Master, Christ? Was it
not the devil? Yes truly, and he it is (said I) that of his great
malice and hatred to men and good order hath moved and induced these
rebels to do this unnatural rebellion against their prince and
sovereign lord. Whereupon I asked, what pretences they had, and,
answering thereto, said, that amongst others they had masses and holy
water; upon which I, exclaiming against them, said, Good Lord! is not
this a marvellous thing, to palliate,colour, excuse, and maintain
rebellion and inobedience, to pretend mass or holy water? as who saith
that these things had been instituted and ordained to defend,
maintain, and excuse rebellion, treason, and inobedience; which I told
the audience they could not do. And thereupon I brought four texts of
Scripture to prove this thing that I said, alleging Numbers xvi.; 1
Kings xx.; Leviticus x., and the fourth, that myself added also, St.
Luke xiii., setting them forth the best I could, as one not much
exercised in preaching, but restrained therefrom. And here I
concluded, that whatsoever pretences these rebels had of masses, holy
water, or such other, it could not in any wise excuse or defend their
rebellion and inobedience, referring myself herein to the indifferent
hearers in the said audience.

"And here, pulling out a writing, sent from the king's Majesty's privy
council unto me, touching the victory against the said rebels, which
for brevity of time my memory would not serve to declare without book,
I did rehearse it in writing word by word; in doing whereof it well
appeared, that I did not favour the opinion of the said rebels, or
maintain their enterprise, but contrariwise did detest them and all
their doings, declaring obedience to be better than sacrifice; and
that in disobedience and rebellion nothing could or did please
Almighty God. Further, taking occasion of the proud Pharisee and the
humble Publican ascending into the temple to pray, and noting the
outward and extern doing of them both, with the success thereof, I
declared to the audience touching the order of the church and the
extern rites and ceremonies of the divine service, that forasmuch as
God requireth humility of heart, innocency of living, knowledge of
him, charity and love to our neighbour, and obedience to his word, to
his ministers, and to the superior powers, we must bring all these
things to all our prayers, to all our service; and that this is the
sacrifice that Christ requireth, and that these be the things that
make all other things pleasant to Almighty God: further saying, that
the extern rites are but exercises of religion, and appointed by
superior powers, and that in the choosing thereof we must obey the
magistrates, and that we also do see that those things ever have been,
and shall be, diverse, as the time and place is; and yet all hath
pleased God, so long as humility of heart, innocency of living,
knowing of God, charity and love to our neighbour, with obedience to
God's word, God's ministers, and the superior powers, are concurrent
and present therewith.

"VII. Moreover, I then said, that if any man should use rites, and
disobey thereby the superior powers, the devotion of his ceremony was
made evil by his disobedience; insomuch that that which (standing the
law) might be good, was, by pride, disobedience, and rebellion, made
evil and unprofitable; putting example in the fact of Saul, reserving
the fat sheep for sacrifice; and in Korah, Dathan, and Abiram, and
also in Nadab and Abihu, Aaron's two children, and in the Galileans,
whose blood Pilate did mix with their sacrifices. And thereupon I told
the audience that they must do herein especially two things: the
first, they must join to and with their devotion faithful obedience,
and then they shall win the garland, and otherwise have a zeal, sed
non secundum scientiam, deserving no thank or praise of God; and also
they must, with and to their obedience, join devotion, knowing that
God more doth require and consider the heart, than the outward doing.
And thereupon I exhorted the audience, that when they came to take the
communion, or to hear or say the service, appointed by the king's
Majesty, they must bring devotion and inward prayer with them, or else
their prayers shall be but vain, as wanting and lacking that thing
which God requireth, that is, the heart and mind to pray to him. And
herein, because I marvelled that the communion was no more frequented
now-a-days, and lamenting the irreverent coming to it and using of it;
fearing that it proceeded of an evil opinion and belief touching the
sacrament of the altar, ministered and distributed at the same
communion; and to the intent to make the people have better opinion of
it than they seemed to have, I did faithfully, truly, and plainly
declare my belief of the said sacrament, wherewith the said Latimer
and Hooper, with their complices, were so much offended and aggrieved.

"VIII. Item, That whereas the said Hugh Latimer and John Hooper do
further, in the said pretended denunciation, untruly and uncharitably
deduce and allege, that I, in my said sermon, did treat of such things
as most should move and stir up the people to disorder and dissension,
it doth hereby evidently and clearly appear, that either the said
pretended denunciators do take and esteem a declaration faithfully
made of the loyal obedience of subjects to the king's Majesty, the
supreme and sovereign lord, and the great peril and danger of
rebellion committed by subjects against their king and prince and
sovereign lord, to be a moving, provoking, and stirring-up of people
to discord and dissension: or else that the affirmation and assertion
catholic of the verity of Christ's body and blood in the blessed
sacrament of the altar, set forth by me as afore, doth effect and work
such disorder and dissension. For evident it is to all those which
indifferently heard my said sermon, that I (grounding myself upon
Scripture, and taking occasion of the Sunday then occurrent) did speak
specially and earnestly of these two things, without taxing of any man
specially by name, or other circumstance, to slander them thereby; and
I did both set forth the obedience and duty of all subjects generally
to their king, and specially, of subjects of this realm to the king's
Majesty that now is, whose minority to all people of this realm is
more than manifest, and is also apparent or evidently known to all the
whole world beside. And also, I did then declare and lay open the
imminent danger and great peril of rebellion in subjects against the
high powers and authority, and also specially of the rebellion late
committed by them of Devonshire, Cornwall, Norfolk, and elsewhere,
against the king's Majesty that now is, which I would not have done,
except I both had believed that all the king's subjects without
exception were bound to obey the king's Majesty, even as he now is,
was, and shall be, during his life, which our Lord long preserve to
all our comforts and wealth! and also that the rebellion of late so
committed against his Majesty was damnable, and utterly detestable and
condemned by God's law: and herein I refer me to the indifferent
hearers of this my sermon, wishing that this Latimer and Hooper, with
all the rest of these new preachers, did mean as faithfully, truly,
obediently, and catholicly, as I always have done, towards the king's
Majesty, his honour, authority, royal power, and surety of his person
and realm; and did not more move, encourage, and stir the king's
Majesty's subjects to sedition, tumult, and inobedience, by their
erroneous doctrine and teaching, than I did at any time encourage,
move, or stir any of them in any wise, or give occasion to any of the
same.

"IX. Item, Whereas the said Hugh Latimer and John Hooper do falsely
surmise in their pretended denunciation, that it was of no light
ground looked for, that I, the said bishop of London, should more
apertly have declared the injunctions and articles aforesaid, and that
it did so appear unto their judgments; I do say, that their judgments
are corrupted and only set to slander and picking of quarrels in this
behalf, being well assured and so credibly informed, that all the
worshipful and honest catholic persons of my said audience were fully
satisfied, both as touching obedience to the king's Majesty in his
tender age and minority, and also touching the penalty and great peril
of punishments of the rebellion so lately committed against the said
Majesty by the aforesaid rebels. And, moreover, I do say, that before
my lord protector's Grace, and the rest of the king's Majesty's most
honourable council then present, I made my excuse, and alleged many
impediments for my not preaching at the Cross; and did not further
promise but to do the best I could, which of my fidelity and
conscience I did; not omitting any thing of purpose or evil will, that
might be to the satisfaction of all people, both good and bad, in
every condition and point; specially, in this behalf, collecting and
gathering together, with all diligent study, all that might make, in
my judgment and opinion, for the better setting forth of the same."

Thus have you Bonner's answer to the denunciation aforesaid: wherein
first he alleged, or rather shamelessly and slanderously cavilled:

"That those his denouncers were vile, infamed, and notorious criminous
persons, and also open and manifest heretics, as well against the rest
of the sacraments of the church, as chiefly against the sacrament of
the altar; and were for the same, by the orders of the church,
excommunicated and accursed, and were so taken of all the catholics of
this realm, and especially by Hooper; who, besides other his poisoned
doctrine and heresy amongst the people, had also, before the time of
the denunciation, made divers erroneous and heretical books against
the true presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the altar, and
did also continue in the same, allowing and maintaining it as good and
catholic: which books and doctrine (chiefly against the sacrament of
the altar) Hugh Latimer had, and then likewise. did allow, believe,
and teach, to the loss of both their own souls, and also of their
believers'; and therefore were not now, nor ought at any time, to be
admitted either in this their denunciation against him, or in any
other judicial act; and that the rather also, because that although
they pretend, in their denunciation, that they made not the same of
any malice or evil will towards him, but for the good tranquillity and
quiet governance of this realm, yet was it notoriously known, that as
well the same day at afternoon in which he the said bishop preached at
the Cross of Paul's, as also at sundry other times, they two,
conspiring with others of their faction, did maliciously and
unlawfully within his diocese assemble together a great rabblement of
such as themselves were, and there, under the colour of reading, did
openly rail and inveigh against him, not for any the causes pretended
in their denunciation, but because he had in his sermon declared, (as
the catholic church taught,) that in the sacrament of the altar there
was the very true body and blood of Christ, the same in substance that
was hanged and shed upon the cross."

Then, after these vain and frivolous allegations against the
denouncers, he cometh and answereth to the substance of their
denunciation, and saith:

"That where they, in the same, do falsely surmise, that there were
delivered unto him from the king's Majesty, by the hands of the lord
protector and the rest of his Highness's council, certain injunctions
and articles to be published and declared unto the people at a day
limited in the same, their information, in such sort as it was
deduced, was most false and untrue, for that the articles delivered
unto him by Sir Thomas Smith, one of the king's secretaries, were
neither signed with the king's own hand, nor sealed with his
Highness's seal or signet, nor yet subscribed by any of his council,"
&c.

Where mark, I beseech you, the subtlety of a disloyal papist, who,
because the articles were not sealed by the king and his council,
would make them therefore not to be of any such force as that the
breach thereof should cause him to incur the danger of contemptuous
disobedience. But admit they were not signed nor sealed, (of which
thing, by the way, in the denunciation there is no mention yea or
nay,) yet it is manifest by the second bill of articles ministered
unto him by the commissioners, in the fourth act of his process, that,
at such time as he was before the council, those articles were, by the
commandment of the lord protector, openly there read unto him by one
of the secretaries, and, after addition of the article concerning the
king's lawful power and authority during his young years, were also
delivered unto him by the hands of the lord protector, in the presence
of the rest of the council; who, thus receiving them, promised there
faithfully to accomplish all the contents thereof. After which, they
were again delivered unto secretary Smith, to amend such things
therein as the lord protector and the rest of the council had there
appointed: which being accordingly done, (as the bishop himself at the
last receipt thereof confessed,) they were finally delivered unto him
by the secretary; and therefore was this but a poor shift. Now after
this, he maketh a supposition:

"That in case it were true, that the injunctions were delivered him
according to their information, yet was it untrue that he did omit or
refuse to declare the same for any such causes as they had alleged
against him; and that did well appear in the discourse of his sermon,
which tended principally (as he said) to the disallowing and
condemnation of all rebels, and chiefly of the rebels in Norfolk,
Suffolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall, or elsewhere within this realm of
England, who, forgetting their allegiance and duty unto their prince,
assigned to them by God's word as their supreme head, their natural
love and care for their country, wives, children, and kinsfolk, did
both deserve death bodily as traitors, and also accumulate unto
themselves damnation of body and soul eternally, with Satan the father
and first mover of all rebellion and disobedience. And herewithal
further exclaiming against the pretences of those rebels, who, amongst
other things, pretended the mass and holy water, with such like, which
were never ordained for the purpose, to colour and maintain rebellion,
(as, he said, he then proved out of Numbers xvi., 1 Kings xx.,
Leviticus x., Luke xiii., and Acts vi., in the best manner that he
could, as one not exercised greatly in preaching, but restrained
therefrom,) but having humility of heart, innocency of living,
knowledge of God, love to our neighbours, with obedience to God's
word, ministers, and superior powers concurrent with them, they, being
external rites and ceremonies of the church, were exercises of
religion, and appointable by superior powers; and yet that which
(standing the law) might be good, was by pride and disobedience made
evil and unprofitable."

And here he further said:

"Because he saw the people slack in coming to the communion and divine
service, set forth by the king's Majesty, and to the intent he would
make them have a better opinion of the sacrament than he thought they
had, he then faithfully did declare his belief therein. Wherewith his
denouncers being offended, they uncharitably and untruly deduced, in
their pretended denunciation, that in his sermon he did treat of such
things as most should stir up unto dissension and tumult; whereby it
appeared unto him, that his denouncers either took his catholic
assertion of the verity of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament of
the altar, or else his faithful declaration made of the obedience of
subjects unto the king's Majesty their supreme and sovereign lord,
with the peril and danger of rebellion committed against him, to be
the cause of disorder and dissension; for that (saith he) of these two
points he chiefly spake, and especially of obedience to the king,
whose minority was more than manifestly known, as well amongst the
people of this realm, as elsewhere, throughout the world besides:
which he would not have done except he had believed that both all his
subjects were bounden to obey him, even as he then was and should be
during his life; and also that the rebellion of late committed against
him was detestable, and condemned by God's word: and therefore he
wished that his two denouncers, with all the rest of the new
preachers, did mean as faithfully, obediently, and catholicly, towards
the king's honour, royal power, and surety of person, as he did; and
had not more moved the people to tumults and disobedience by their
erroneous doctrine and teaching, than he had at any time given any
occasion thereunto."

Then finally he concluded and said thus:

"That where his denouncers surmise, that it was of no light ground
looked for, as it appeared in their judgments, that he should more
apertly have declared the contents of the injunctions and articles
than he did, that their judgments were in that behalf corrupted, and
set to slander and picking of quarrels; for he was well assured, and
credibly informed, that all his honest and catholic audience were
fully satisfied, both touching their obedience to the king's Majesty
in his tender age, and also concerning the great penalty and peril
that the late rebels incurred by their disobedience. And besides that,
when he was before the lord protector and the rest of the council,
after he had made his excuse, and alleged many impediments for his not
preaching at the Cross, he did not then further promise but to do the
best he could; which he hath of his fidelity and conscience
accomplished, not omitting any thing of purpose or evil will, that
might satisfy the people in any point concerning the premises."

Whilst he was thus reading these answers, objecting against his
denouncers such causes and quarrels as he before alleged, for which he
would have earnestly had the denouncers to be repelled of the
commissioners, the archbishop of Canterbury replied, that if there
were any such law, he thought it not to be a good or godly law, but a
law of the bishop of Rome. "For," said he, "if my matter and cause be
good, what should I care who accuse me, yea, although he were the
devil of hell?"

"No, sir," said the bishop of London, "it is the king's law used in
the realm?"

"Well, my Lord," said the archbishop, "ye be too full of your law: I
would wish you had less knowledge in that law, and more knowledge in
God's law, and of your duty."

"Well," answered the bishop again, "seeing your Grace falleth to
wishing, I can also wish many things to be in your person."

Then spake secretary Peter to the bishop, as touching these
denouncers: "We are not so straited in this matter, but that we may
proceed against you, either at their promotion or without them, at our
pleasure."

"A God's name, then," said Bonner, "put them by, and then do as your
pleasure shall be, so you do me right, for I ask but right."

"Nay," said secretary Smith, "you ask you wot not what: you would have
us follow your mind in these quiddities and quirks; and all is nothing
else but to delay justice. And you do herein as thieves, murderers,
and traitors, not to have the truth known."

"Say you so to me," quoth the bishop? "I thank you. Well, I could say
somewhat to you also, were ye not in the place ye be, but let it pass.
As for my matter, I fear it not, it is not so evil as you make it; for
I have your own hand-writing for my discharge, which when I shall see
time, I shall show forth."

"My hand," quoth the secretary. "Let me see it, and let it be read
openly." "So it shall," said the bishop, "when I shall see time."

Then said Master Smith, "You do use us thus, to be seen a cunning
lawyer."

"Indeed," quoth the bishop, "I knew the law, ere you could read it."

With that, secretary Peter willed the bishop to proceed in reading of
his answers; who so did, and when he had finished, Latimer delivered
up a writing in paper unto the archbishop and the rest of the
commissioners; who then said unto the bishop of London, "Here be
certain articles which we intend to minister unto you."

The bishop therewith said, "Do you minister them of your office, or at
the promotion of these men, (pointing to Latimer and Hooper,) for I
perceive they gave them unto you?"

"Nay," said secretary Peter, "we will minister them unto you,
officially only."

The copy of which articles here followeth.

Articles ministered to Bonner, bishop of London, the first time, for
him jointly and severally to answer unto.

"I. It is reported that you have received from the king's Majesty, by
the hands of my lord protector's Grace, sitting in the council chamber
at council with the rest of the lords of the council, the eleventh of
August, certain injunctions to be done and followed by you, and
articles to be preached there by you; that you did there and then
accept the said injunctions, and promise to observe and follow the
same.

"II. Item, That you have not truly, sincerely, and wholly, declared
all the articles enjoined to you, in your last sermon, as they were
put unto you.

"III. Item, Whether ye have written your sermon or no? and if ye have
written it, whether of your own counsel only, or by whose help; and
who hath seen the same written before and since ye did preach it?

"IV. Item, That ye have not declared in your sermon, that the old rite
of prayers, as matins and mass, said after that sort in this realm, by
reason of disobedience is naught, although a man have devotion unto
it; according as it is in your articles.

"V. Item, That you have not, in your sermon, declared the articles of
the king's Majesty's power in his minority, as it was commanded you,
to the refutation of the evil opinion and error of the rebels;and, if
you have declared it, how and after what sort ye have declared it?

"VI. Item, Whether ye will take upon you to defend the said rebels'
opinion or no?

"VII. Item, That ye know, or have heard say, that certain persons
within your diocese, since the time that the said injunctions were
given unto you, have heard, been at, or celebrated, mass or evensong
in the Latin tongue, and after the old rite and manner, other than
according to the king's Majesty's book.

"VIII. Item, That ye have not convented them before you, nor inflicted
punishment unto them.

"IX. Item, That ye know or have heard say, that there be notable
adulterers, fornicators, or incestuous parsons in your diocese; and
you cited none of them, or have seen them punished.

"X. Item, That ye were at Master Dr. Cox's, the king's almoner's
sermon at Paul's Cross, about Midsummer was twelve months, wherein he
declared the great contempt of the bishop of Winchester in not
observing the injunction given unto him. And, especially, in that he
did not treat as he ought to have done, and was commanded, of the
king's Majesty's authority in his minority, additionally.

"XI. Item, That the rites of the common service of the church, now set
forth, be, in some parts of your diocese, diversely used; and you,
knowing or hearing of the same, have not called any ministers of the
service before you for a redress of such diversity, nor corrected the
misusers thereof."

Hereupon, after an oath given unto the bishop de fideliter
respondendo, he desired a copy of the articles, requiring also a
competent time to be given unto him to make answer thereunto.

To whom secretary Peter replied, saying, "My Lord, here be certain of
the articles touching your own fact, which you may answer unto
forthwith; as whether you wrote your sermon or not before you preached
it."

Whereunto the bishop answered, that he wrote it not, but he drew
certain notes of it.

"Then whose counsel," said he, "and advice, used you in making your
sermon?"

To which he also answered, that he had therein used his own counsel
and books; "and yet my chaplains," quoth he, "be much suspected for my
doings in many things, and sometimes I for theirs, when there is no
cause why."
These words ended, the commissioners assigned him Monday, the
sixteenth of September then next, to appear before them, and to make
his full answers unto all the articles ministered unto him by them
this day; the contents whereof are as followeth.

The form and tenor of the articles ministered unto the bishop of
London, by the king's commissioners.

Monday, the sixteenth of September, the archbishop, associated with
the bishop of Rochester, secretary Smith, and Dr. May, dean of Paul's,
sat judicially within his chapel at Lambeth; before whom there and
then appeared the bishop of London, according as he was assigned in
the last session; at which time he exhibited unto the commissioners in
writing his answers unto the last former articles. But before the same
were there read, the archbishop said unto him, that his late answer,
made the thirteenth of September, unto the denunciation, was very
obscure, and therewith also contained much matter of slander against
Latimer and Hooper, and much untruth; and therefore they desired there
to purge themselves. Whereupon Latimer, first obtaining leave to
speak, said:

"That the bishop of London had most falsely, untruly, and uncharitably
accused him, laying to his charge many feigned and untrue matters in
his former answers to the denunciation, and such as he should never be
able to prove. For where in his said answer he alleged, that Hugh
Latimer and John Hooper, with other heretics conspiring against him,
did the first day of September, after the bishop's sermon, assemble
themselves together unlawfully against the said bishop, that saying of
his was most untrue. For neither that day, nor yet before that day,
nor until certain days after, he ever knew or spoke with Hooper. And
as touching his own preaching there, openly accused by the bishop, he
said, he never held, taught, or preached any thing concerning the
blessed sacrament, otherwise than he ought to do, nor otherwise than
according to the Scriptures, and true catholic faith of Christ's
church; and therefore offered himself to be tried by the archbishop,
or other such learned men as it should please the king's Majesty, or
the said commissioners, to appoint; and further to suffer, to be
hanged, drawn, and quartered, if the bishop could justly prove true
the things that he had there shamefully laid to his charge."

Then Master Hooper, upon like licence obtained, said to this effect:

"This ungodly man," pointing to the bishop, "hath most uncharitably
and ungodly accused me before your Grace and this audience, and hath
laid to my charge, that I am a heretic: whereas, I take God to record,
I never spake, read, taught, or preached any heresy, but only the most
true and pure word of God. And where he saith, I frequent the company
of heretics, I do much marvel of his so saying; for it hath pleased my
lord protector's Grace, my singular good lord and master, and my
Lady's Grace, to have me with them, and I have preached before them,
and much used their company, with divers other worshipful persons; and
therefore I suppose this man meaneth them. And further, whereas he
saith that I have made heretical books against the blessed sacrament
of the body and blood of Christ, calling it mathematical, I perceive
that this man knoweth not what this word 'mathematical' there meaneth,
and therefore understandeth not my book, which, I take God to be my
judge, I have made truly and sincerely, and according to his holy
word; and by the same his holy word and Scriptures, I am always (and
shall be) ready to submit myself to your Grace's judgment, and the
superior powers, to be tried:" with many such more words of like
importance.

Which ended, the archbishop, to shorten this matter, asked the bishop
how he could prove that Hooper and Latimer assembled together against
him the first of September, as he had alleged, seeing they now denied
it; and therefore willed him to answer forthwith thereunto.

The bishop then answered that he would duly prove it, so that he might
be admitted to do it according to law: and with that he pulled out of
his sleeve certain books, saying, "I have this varlet's books which he
made against the blessed sacrament, which you shall hear." Then, as he
was turning certain leaves thereof, Hooper began again to speak; but
the bishop turning himself towards him, tauntingly said, "Put up your
pipes; you have spoken for your part; I will meddle no more with you:"
and therewith read a certain sentence upon the book. This done, he
said, "Lo! here you may see his opinion, and what it is." At which
words the people standing behind, and seeing his irreverent and
unseemly demeanour and railing, fell suddenly into great laughing;
whereat the bishop being moved, and not perceiving the cause wherefore
they did laugh, turned him towards them in a great rage, saying, "Ah
woodcocks! woodcocks!"

Then said one of the commissioners, "Why say you so, my Lord?"
"Marry," quoth he, "I may well call them woodcocks, that thus will
laugh, and know not whereat; nor yet heard what I said or read."

"Well, my Lord of London," said the archbishop, "then I perceive you
would persuade this audience, that you were called hither for
preaching of your belief in the sacrament of the altar, and therefore
you lay to these men's charge, [meaning Hooper and Latimer,] that they
have accused you of that: howbeit, there was no such thing laid to
your charge; and therefore this audience shall hear openly read the
denunciation that is put up against you, to the intent they may the
better perceive your dealing herein." And therewithal he said unto the
people, "My Lord of London would make you believe that he is called
hither for declaring and preaching his opinion touching the sacrament
of the altar: but, to the intent you may perceive how he goeth about
to deceive you, you shall hear the denunciation that is laid in
against him read unto you:" and thereupon he delivered the
denunciation unto Sir John Mason, knight, who there read it openly.
Which done, the archbishop said again unto the audience, "Lo! here you
hear how the bishop of London is called for no such matter as he would
persuade you."

With this the bishop, being in a raging heat, as one clean void of all
humanity, turned himself about unto the people, saying, "Well now hear
what the bishop of London saith for his part." But the commissioners,
seeing his inordinate contumacy, denied him to speak any more, saying,
that he used himself very disobediently; with more like words of
reproach.

Notwithstanding he, still persisting in his unreverent manner of
dealing with the commissioners, pulled out of his sleeve another book,
and then said unto the archbishop, "My Lord of Canterbury, I have here
a note out of your books that you made touching the blessed sacrament,
wherein you do affirm the verity of the body and blood of Christ to be
in the sacrament, and I have another book also of yours of the
contrary opinion; which is a marvellous matter."

To this the archbishop answered, that he made no books contrary one to
another, and that he would defend his books, howbeit he thought the
bishop understood them not: "For I promise you," quoth he, "I will
find a boy of ten years old, that shall be more apt to understand that
matter than you my Lord of London be."

Thus, after much multiplying of like words, the commissioners,
thinking not good to spend any more waste time with him, willed him to
show forth his answers unto the articles objected the last day against
him: whereupon he, having them ready, did read the same openly to
them; wherein, after many words of his former protestation recited,
with a marvellous lamentation to see that one of his vocation, at the
malicious denunciation of vile heretics, should be used after such
strange sort, having nevertheless done the best he could to declare
his obedience unto the king's Majesty for the repressing and
discouraging of rebellion and rebels, and also for the advancement of
the verity of Christ's true body and his presence in the sacrament of
the altar, for which only the malicious denouncers with their
complices had studied to molest and trouble him, he then cometh to
answering the articles, and saith, that to the first, second, and
fourth, he hath already, in his former answers to the denunciation,
sufficiently answered, and therefore was not bound by law to answer
any further. As to the third and fifth, he said,

"That he began to write his sermon, but being soon weary, did only
make certain notes thereof, without help of any other, saving that he
showed them to his chaplains, requiring them to put him in remembrance
thereof. Amongst the which, for the better setting forth of the king's
Majesty's power and authority in his minority, he had collected as
well out of histories, as also out of the Scriptures, the names of
divers young kings, who, notwithstanding their minority, were
faithfully and obediently honoured, and reputed for very true and
lawful kings: as Henry the Third, being but nine years old; Edward the
Third, being but thirteen years; Richard the Second, being but eleven
years; Henry the Sixth, being not fully one year; Edward the Fifth,
being but eleven years; Henry the Eighth, being but eighteen years of
age. And out of the Old Testament, Osias and Achas, who were but
sixteen years old; Solomon and Manasseh, being but twelve years;
Josias, Joachim, and Joash, being but eight years of age when they
entered their reigns. All which notes, with many others, he had
purposed to declare, if they had come into his memory, as indeed they
did not, because the same was disturbed, partly for lack of use of
preaching, and partly by reason of a bill that was delivered to him
from the king's council, to declare the victory then had against the
rebels in Norfolk and Devonshire, which being of some good length,
confounded his memory; and partly also for that his book in his sermon
time fell away from him, wherein were divers of his notes which he had
collected for that purpose: so that he could not remember what he
would, but yet, in generality, he persuaded the people to obedience to
the king's Majesty, whose minority was manifestly known to them and to
all others.

"Then, as to the sixth, (he said,) he knew not the rebels' opinion,
and therefore could not answer thereunto. And as for answer to the
seventh, eighth, ninth, and eleventh articles, which touched his
pastoral office, he said that notwithstanding his manifold and great
troubles, as well by his own business and his family's sickness, as
also by uncharitable informations made against him, yet he hath not
failed to give order unto his officers straitly to look unto such
matters; and such as he hath known, which were very few or none, he
caused to be punished according to the laws." All which answers, with
others written with his own hand, hereunder follow.

The answers of Bonner unto the articles objected to him by the king's
commissioners the first time.

"I, Edmund, bishop of London, under protestation heretofore by me
made, exhibited, and repeated before you, which, in all my sayings and
doings, I intend to have repeated and rehearsed again, to all lawful
effects and purposes, for my honest and necessary defence; with
protestation also of the nullity and iniquity of your process I had
made in this behalf; and likewise of the generality, uncertainty,
obscurity, contrariety, repugnancy, variety, insufficiency, and
invalidity of the things alleged and deduced before you against me, as
well in the commission and denunciation in divers parts, as also
touching the articles and interrogatories so ministered unto me:
lamenting not a little, that one of my vocation, at the malicious
denunciation of vile, heretical, and detestable persons, should be
used after this strange sort; having done the best I could to declare
mine obedience unto the king's most excellent Majesty, for the
repressing and discouraging of rebellion and rebellious persons, and
for the advancement of the verity of Christ's true body and his
presence in the most blessed sacrament of the altar: for which only
the malicious denunciators with their complices have studied to molest
and trouble me; although colourably they would be seen to pretend
other causes, especially the good and tranquillity of this realm,
which our Lord God knoweth they care nothing for, but contrariwise do
let and impeach the same; corrupting and infecting with their poisoned
and false doctrine, and teaching the king's subjects in this realm, to
the great peril and danger thereof many ways: do answer unto certain
pretended articles and interrogatories ministered by you indeed unto
me the said bishop, the thirteenth day of September, 1549, as
followeth

"To the first article objected against me, beginning thus, 'First it
is reported,' &c., and ending thus, 'to observe and follow the same,'
I do say, and for answer do refer me unto my former answers
heretofore, that is to wit, the thirteenth of September, made and
exhibited by me before you unto the said pretended denunciation,
touching this matter: alleging withal, that a report of things doth
not absolutely prove, nor necessarily infer, things to be in very deed
true after such a sort, fashion, manner, and form as sometimes they be
reported and rehearsed.

"To the second, beginning thus, 'Item, whether
that you,' &c., and ending thus, 'as they were put unto you,' I do
answer and say, that this article doth depend on the first article
next before, which, after such sort, fashion, manner, and form as it
is deduced, was justly by me, in my answer made unto the same, denied;
and I therefore now am not bounden by the law eftsoons to make other
answer thereunto.

"To the third, being an interrogatory, and beginning thus, 'Item,
whether,' &c., and ending, 'thus ye did preach,' I do answer and say,
that I began to write a piece of my sermon, and being soon weary
thereof, I did leave off, and did make only certain notes of my said
sermon, and put the same notes in writing of mine own hand, without
help or counsel of any other; and the same notes did show unto my
chaplains, Master Gilbert Bourn and Master John Harpsfield, both
before and also since my said sermon, only desiring them to put me in
remembrance of my said notes and process to be made thereupon, and
also to search out for me the names of such kings as were in their
minority when they began to reign.

"To the fourth article, beginning thus, 'Item, that ye have not
declared,' &c., and ending thus, 'as it is in your article,' I do
answer and say, that this article doth depend upon the first and
second articles here before denied, deduced in such sort, manner, and
form as is expressed in the same; and moreover I say, that already
answer is made hereunto by me, in my former answers made to the said
pretended denunciation.

"To the fifth article, beginning thus, 'Item, that ye have not,' &c.,
and ending thus, declared it,' I do answer and say, that this article
also doth depend upon the first and second articles; and that answer
is made thereunto by me already in my former answers made unto the
said pretended denunciation. And moreover I do say, that for the
better advancement and setting forth of the king's Majesty's royal
power and authority, even in his minority, and for the due obedience
of his Majesty's subjects unto his Highness, even during the said
minority, I had collected together, as well out of histories as also
out of the scripture of the Old Testament, the names of divers kings
being in minority, who, notwithstanding their said minority, were
faithfully, duly, and reverently obeyed, honoured, served, taken, and
reputed, for very true and lawful kings: as Henry the Third, being but
nine years old when he entered to reign and govern as king; Edward the
Third, being but thirteen years of age; Richard the Second, being but
eleven years old; Henry the Sixth, being not fully one year of age;
Edward the Fifth, being but eleven years old; Henry the Eighth, being
about eighteen years old; and so all these kings, being in their
minority as the king's Majesty that now is, and yet having authority
and power regal, as appertaineth: and in the Old Testament, Osias and
Achaz were very true kings in their minority, being but sixteen years
of age; Solomon and Manasses, being but twelve years of age; Josias
and Joachim, being but eight years of age; and Joash, being but eight
years old: all which things, I say, I had collected in notes,
communicating the same with my said two chaplains; and praying them to
put me in remembrance, if in numbering of them, or in setting forth in
my other notes, at the time of my sermon, I did fail, or have default
of memory in any wise. And all these things I would have specially set
forth in my said sermon, if they had come to my memory, as indeed they
did not, partly for disturbance of my memory not accustomed to preach
in that place, partly also by reason of a certain writing that was
sent to me from the king's Majesty's privy council, being of good
length, to declare unto the people touching the victory against the
rebels, especially in Norfolk, Devonshire, and Cornwall, confounding
my memory in things which before I had set in good order; and partly
also for the falling away of my book in the time of my said sermon, in
which were contained divers of my said notes touching the king's
Majesty's minority, as is aforesaid: having yet nevertheless
otherwise, in generality and speciality, persuaded the people to
obedience unto the king's said Majesty, whose minority to them and all
others is notoriously and manifestly known; and his Majesty, saving of
these late rebels, faithfully, truly, and reverently obeyed of all the
rest of his subjects.

To the sixth, which beginneth, 'Whether ye will,' &c., and ending
thus, the opinion or no,' I do answer and say, that not knowing
certainly of which rebels the article meaneth, nor yet what their
opinion is indeed, I ought not to be driven to make answer hereunto,
nor yet can make good and perfect answer therein, though I would.

"To the seventh article, beginning thus, 'Item, that ye know,' &c.,
and ending thus, 'the king's Majesty's book,' I do answer and say,
that albeit I have by the space of these five weeks last past and
more, been in manner continually in business and trouble, as well in
providing for my said sermon, as otherwise, specially by reason of my
family, much vexed with sickness, to my great disquietness and charge,
and also by reason that I have been so much troubled and encumbered by
informations and complaints unjustly and uncharitably made against me,
over and besides the having of divers and sundry persons, which daily
resort and come unto me for their suits and business, both in matters
of justice and otherwise, yet I have not omitted to send forth to my
archdeacons and other my officers, to inquireand search diligently in
this behalf, and to certify me accordingly; and yet I cannot hear
certainly of any that have heard, been at, or celebrated masses or
evensongs in the Latin tongue, after the old rite and manner, except
it be in the house of my Lady Mary's Grace, or in the houses of the
ambassadors, nor yet there, nor in any of them, but by flying and not
assured report; and without knowing the names and persons that so have
heard, been at, or celebrate the same: and in this behalf how far I
can and ought to proceed, and after what sort, I do refer me unto the
statute late made in that behalf.

"To the eighth article, beginning thus, 'Item, that ye have,' &c., and
ending thus, 'punishment unto them,' I do answer and say, that this
article doth depend on the next article going before; and so
consequently answer is already thereunto made.

"To the ninth article, beginning thus, 'Item, that ye know,' &c., and
ending thus, 'nor see them punished,' I do answer and say, that
touching such as either have been denounced or detected for such
criminous and culpable persons to me or my officers, there hath been
process already made before my said officers, as it appeareth in my
register, and the acts of my court; and moreover, I have given express
commandment to my said officers, to inquire and search for more such
offenders, and to certify me thereof, that I may proceed against them
accordingly.

"To the tenth article, beginning thus, 'Item, ye were,' &c., and
ending thus, 'the king's Majesty's authority in his minority,' I do
answer and say, that as touching the time mentioned in the article,
and the declaration to be made by Dr. Cox, I do not well remember
either the same time, or yet the special points and substance, of the
said Dr. Cox's declaration. Truth it is, I was at a sermon made at
Paul's Cross by the said Dr. Cox, wherein he inveighed against my Lord
of Winchester; and, as far as I can now call to my remembrance, it was
touching disobedience wherewith my Lord of Winchester by the said Dr.
Cox seemed to be charged; and for a sermon also that my Lord of
Winchester was seeming to have made before the king's Majesty in the
court of Westminster.

"To the eleventh article, being by itself delivered unto me the
fourteenth of this present September, 1549, in the night, at my house
of London, beginning thus, 'Item, that the rites,' &c., and ending
thus, 'the misuses thereof,' I do answer and say, that I have already
given commandment to my officers to make diligent search and inquire
herein, and do certify accordingly, to the intent I may proceed
therein as appertaineth; and would before this time myself have also
inquired and proceeded, had I not so been of all sides oppressed and
pestered with multitude of other necessary business, as I have been,
to my great disquietness and trouble."

When he had ended the reading of these answers, the commissioners said
unto him, that he had in the same very obscurely answered unto the
fifth article, ministered the thirteenth of September; wherefore they
willed him there expressly to answer by mouth, whether he had,
according to the injunctions delivered unto him, declared the article
beginning thus, "You shall also set forth in your sermon that our
authority," &c.: whereunto he again answered, that he had already made
as full and sufficient an answer in writing, as he was bound to make
by law.

The judges then replied, that the answers already made in that part
were obscure and insufficient, so that it appeared not certainly
whether he had preached indeed according to the same injunction or
not; and therefore they eftsoons willed him, as before, directly to
answer whether he had so accordingly preached or no, the bishop still
answering as before.

The judges again demanded of him whether he would otherwise answer or
no? To the which he said, No, unless the law should compel him. Then
they asked him whether he thought the law did compel him to answer
more fully or no? He answered, No; adding further, that he was not
bound to make answer to such positions.

The commissioners then, seeing his froward contumacy, told him
plainly, that if he persisted thus in his frowardness, and would not
otherwise answer, they would, according to law, take him pro confesso,
and, ex abundanti, receive witness against him; and therewithal did
recite again to him six of the first and principal articles, demanding
his final answer thereunto: who said, as before, that he had already
fully answered them by writing; but whereas they requested to have his
notes, which he said he had made of his sermon, they should have them
if they would send for them. And whereas in his answer to the sixth
article, he doubted what the opinion of the rebels was, the judges
declared unto him that their opinion was, "that the king's Majesty,
before his Grace came to the age of one and twenty years, had not so
full authority to make laws and statutes, as when he came to further
years; and that his subjects were not bound to obey the laws and
statutes made in his young age."

Whereunto the bishop answered, that he was not of the opinion of the
rebels mentioned in that article, as did well appear by his answers,
as well unto the denunciation, as also unto the fifth article objected
against him.

Which ended, they, perceiving his scornful carelessness, presently did
admit for witness, upon the articles objected against him, Master John
Cheek, Henry Markham, John Joseph, John Douglas, and Richard Chambers,
whom also they operated with a corporal oath upon the holy
evangelists, truly to answer and depose upon the same articles in the
presence of the bishop, who, under his former protestation, like a
wily lawyer, protested of the nullity of the receiving, admitting, and
swearing of those witnesses, with protestation also to object against
the persons and sayings of the witnesses in time and place convenient;
demanding also a competent and lawful time to minister interrogatories
against them, with a copy of all the acts to that day: wherewith the
delegates were well pleased, and assigned him to minister his
interrogatories against Master Cheek on that present day, and against
the rest, on the next day before noon.

After this the judge's delegate assigned the bishop to appear again
before them upon Wednesday then next ensuing, between the hours of
seven and eight of the clock before noon, in the hall of the
archbishop's manor of Lambeth, there to show the cause why he should
not be declared as having confessed, upon all the articles whereunto
be had not then fully answered, and to see further process done in the
matter.

And so Bonner, still protesting of the nullity and invalidity of all
their proceedings, they did, for that present, depart.

In this mean while the commissioners certified the king's Majesty and
his council, of the bishop's demeanour towards them, and what
objections he had made against their proceedings, making doubts and
ambiguities, whether, by the tenor of his Majesty's commission, the
commissioners might proceed not only at the denunciation, but also at
their mere office; and also whether they might as well determine as
hear the cause. Whereupon his Majesty, by advice aforesaid, for the
better understanding thereof, did, the seventeenth of September, send
unto the commissioners a full and perfect declaration and
interpretation of his will and pleasure in the aforesaid commission,
giving them hereby full authority to proceed at their own discretions.

The fourth session against Bonner, bishop of London, before the king's
commissioners, in the great hall at Lambeth, the eighteenth of
September.

After this declaration being sent down and received from the king, the
bishop of London (according to the commissioners' assignment the
Monday before) appeared again before then upon Wednesday the
eighteenth of September, in the great hall at Lambeth; where, under
his wonted protestation, first he declared, that although he had
already sufficiently answered all things, yet, further to satisfy the
term assigned unto him, to show cause why he ought not to be declared
pro confesso, upon the articles theretofore ministered against him,
and to the which he had not fully answered, he had then a matter in
writing to exhibit unto them, why he ought not so to be declared,
which he read there openly; the copy and words whereof be as follow.

Matter exhibited up to the commissioners by Bonner, why he ought not
to be declared for cast and convicted.

"I, Edmund, bishop of London, under protestation heretofore by me made
before you, which I have heretofore repeated; and, especially, under
protestation of the nullity and invalidity, injustice and iniquity, of
your pretended and unlawful process made by you against me; and
especially, against your pretended assignation made by you the last
session unto me appearing in your pretended acts: do say, that your
said assignation is unavailable, nothing worth in law, unlawful,
unjust, and unreasonable; and I, therefore, not bound by the law to
obey unto it, for just and reasonable causes hereafter following.
First, it is true, notorious, and manifest, that the said pretended
assignation, in words and pronunciation, was made by you, Sir Thomas
Smith, one of the pretended commissioners in this matter, without
express consent given unto you by your pretended colleagues in the
commission; or, at least, he, as a commissioner, did proceed herein
with the rest of the said colleagues, and did induce the acts,
prescribing to the actuary or scribe, what he therein should write.

"Item, It is likewise notorious and manifest, that the said colleagues
did, in your absence, begin to sit as commissioners and judges, by
virtue of the said commission pretended to be sent unto you, and began
to make process against me, as appeareth in the acts of the first
session in this matter; by reason whereof ye ought not by the law to
have intermeddled therein otherwise than the law doth suffer you to
do; which ye have done indeed naughtily and unlawfully, contrary to
justice and good reason, and are unmet to be commissioner against me
in this behalf.

"Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that the answers
being already given by me fully, lawfully, and sufficiently, so far as
the law bindeth me, as well to the pretended denunciation in that
matter, as also to all and singular articles, that in any wise against
me have been objected in this behalf; and nothing in the least wise
sufficientand good in law to be alleged, declared, specified, or
apparent to the contrary in any specialty or particularity; by reason
whereof I ought not further, without special allegation, declaration,
specification, and appearance, to make other or more special answer
therein, no cause in law sufficient and reasonable compelling and
enforcing me thereunto. I am not by law bound to do further than I
have done, referring me as well to my answers given to the said
pretended denunciation and articles, as, also, unto the king's
ecclesiastical laws, used and observed here commonly within this
realm.

"Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that in all
proceedings hitherto, ye have proceeded so extraordinarily and unduly
in this matter, that ye have confounded all kind of lawful process;
sometimes proceeding to denounce; sometimes officially; sometimes
otherwise; contrary to the king's ecclesiastical laws, and contrary
also to the commission directed in this behalf; referring me to all
the same. And it may be said herein, that hitherto ye have proceeded
against me summarily, against the true sense of the word, and
proceeded also cum strepitu, but sine figura judicii.

"Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that divers of
the articles pretended are superfluous and impertinent, not relevant,
though they were proved, containing in them untruth and falsity; some
also be obscure, general, and uncertain, nor can have certain answers
made unto them. And also others be depending of articles being denied,
or at the least way qualified; some also captious and deceitful, to
bring the answer into a snare; some also containing matter of divers
sorts, part whereof is not true, but false; and some also being
articles of the law, and such sort that, by the king's ecclesiastical
laws, a subject of this realm is not bound to make answer unto them,
but lawfully may refuse and deny to do it, by reason of the said just
and reasonable causes being in this behalf.

"Item, It is likewise true, notorious, and manifest, that you, Sir
Thomas Smith, when I, Edmund, bishop of London, was last with the
council in the council-chamber, at Whitehall: ye, the said Sir Thomas,
after the departure of the lord protector from the said council, and
after the departure of the rest of the lords from the said council,
did write yourself certain articles and injunctions, amongst which was
that of the king's Majesty's minority and his authority in the same,
which articles or injunctions ye writ yourself; and afterwards, also,
ye copied them upon an altar or table within the said council-chamber;
and you yourself, and none other, did then write the same, and deliver
it to me. By reason whereof it cannot be, nor is, true, that which in
the commission, denunciation, articles, and other things is deduced
and objected against me in this behalf; referring me as well to the
tenor of the said commission, denunciation, injunctions, and articles,
as also unto my allegations and answers herein made unto the same,
remaining in the acts of this cause and matter."

When these fond and frivolous objections were thus read, the
archbishop, seeing his inordinate and intolerable contempt towards
them, charged him very sharply, saying thus:

"My Lord of London, if I had sitten here only as archbishop of
Canterbury, it had been your part to have used yourself more lowly,
obediently, and reverently towards me than you have; but, seeing that
I, with my colleagues, sit here now as delegates from the king's
Majesty, I must tell you plain, you have behaved yourself too, too
much inordinately. For at every time that we have sitten in
commission, you have used such unseemly fashions, without all
reverence and obedience, giving taunts and checks as well unto us,
with divers of the servants and chaplains, as also unto certain of the
ancientest that be here, calling them fools and daws, with such like,
as that you have given to the multitude an intolerable example of
disobedience. And I assure you, my Lord, there is you, and one other
bishop whom I could name, that have used yourselves so contemptuously
and disobediently, as the like I think hath not before been heard of
or seen; whereby ye have done much harm."

At which words the gross bishop (a beast, a man might justly term him)
said scornfully to the archbishop, "You show yourself to be a meet
judge."

The archbishop, then proceeding, laid to his charge, how indiscreetly,
the last day in the chapel, he had called all the people woodcocks.

Whereunto he answered, that the last session Hugh Latimer, one of the
denouncers, being there present, had practised with the audience, that
when he lifted up his hand to them, they should (and did as it were by
a token given them) say as he said, and do as he did; as, at one time,
upon the lifting up of his hand, they cried, "Nay, nay;" and at
another time, "Yea, yea," and laughed they could not tell whereat;
with such-like fashions.

Unto which words Latimer, seeing his vain suspicion, replied, saying,
that he lifted not up his nand at any time but only to cause them to
hold their peace.

Then secretary Smith said to the bishop, that in all his writings and
answers that he had hitherto laid in, he would not once acknowledge
them as the king's commissioners, but used always protestations,with
divers ink-horn and naughty terms, calling them pretended
commissioners, pretended delegates, pretended commission, pretended
articles, pretended proceedings; so that all things were pretended
with him.

"Indeed," said secretary Smith, "such terms the proctors of churches
use, to delay matters for their clients, when they will not have the
truth known. But you, my Lord, to use us, the king's Majesty's
commissioners, with such terms, you do therein very lewdly and
naughtily. And I pray you what other thing did the rebels? For when
letters or pardons were brought them from the king and his council,
they would not credit them, but said they were none of the king's or
his council's, but gentlemen's doings, and made under a bush; with
such-like terms. But now, my Lord, because hitherto we cannot make you
confess whether, in your sermon that you preached, ye omitted the
article touching the king's Majesty's authority in his tender age or
not, but still have said that ye will not otherwise answer than ye
have done, and that ye have already sufficiently answered, (with many
such delays,) so as we can by no means induce you to confess plainly
what you did, yea or nay; therefore, I say, to the intent we may come
to the truth, we have dilated the matter more at large, and have drawn
out other articles whereunto you shall be sworn; and then, I trust,
you will dally with us no more as you have done: for, although ye make
your answers in writing, yet you shall be examined by us, and make
your answers by mouth to the same articles; or else you shall do
worse. Indeed I do not, as I said, discommend your protestations and
terms of law, if it were in a young proctor that would help his
client's cause: but in you, it may not be suffered so to use the
king's commissioners."

Then did the delegates minister unto him certain new articles and
injunctions, and did there onerate him with a corporal oath in form of
law, to make a full and true answer thereunto. The bishop,
notwithstanding, still (according to his wonted manner) under his
former protestation, protested of the nullity and invalidity of these
articles, injunctions, and process, desiring also a copy thereof, with
a competent time to answer thereunto. To whom the judges decreed a
copy, commanding him to come to his examination to the archbishop the
next day at eight of the clock before noon.

Then the commissioners did receive for witness upon these new articles
now ministered unto the bishop, Sir John Mason, knight, Sir Thomas
Chalenor, knight, Master William Cecil, Armigel Wade, and William
Hunnings, clerks to the king's Majesty s council, whom they onerated
with a corporal oath in the presence of the bishop, who, still
protesting of the nullity of their receiving and swearing, objected
against them and their sayings; and therewith, repeating his
interrogatories already ministered, said, he had more to minister by
to-morrow at eight of the clock.

The same day and time likewise the bishop exhibited unto the
commissioners an information, or rather cavillation, against Hugh
Latimer, which also I thought to impart unto the reader.

The information given against Hugh Latimer, priest, of St. Laurence
Poultney, by Edmund, bishop of London, the eighteenth day of
September, A.D. 1549.

"In the said act and session, Edmund, bishop of London, giveth
information and saith: that that said Hugh Latimer, priest --
pretending the good and tranquillity of this realm of England, as he
saith, and that the same is very greatly and manifestly hindered and
impeached, when any of the king's Majesty's people and subjects do
believe or say, that the king's Majesty, our sovereign lord, in his
minority, hath not full power and authority royal, as fully and justly
as when his Majesty doth come to full and perfect age: and, likewise,
that it is also hindered and impeached, when any of the king's
Majesty's said people and subjects do declare or say, that the king's
said people and subjects are not bound to obey the king's Majesty in
his said minority -- hath, of late, in open audience reported and
said, that the said Hugh Latimer hath, with his ears, heard divers
persons of this realm, at sundry and divers times, unreverently,
unobediently, and not faithfully, speak of the king's Majesty -- that
now is, words in effect and substance as followeth: 'Tush! the king,'
meaning the king of England that now is, 'is but a babe or child: what
laws can he make? or what can he do in his minority? Let him have a
toast and butter, or bread and milk; and that is more meet for him,
than to make laws or statutes to bind us to obey them. We are not
bound to obey, till he be past his minority, and come to his full and
perfect age.'

"And those words were spoken before you, my Lord of Canterbury, my
Lord of Rochester, Master Thomas Smith, and Master William May, by the
mouth of the said Hugh Latimer at your last session; and the said Hugh
Latimer was neither controlled by any of you for these words nor any
of them, nor yet commanded to bring in such persons as had uttered and
spoken the said words, but passed in silence: saving that I, the said
Edmund, did speak against the said Hugh Latimer in this behalf,
telling them that I would detect and denounce hereof. By all which it
appeareth that the said Hugh Latimer hath long concealed, and not
opened the words aforesaid, in such places, and to such persons, as of
bounden duty he ought and should; but kept the persons and sayings
secret, either not taking this matter of such importance as he
pretended, either else unfaithfully and untruly behaving himself
towards the king's Majesty and his council; worthy, therefore, to be
convented and punished, with his aiders and abettors, favourers and
councillors."

These vain cavillations ended, the commissioners for that day finished
their session, assigning the bishop to appear in that same place again
upon Monday then next following, between the hours of six and nine, in
the forenoon, then and there to show a final cause why he should not
be declared pro confesso. And so delivering him a copy of the
articles, they departed; the contents whereof ensue:

"I. That ye were sent for to the lord protector's Grace, and the rest
of the council, and came thither into the court at Westminster the
tenth of August, or some other day of the same month.

"II. Item, That at the same time the lord protector and divers other
of the king's Majesty's privy council sitting in council, ye were
called in; and there the said lord protector did, on the king's
Majesty's behalf, declare unto you divers faults and abuses which were
found in you, and gave you strait charge to amend them; adding
threatening, that else you should be otherwise looked unto.

"III. Item, That the said lord protector's Grace did declare unto you,
for better, admonition and amendment of you, that you should have,
from the king's Majesty, by his advice and the rest of the privy
council, certain articles and injunctions, to observe and follow,
given you in writing.

"IV. Item, That there and then the said lord protector commanded Sir
Thomas Smith, knight, secretary to the king's Majesty, to read a
certain proper book of injunctions and articles unto you, the said
secretary standing at the council-table's end, and you standing by and
hearing the same.

"V. Item, That the said lord protector there and then willed certain
things in the said book of injunctions to be reformed, as whereas ye
were appointed to preach sooner, at your request it was appointed unto
you to preach the Sunday three weeks after the date of the said
writing.

"VI. Item, That in the said articles the lord protector's Grace found
fault, because an article or commandment unto you set forth and
declared of the king's Majesty's authority now in his young age and of
his laws and statutes in the same time, was omitted; and therefore,
either immediately before you came into the council chamber, or you
being present and standing by, commanded the said secretary Smith to
put it in writing, and annex it to the rest of the articles.

"VII. Item, That the said secretary Smith, then and there did,
immediately upon commandment, write into the said book or paper,
wherein the rest of the articles were written, the said article,
namely, You shall also set forth in your sermon, that the authority of
our royal power is (as truth it is) of no less authority and force in
this our young age, than was that of any of our predecessors, though
the same were much elder, as may appear by example of Josias and other
young kings in the Scripture; and therefore all our subjects to be no
less bound to the obedience of our precepts, laws, and statutes, than
if we were of thirty or forty years of age.

"VIII. Item, That the lord protector did so deliver you the book or
paper, willing, first, the said secretary Smith to amend all things as
be had appointed.

"IX. Item, That ye then and there did promise to the lord protector's
Grace, that ye would observe and fulfil all in the said injunctions
and articles contained.

"X. Item, That all things in the said book, put in and mentioned by
the said secretary Smith, and the same so read to you by him, and you
first agreeing that all that was by him so written was by the lord
protector's appointment, the said book was so delivered unto you then
and there, by the said secretary Smith in the council chamber.

"XI. Item, That you have the said book in your possession, or else
know where it is, the true copy whereof in effect is annexed to these
articles.

"XII. Item, That ye were commanded in the same injunctions to preach
the Sunday three weeks after the delivery thereof at Paul's, and there
to treat upon certain articles, as is specified in the said book of
injunctions, and especially the said article, beginning, 'Ye shall
also set forth,' and ending, 'thirty or forty years of age.'

"XIII. Item, That for the accomplishment of part of the said
injunctions and commandment, you did preach the first day of September
last past at Paul's Cross.

"XIV. Item, That at the said sermon, contrary to your injunctions, ye
omitted and left out the said article, beginning, 'Ye shall also set
forth in your sermon,' &c., and ending, 'thirty or forty years of
age.'

"XV. Ye shall also answer whether ye think and believe that the king's
Majesty's subjects be bound to obey as well the laws, statutes,
proclamations, and other ordinances made now in this youngage of the
king's Majesty, as the laws, statutes, proclamations, and ordinances
made by his Highness's progenitors."

These articles being thus ministered to the said bishop of London, the
next day being Thursday and the nineteenth of September, the forenamed
commissioners sat in the archbishop's chamber of presence at Lambeth,
attending-the coming of the bishop of London; before whom there
appeared Robert Johnson, the bishop's registrar, and there did declare
unto the commissioners, that the bishop his master could not at that
time personally appear before them without great danger of his bodily
health, because that he feared to fall into a fever by reason of a
cold that he had taken by too much over-watching himself the last
night before, whereby he was compelled to keep his bed: nevertheless,
if he could without danger of his bodily health, he would appear
before them the same day at afternoon. This excuse the judges were
content to take in good part. Yet, said Master Secretary Smith, if he
were sick indeed, the excuse was reasonable, and to be allowed; "but,"
quoth he, "I promise you my Lord hath so dallied with us, and used 
hitherto such delays, that we may mistrust that this is but a feigned
excuse: howbeit, upon your faithful declaration, we are content to
tarry until one of the clock at afternoon." And so they did, willing
Master Johnson to signify then unto them, whether the bishop could
appear or not.

At which hour Robert Johnson and Richard Rogers, gentlemen of the
bishop's chamber, appeared again before the commissioners, declaring
that (for the causes afore alleged) their master could not appear at
that time neither. Whereupon Master Secretary Smith said unto them,

"My Lord of London your master hath used us very homely, and sought
delays hitherto; and now, perhaps, perceiving these last articles to
touch the quick, and therefore loath to come to his answer, he
feigneth himself sick. But, because he shall not so deceive us any
more, we will send the knight marshal unto him, willing him, if he be
sick indeed, to let him alone, for that is a reasonable excuse; but,
if he be not sick, then to bring him forthwith to us: for I promise
you he shall not use us as he hath done; we will not take it at his
hands. And, therefore, Master Johnson, (said he,) you do the part of a
trusty servant as becometh you; but it is also your part to show my
Lord his stubborn heart and disobedience, which doth him more harm
than he is aware of. What! thinketh he to stand with a king in his own
realm? Is this the part of a subject? Nay, I ween we shall have a new
Thomas a Becket. Let him take heed; for if he play these parts, he may
fortune to be made shorter by the head. He may appeal if he think
good; but whither? To the bishop of Rome? So he may help himself
forwards, I say, he cannot appeal but to the same king, who hath made
us his judges, and to the bench of his council; and how they will take
this matter when they hear of it, I doubt not. He would make men
believe, that he were called before us for preaching his opinion of
the sacrament, wherein I assure you he did both falsely and naughtily;
yea, and lewdly; and more than became him; and more than he had in
commandment to do; for he was not willed to speak of that matter, and
perhaps he may hear more of that hereafter: but yet we will lay no
such thing to his charge, and therefore we will not have him to delay
us as he doth."

Which ended, the delegates notwithstanding decreed to tarry again for
him until two of the clock at afternoon the next day, being Friday,
and the 20th of September.
(Illustration:Bonner refusing to come before the commissioners)
The fifth action or process, the twentieth of September, against
Bonner, bishop of London, before the king's commissioners.

At which day and time the bishop appeared himself personally before
them in the same chamber of presence; where first he did exhibit his
answers unto the last articles ministered unto him the eighteenth of
September; the contents whereof hereunder follow:

"The answers of me, Edmund, bishop of London, under mine accustomed
protestation given unto the articles of late ministered and exhibited
against me here in this court; with special protestation also, that I
do not intend in any wise to make answer to any of the said articles
otherwise than the law of this realm doth bind me to do, nor to speak
or say contrary to any thing that in my former answers I have said or
done; and that if it so chance me to do, it is not, nor shall it be,
with my good will or full consent; and that so soon as I shall
perceive it, I intend to revoke it, and so now as then, and then as
now, do so in that case revoke, to all honest and lawful purposes.

"To the first article I do answer and say, that there was a messenger,
whose name I know not, that came unto me to Fulham, as I now remember,
but I do not remember the day thereof; and he said that my lord
protector's Grace required me to come by and by to speak with him. And
thereupon, having made the said messenger to break his fast, I
repaired to the court at Westminster; but not upon the tenth day of
August, but some other day of the said month.

"To the second article I do say, that it is obscure, uncertain, and
over general, especially in those words 'at the same time,' which may
be referred to the tenth of August, and then answer already is made
thereunto; and it may be referred to some other day of the said month
of August, either before the tenth of August. or after. And because it
remaineth undeclared, I am not bound in law to answer unto it, neither
yet to these words and sentences in the said article, to wit, 'then,
and there,' for they, without declaration, are uncertain, obscure, and
general; and I, before the specification and declaration thereof, not
bound herein to make an answer, especially having already made full
and sufficient answer in this matter, according to the commission, as
I do take it, and according unto the law; which also willeth, that if
a certain answer be looked for, the position and article must before
be certain.

"To the third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth,
eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, and fourteenth articles, he answereth
all after one manner and sort, as thus: That it doth depend on the
articles, to which for causes aforesaid, he saith, he is not hound in
law to make answer, especially having already made. Saving that in the
sixth he addeth thereunto, that he at no time heard the lord protector
find fault, nor commanded, as is deduced in the said article, so far
as he doth find. Also saving the seventh article, where he addeth,
Nevertheless confessing and acknowledging, with heart and mouth, the
king's Majesty's authority and regal power and minority, as well and
full as in his majority:

"Also saving the eighth, ninth, tenth, and eleventh articles, where he
addeth, 'As they be deduced, they are not true; as appeareth in
conferring one with another.'

"To the twelfth and fourteenth articles, he addeth, 'As they be
deduced, they are not true;' confessing, nevertheless, the king's
Majesty's authority and power regal, as before is expressed.

"To the fifteenth article he answereth and saith, that it is a
position in law, and that yet both now and heretofore be hath made
answer thereunto in effect and substance, as appeareth in his former
answers, and so shall do always according to the law and his bounden
duty, acknowledging, as he hath already done, the king's Majesty's
regal power in his minority to be no less than in his majority; and
the subjects bound to obey unto his Grace, his laws, statutes, and
ordinances, and his said authority, as well in his minority as in his
majority; not allowing, but expressly condemning, the opinion of all
rebels holding the contrary."

After this, perceiving that Master Secretary Smith was somewhat more
quick with him than others of the commissioners, and that he would not
suffer him any longer to dally out the matter with his vain quiddities
and subtleties in law, but ever earnestly urged him to go directly to
his matter, and therewithal sometimes sharply rebuking him for his
evil and stubborn behaviour towards them; Bonner, to deface his
authority, (as he thought,) did also then exhibit in writing a
recusation of the secretary's judgment against him: the form and
manner whereof, as he exhibited it unto the judges, I thought here
also to exhibit unto the reader as hereunder followeth:

"In the name of God, Amen. Forasmuch as equity, natural reason, and
all good laws, do require that judges shall be of that integrity,
wisdom, circumspection, learning, and indifferency, that, exercising
the office and room of a judge, they may and shall do it without
hatred, malice, or grudge against any person convented or called
before them; uprightly, sincerely, and duly executing and doing their
office unto them in any wise committed: and forasmuch also as all
judgments and process ought to have their due course, and proceed
without suspicion or corruption in any wise: and finally, forasmuch as
very dangerous it is to appear and make defence before an incompetent
judge, who commonly and accustomably, of private and unlawful corrupt
affection to the one side, and for malice, hatred, and envy borne
against the other side, rather serveth his carnal, corrupt, and wilful
appetite, than by any thing else is moved to obedience and keeping of
good order, law, or reason, touching him that is convented and
compelled to make answer against his will: I therefore, Edmund, bishop
of London, having perceived and felt by all the sayings, proceedings,
and doings of you Sir Thomas Smith, knight, one of the two principal
secretaries to the king's Majesty, in this matter attempted and moved
against me, that ye have been, and yet continually are, a notorious
and manifest enemy of me the said Edmund, and much offended that I
should in any wise allege and say, or use any such things for my most
defence, as the law giveth me licence and liberty to do; yea, hearing
most favourably and effectually my denouncers and enemies with both
ears in any thing that they shall allege, purpose, attempt, or do
against me, though their persons in law are not in any wise to be
heard or admitted, nor yet their sayings true; and not hearing me so
much as with one ear in my lawful sayings and doings in this behalf;
but, contrariwise, opening your mouth at large, ye have sundry times,
against good wisdom and reason, outraged in words and deeds against me
the said Edmund, saying, among other words, 'that I did as thieves,
murderers, and traitors are wont to do, being myself, (as ye untruly
did say,) inwardly indeed culpable; and yet outwardly otherwise unable
to defend the matter against me, but only by taking exceptions, and
making frivolous allegations against my judges and commissioners; and
that I have been and am as sturdy, wilful, and disobedient, as may be
in your judgment and opinion, maintaining and upholding the rebels and
their opinions; and that I shall answer by mouth, or else smart and do
worse; or else ye will send me to the Tower, there to sit and be
joined with Ket and Humphrey Arundel the rebels:' over and besides
divers other threatenings and comminatory words by you pronounced and
uttered unseemly, and far unmeet to proceed out of the mouth of you,
that are in such room and place as ye be in.

"And moreover, increasing your malice, evil will, and grudge borne
against me, ye have, amongst other things, untruly surmised, written,
alleged, and said, that a certain book of articles and injunctions by
the lord's protector's Grace in the full council, after a certain
prescribed fashion and form in the denunciation, commission, and
articles which, were actually induced, brought in, and objected
against me, was delivered unto me: and, moreover, of an evil will and
ungodly intent and purpose, contrary to the truth, ye have withdrawn,
added, altered, and qualified divers things in the same, otherwise
than they were spoken and done; and yet ye are not ashamed to allege,
write, and say, that all is true, and one consonant and agreeable in
all points with the other, whereas indeed it is not so. And yet have
further, against the law, and against the commission to you directed,
and against my just and lawful allegations and sayings, proceeded
unlawfully and unjustly against me, attempting many things against me
unlawfully and unjustly, as appeareth in the acts of this matter, to
the which I do refer me so far forth as they make for me, and be
expedient by me and for me to be alleged and referred unto yourself
also unlawfully and unjustly, de facto, with your colleagues; the
which, without you had begun the said matters, proceeding where by the
law ye so ought not to have done indeed, but abstained therefrom, as
heretofore sundry times I have alleged, appearing in the acts of this
court: I do, upon these just and reasonable causes, according to the
order of the king's Majesty's ecclesiastical laws, refuse, decline,
and recuse you the said Sir Thomas Smith, as an incompetent, unmeet,
and suspect judge, against me in this behalf; and decline your
pretended jurisdiction in this matter for causes aforesaid, desiring
nothing but justice, and offering myself prompt and ready to prove
them as far as I am bound, and according to the order of the king's
Majesty's ecclesiastical laws of this realm, in this behalf, as time,
place, and otherwise shall require."

This recusation ended, the secretary told him plain, that,
notwithstanding, he would proceed in his commission, and would be
still his judge until he were otherwise inhibited; and said unto him
further, "My Lord! whereas you say in your recusation, that I said
that you did like thieves, murderers, and traitors; indeed I said it, 
and may and will so say again, since we perceive it by your doings."

Whereupon the bishop in a great and stout rage replied, saying, "Well,
sir! because you sit here by virtue of the king's commission, and for
that ye be secretary to his Majesty, and also one of his Highness's
council, I must and do honour and reverence you; but as you be but Sir
Thomas Smith, and say as ye have said, that I do like thieves,
murderers, and traitors, I say ye lie upon me, and in that case I defy
you; and do what ye can to me, I fear you not, and therefore, what you
do, do quickly."

Whereat the archbishop with the other commissioners said unto him,
that for such his unreverent behaviour he was worthy imprisonment.

Then the bishop, in more mad fury than before, said again unto him, "A
God's name ye may do de facto: send me whither you will, and I must
obey you; and so will, except ye send me to the devil; for thither I
will not go for you. Three things I have; to wit, a small portion of
goods, a poor carcass, and mine own soul: the two first ye may take
(though unjustly) to you, but as for my soul, ye get not."

"Well," said the secretary, "then ye shall know that there is a king."

"Yea, sir," saith the bishop, "but that is not you; neither, I am
sure, will you take it upon you."

"No, sir," said again the secretary, "but we will make you know who it
is." And with that the commissioners commanded the bishop and all the
rest to depart the chamber, until they called for him again.

Now, in the mean while that the commissioners were in consultation,
the bishop, with Gilbert Bourn his chaplain, Robert Warnington his
commissary, and Robert Johnson his registrar, were tarrying in a void
quadrant-place before the door of the same chamber; where the bishop,
leaning on a cupboard, and seeing his chaplains very sad, said unto
them in effect as followeth:

"Sirs, what mean you? Why show you yourselves to be so sad and heavy
in mind, as appeareth to me by your outward gestures and countenances?
I would wish you, and I require you, to be as merry as I am (laying
therewith his hand upon his breast); for, afore God, I am not sad or
heavy, but merry and of good comfort; and am right glad and joyful of
this my trouble, which is for God's cause; and it grieveth me nothing
at all. But the great matter that grieveth me and pierceth my heart,
is, for that this Hooper and such other vile heretics and beasts, be
suffered and licensed to preach at Paul's Cross, and in other places
within my diocese and cure, most detestably preaching and railing at
the blessed sacrament of the altar, and denying the verity and
presence of Christ's true body and blood to be there: and so infect
and betray my flock. But, I say, it is there in very deed, and in that
opinion I will live and die, and am ready to suffer death for the
same. Wherefore ye, being Christian men, I do require you, and also
charge and command you, in the name of God, and on his behalf, as ye
will answer him for the contrary, that ye go to the mayor of London,
and to his brethren the aldermen, praying and also requiring them
earnestly, in God's name and mine, and for mine own discharge on that
behalf, that from henceforth, when any such detestable and abominable
preachers, and especially those who hold opinion against the blessed
sacrament of the altar, do come to preach unto them, they forthwith
depart out of their presence, and do not hear them; lest that they,
tarrying with such preachers, should not only hurt themselves in
receiving their poisoned doctrine, but also give a visage to the
encouragement of others, who thereby might take an occasion to think
and believe, that their erroneous and damnable doctrine is true and
good: and this eftsoons I require and command you to do."

And then turning himself about, and beholding two of the archbishop's
gentlemen, who in the same place kept the chamber-door where the
commissioners were in consultation, and perceiving that they had heard
all his talk, he spake unto them also and said:

"And, sirs, ye be my Lord of Canterbury's gentlemen; I know ye very
well; and therefore I also require and charge you, in God's behalf,
and in his name, that ye do the like, for your parts, in places where
you shall chance to see and hear such corrupt and erroneous preachers;
and also advertise my Lord your master of the same, and of these my
sayings, that I have now spoken here before you, as ye are Christian
men, and shall answer before God for the contrary."

With this the commissioners called for the bishop again, who did read
unto them an instrument, containing a provocation to the king, which
he made in manner and form here following:

"In the name of God, Amen. It shall appear to all men by this public
instrument that A.D. 1549, the twentieth day of September, the third
year of the reign of our most high and renowned Prince Edward the
Sixth, by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland,
defender of the faith, and in earth the supreme head of the church of
England and Ireland, in a chamber within the palace of the said
bishop, situated in London, and in the presence of me the public
notary, and of the witnesses hereafter named, the aforesaid bishop did
personally appear, and there did show forth in writing a certain
protestation and appellation, the tenor whereof ensueth:

"'In the name of God, Amen. I, Edmund, bishop of London, say, allege,
and propound, before you being a public notary, and these credible
witnesses here present, that although I, the aforesaid Edmund, have
attained the bishopric aforesaid by the benevolence of the prince of
famous memory King Henry the Eighth, and was lawfully elected and
translated to the same, with his rites and appurtenances, and have of
a long time possessed peaceably and quietly the same, and presently do
possess, being taken as bishop and lawful possessor of the said
bishopric, and am lawfully called, taken, and reputed notoriously and
publicly; and, moreover, do keep residence and hospitality in the
same, according to the order, state, person, and dignity, and as the
revenues of the same would permit; and have exercised and done all
things appertaining to my pastoral office, as the laws do require, as
hereafter I trust by God's grace to do and observe; a man of good name
and fame, neither suspended, excommunicated, nor interdicted, neither
convicted of any notable crime or fact, always obeying readily the
commandment of the church, and other my superiors in all lawful
causes; nevertheless, fearing upon certain probable causes, likely
conjectures, threatenings, and assertions of certain injurious men my
enemies, or at the least, such as little favour me, that great damage
may come to me hereafter about the premises or part of them; and lest
any man by any authority, commandment, denunciation, iniquisition,
office, or at the request of any person or persons, may attempt
prejudice or hurt to me or my said dignity, either by my
excommunication, interdiction, sequestration, spoiling, vexing, and
perturbing by any manner of means; do appeal unto the most high and
mighty prince our sovereign lord Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God
king of England, France, &c., and in these my writings do provoke and
appeal to his regal Majesty. I do also require the apostles, so much
as in this case they are to be required, the first, second, and third
time, earnestly, more earnestly, and most earnestly of all, that there
may be given to me the protection, tuition, and defence of my
aforesaid most dread sovereign lord, for the safeguard of me, my
dignity and title, and possession in the premises, and to all that
will cleave to me in this behalf. I do also protest, that I will be
contented to correct, reform, and amend this my protestation, and to
the same to add, to take away, and to bring the same into the best
form and state that may be devised by the counsel of learned men, or
as the case shall require; and the same to intimate according to time
and place, and the order of the law, and still shall require.

"Upon all the which premises the aforesaid Edmund, bishop of London,
did require the public notary hereunder written to make unto him, and
the witnesses hereafter named, one, two, or more copies of this
protestation.

"These things were done the year, day, and time above written, there
being present Gilbert Bourn, bachelor of divinity, John Harpsfield and
Robert Colen, masters of arts, John Wakeling and Richard Rogers,
learned men; being of the diocese of Worcester, Westminster, Coventry,
Lichfield, and Gloucester, and especially requested to be witnesses of
the same. And I, France Harward, of the diocese of Worcester, and
public notary by the king's regal authority, forasmuch as I was
present when the foresaid protestation, appellation, and other the
premises were done, the year of our Lord, the year of the reign of the
king, the day of the month and place aforesaid, the witnesses above
named being present, and forasmuch as I did enact the same, therefore
to this present public instrument, written faithfully with mine own
hand, I have put to my mark, being specially requested unto the same."

Which thing after he had read, he did, under his protestation, first
intimate unto the archbishop, the bishop of Rochester, and Dr. May,
and then, protesting also not to recede from his recusation, did
likewise intimate the same unto Master Secretary Smith, requiring the
registrar to make an instrument as well thereupon, as also upon his
recusation, with witness to testify the same.

Then the delegates did again proceed to the examination of the last
answers, and finding the same imperfect, they demanded of him,
(according to the first article,) what special day of August he was
sent for by the lord protector? To whom he obstinately answered, that
he was not bound to make other answer than he had already made, unless
they did put their articles more certain: neither would he otherwise
answer as long as Master Secretary Smith was there present, whom he
had before recused, and therefore would not recede from his
recusation.

The secretary, seeing him so wilful and perverse, said sharply unto
him, "My Lord! come off, and make a full and perfect answer unto these
articles, or else we will take other order with you to your pain."

"In faith, sir," then said the bishop again, "I have thought ye had
been learned; but now, before God, I perceive well that either ye be 
not learned indeed, or else ye have forgotten it: for I have so often
answered lawfully and sufficiently, and have so often showed causes
sufficient and reasonable, why thereunto I ought not by law to be
compelled, (you showing nothing to the contrary, but sensuality and
will,) that I must needs judge that you are ignorant herein."

"Well," said Master Secretary, "ye will not then otherwise answer?"

"No," said the bishop, "except the law compel me."

Then said the secretary, "Call for the knight-marshal, that he may be
had to ward."

With that all the rest of the commissioners charged the bishop, that
he had at that time sundry ways very outrageously and irreverently
behaved himself towards them sitting on the king's Majesty's
commission, and especially towards Sir Thomas Smith, his Grace's
secretary; and therefore, and for divers other contumelious words
which he had spoken, they declared they would commit him to the
Marshalsea.

By this time the marshal's deputy came before them, whom Master
Secretary commanded to take the bishop as prisoner, and so to keep
him, that no man might come unto him; for if he did, he should sit by
him himself.

When the secretary had ended his talk, the bishop said unto him,
"Well, sir, it might have become you right well, that my Lord's Grace
here present, being first in commission, and your better, should have
done it."

Then the commissioners, assigning him to be brought before them on
Monday next before noon, between seven and nine of the clock in the
hall of that place, there to make full answer to these last articles,
or else to show cause why he should not be declared as having
confessed, did, for that present, break up that session.

Now as the bishop was departing with the under-marshal, he in a great
fury turned himself again toward the commissioners, and said to Sir
Thomas Smith, "Sir, whereas ye have committed me to prison, ye shall
understand that I will require no favour at your hands, but shall
willingly suffer what shall be put unto me, as bolts on my heels, yea,
and if ye will, iron about my middle, or where ye will."

Then departing again, he yet returned once more, and foaming out his
poison, said unto the archbishop; "Well, my Lord! I am sorry that I,
being a bishop, am thus handled at your Grace's hand; but more sorry
that ye suffer abominable heretics to practise as they do in London
and elsewhere, infecting and disquieting the king's liege people. And
therefore I do require you, as you will answer to God and the king,
that ye will henceforth abstain thus to do: for if you do not, I will
accuse you before God and the king's Majesty; answer to it as well as
ye can." And so he departed, using many reproachful words against
sundry of the common people, who stood and spake to him by the way as
he went.

The sixth action or process, upon Monday the twenty-third of
September, had against Banner, bishop of London, before the
commissioners, in the great hall at Lambeth.

It was assigned, as ye have heard, in the fourth act, prosecuted the
eighteenth day of September, that upon Monday then next following,
being the twenty-third of the same month, the bishop should again
appear before the commissioners within the great hall at Lambeth, then
to show a final cause why he should not be declared pro confesso, upon
all the articles whereunto he had not fully answered.

According to which assignment, the same twenty-third day of September,
the bishop was brought before them by the under-marshal, (to whom for
his disobedient and obstinate behaviour he was before that time
committed,) and there did first declare unto them, that his appearance
at that time and place was not voluntary, but coacted; for that he was
against his will brought thither by the keeper of the Marshalsea; and
therewithal also, under his former protestation, recusation, and
appeal, did then again intimate a general recusation of all the
commissioners, alleging in the same, that because the archbishop, with
all his colleagues, had neither observed the order of their
commission, nor yet proceeded against him after any laudable or good
fashion of judgment, but, contrariwise, had sundry times, as well in
his absence as in his presence, attempted many things unlawfully
against his person, dignity, and state, especially in committing him
to strait prison, and yet commanding him to make answer: and further,
because that he, with the rest, had proceeded in commission with Sir
Thomas Smith, knight, supporting and maintaining all his evil doings,
(notwithstanding that he the said bishop had before justly recused and
declined from him,) he, therefore, did also there refuse and decline
from the judgment of the said archbishop and his colleagues, and did
except against their jurisdiction as suspect, and they, thereby,
unmeet persons to proceed against him. Therefore, according to his
former appeal, he intended to submit himself under the tuition,
protection, and defence of the king's Majesty; for whose honour and
reverence' sake (he said) they ought not to proceed any further
against him, but quietly suffer him to use the benefit of all the
recusations, provocations, and other lawful remedies before alleged,
with other superfluous words, at large to be read and seen, as
followeth.

The second recusation made by Edmund Bonner, bishop of London.

"In the name of God. Amen. Forasmuch as both natural reason and all
good policies of laws, especially of this realm of England, do admit
and suffer him that is convented before an incompetent and suspect
judge, to refuse him and to decline his jurisdiction, inasmuch as the
law and reason on the one side will process to run uprightly and
justly, and that on the other side corruption and malice earnestly
labour to the contrary, and need therefore to be bridled; and because
you, my Lord of Canterbury, with your colleagues in this behalf,
(deputed, as ye say, commissioners against me,) neither have observed
your said commission, neither yet proceed hitherto against me after
any laudable, lawful, or any good fashion of judgment; but,
contrariwise, contrary to your commission, and against the law, good
reason, and order, have, at sundry times and in sundry acts, attempted
and done many things against me unlawfully, unseemly, and unjustly,
and suffer the like to be attempted and done by others, not reforming
and amending the same, as appeareth in divers and sundry things
remaining in your acts:

"And moreover, because you, my said Lord, with your said colleagues,
have, (both in mine absence, being let with just causes of impediment,
which, according to the laws of this realm, I have fully alleged, and
very sufficiently and justly proved, according to the order of the
king's ecclesiastical laws,) injuriously, and much to the hinderance
of my name, person, title, dignity, and state, and also otherwise,
especially in my presence; against all laws, good order, and reason,
without good cause or ground, attempted and done many things against
me, especially touching mine imprisonment; sending me to strait ward,
and yet commanding me to make answer, as appeareth in your unlawful
acts:

"I, for these causes, and also for that ye my said Lord and your said
colleagues, proceeding with Sir Thomas Smith, knight, (whom upon just
and lawful causer I have refused, recused, and declined,) have
favoured, yea maintained, supported, and borne him in his unlawful and
evil doings, do also refuse, recuse, and decline you my said Lord,
with the rest of your said colleagues agreeing and joining with you;
and do except against your proceedings, doings, and jurisdiction, as
suspect, and thereby unmeet persons to proceed herein against me.

"And further, I do allege, that having been provoked to the king's
most excellent Majesty, as appeareth by the tenor of my provocation
remaining in your acts, whereunto I do protest that I intend to adhere
and cleave, submitting myself unto the tuition, protection, and
defence of his said Majesty in this behalf, ye in any wise ought not
(if ye regard the person and authority of his Grace's royal power, as
ye ought to do) to proceed herein against me; especially for the
honour and reverence ye ought to have unto his Majesty in this behalf.
And because it appeareth that ye do not duly and circumspectly
consider the same, as ye ought to do, but more and more do grieve me;
that not considered, I both here to all purposes repeat my former
recusation, provocation, and all other remedies that heretofore I have
used and mentioned in your said acts; and also do, by these presents,
refuse, recuse, and decline you my said Lord, and your said
colleagues, and your jurisdiction, upon causes aforesaid, offering
myself prompt and ready to prove all the same, before an arbiter and
arbiters, according to the tenor and form of the law herein to be
chosen, requiring you all, for that honour and reverence ye ought to
bear to our said sovereign Lord, and his laws allowed and approved in
this behalf, that ye do not attempt or do, nor yet suffer to be
attempted or done, any thing in any wise against me, or unto my
prejudice; but suffer me to use and enjoy the benefit of my said
former, and this, recusation, provocation, allegation, and other
lawful remedies mentioned in your said acts. And in case ye do in
fact, where ye ought not by right, attempt, or suffer any thing to be
attempted or done against me in any wise herein, I protest herewith,
and hereby, of my great grief and hurt in that behalf; and that not
only I do intend to appeal from you, but also, according to the king's
ecclesiastical laws, to accuse and complain upon you, as justly and
truly I both may and ought to do."

Notwithstanding these recusations, and former appellations, the
archbishop with the rest told him plain, that they would be still his
judges, and proceed against him according to the king's commission,
until they did receive a supersedeas, which if he did obtain, they
would gladly obey.

Then the bishop, seeing that they would still proceed against him, did
there likewise intimate another appellation unto the king's Majesty,
expressing therein in effect no other matter, but such as is already
alleged in the two former recusations and appeals; saving that he
requireth that letters dimissory or appellatory might be given him
according to the law, and that for his better safeguard he did submit
himself under the protection of the king.

The commissioners for all this stuck still unto their commission, and
would not in any case defer; but urged him straitly to make a more
full answer to his articles than he had done.

To whom the bishop said, that he would stand unto his recusations and
appellations before made, and would not make other answer.

Then the delegates demanded of him what cause he had to allege, why he
ought not to be declared as having confessed, upon the articles
whereunto he had not fully answered; the bishop still answering (as
before) that he would adhere unto his appellation and recusation.

Whereupon the archbishop, with consent of the rest, seeing his
pertinacy, pronounced him contumacious, and in pain thereof declared
him as having confessed, upon the articles whereunto he had not
answered.

This done, Master Secretary Smith showed forth a letter which the
bishop of London had before that time sent unto the lord mayor and the
aldermen of the city of London, the tenor whereof ensueth as
followeth.

"To the right honourable and my very good Lord, the lord mayor of
London, with all his worshipful brethren; my very dear and
worshipshipful friends; with speed.

"Right honourable! with my very humble recommendations:-- Whereas I
have perceived of late, and heard with mine ears, what vile beasts and
heretics have preached unto you, or rather, like themselves, prated
and railed against the most blessed sacrament of the altar, denying
the verity and presence of Christ's true body and blood to be there,
giving you and the people liberty to believe what ye list; teaching
you detestably, that faith in this behalf must not be coacted, but
that every man may believe as he will! by reason whereof, lest my
presence and silence might unto some have been seen to have allowed
their heretical doctrine, and given credit unto them, betraying my
flock of the catholic sort, ye know I departed yesterday from the
heretic prater's uncharitable charity, and so could have wished that
you, and all other that be catholic, should have done, leaving those
there with him that be already cast away, and will not be recovered.
For your tarrying with him still, shall not only hurt yourselves in
receiving his poisoned doctrine, but also shall give a visage that
their doctrine is tolerable, by reason that ye are content to hear it,
and say nothing against it. And because I cannot tell when I shall
speak with you to advertise you hereof, therefore I thought good, for
mine own discharge and yours, thus much to write unto you, requiring
and praying you again and again, in God's behalf, and for mine own
discharge, that ye suffer not yourselves to be abused with such
naughty preachers and teachers, in hearing their evil doctrine that ye
shall perceive them go about to sow. And thus our blessed Lord long
and well preserve you all, with this noble city, in all good rest,
godliness, and prosperity. Written in haste, this Monday morning, the
sixteenth of September, 1549.

"Your faithful beadsman and poor bishop,
EDMUND BONNER."

This letter being read, the secretary demanded of him whether he wrote
it not; to whom he would not otherwise answer, but that he would still
adhere and stand unto his former recusations and appeals; which the
commissioners seeing, determined to continue this case in state as it
was until Friday then next following, between the hours of eight and
nine of the clock before noon, assigning the bishop to be there at the
same time and place, then to hear a final decree of this matter, he
still protesting as before.

The seventh session or appearance of Bonner, on Tuesday the first of
October, before the king's commissioners at Lambeth.

Upon Friday the commissioners, for divers urgent causes letting them,
did not sit in commission according to their appointment, but deferred
it until Tuesday the first of October then next following. Upon which
day the bishop appearing before them, the archbishop made this
declaration unto him:

That although as upon Friday last they had appointed to pronounce
their final decree and sentence in this matter, yet forasmuch as they
thought that that sentence (although they had just cause to give it)
should have been very sore against him, they had not only deferred the
same until this day, but, minding to be more friendly to him than he
was to himself, and to use more easy and gentle reformation towards
him, had also made such suit and means for him, that although he had
grievously offended the king's Majesty, and very disobediently behaved
himself, yet, if he would in the mean while have acknowledged his
fault, and have been contented to make some part of amends in
submitting himself according to his bounden duty, he should have found
much favour; so the sentence should not have been so sore and extreme
against him as it was like now to be; for which they were very sorry;
especially to see the continuance of such stubborn disobedience,
whereby they were then more enforced to give such sentence against
him.

The bishop, nothing at all regarding this gentle and friendly
admonition and favour, but persisting still in his wonted contumacy,
drew forth a paper, whereon he read these words following:

"I, Edmund, bishop of London, brought in as a prisoner by his keeper,
out of the Marshalsea, here before you my Lord of Canterbury and your
pretended colleagues, do, under my former protestations heretofore by
me made before you and remaining in your act, declare that this my
presence here at this time is not voluntary, nor of mine own free will
and consent, but utterly coacted and against my will; and that being
otherwise sent for or brought before you than I am, (that is, as a
prisoner,) I would not, being at liberty, have come and appeared
before you, but would have declined and refused to make any appearance
at all, and would have absented himself from you, as lawfully and well
I might have done; standing to, using, and enjoying all and singular
my lawful remedies and defences heretofore used, exercised, and
enjoyed, especially my provocation, and appellation heretofore
interponed and made unto the king's most excellent Majesty, to whom
eftsoons, sufficiently, I have both provoked and appealed, and also
made supplication, as appeareth in these writings, which, under
protestation aforesaid, I do exhibit and leave here with the actuary
of this cause; requiring him to make an instrument thereupon, and the
persons here present to bear record in that behalf; especially to the
intent it may appear, I do better acknowledge the king's Majesty's
authority even in his tender and young age, provoking and appealing to
his Majesty as my most gracious sovereign and supreme head, with
submission to his Highness (as appeareth in my appellation and other
remedies) for my tuition and defence, than some other, (I do mean you,
my Lord of Canterbury, and your said pretended colleagues,) who, by
law and good reason, ought to have deferred and given place unto such
provocation, appellation, and supplication, as heretofore lawfully
have been by me interponed and made unto his Majesty's most royal
person and authority in this behalf."

As soon as the bishop had read these words, he did deliver as well
that paper, as also two other, unto the actuary, the one containing an
appellation, and the other a supplication unto the king's Majesty;
which appellation beginneth thus:

"In the name of God, Amen."-- Wherein first he showed "how naturally
every creature declineth gladly from that thing which goeth about to
hurt it; and also seeketh help and remedy to withstand such hurts and
injuries."

Further, he showed "that it is found by experience to be hurtful and
dangerous to trust him that once hath hurt and beguiled, lest he might
add more, rather than to take aught from."

Moreover he showed, "that he had found heretofore, at the hands of the
archbishop of Canterbury, and the rest of the colleagues in this
matter, much extremity and cruelty, injuries, losses, and griefs,
contrary to God's law, and the laws and statutes of this realm, and
against justice, charity, and good order; being well assured, if they
were not stayed, but proceeded, they would add more evil to evil, loss
to loss, displeasure to displeasure; as (said he) their servants have
reported, and they agreeably do show the same."

Again in the said appeal he showed, "that the bishop of Canterbury,
and the other commissioners, ought to have considered and done better
in that matter for honour and obedience to the king's Majesty, which
hitherto they have not done, (said he,) in that they have not given
place to his provocations and appellations heretofore made unto his
Grace justly and lawfully, and upon good and just causes; namely, for
the unjust griefs they did against him, which (he said) do appear in
the acts of that matter; as in pronouncing him contumacious
unreasonably, without good cause; and further in assigning the term to
hear the final sentence, and in committing him to strait prison, as
appeareth in their acts. Therefore he did not only decline and refuse
their pretended jurisdiction as before, but also, by these presents
here showed, he did appeal from the said archbishop of Canterbury, and
the rest, unto the king's Majesty, asking also those letters of appeal
which the law doth admit; saying, he did not intend to go from his
former provocations and appellations, but to join and cleave unto them
in every part and parcel, submitting himself to the protection and
defence of the king's Majesty: and he therein made intimation to the
archbishop of Canterbury, and to his said colleagues, to all intents
and purposes that might come thereof."

Furthermore, as touching the supplication above mentioned, which
Bonner, as we said, put up in writing to the commissioners, the copy
thereof hereunder likewise ensueth.

The supplication of Bonner to the chancellor of England, with all the
rest of the king's Majesty's most honourable privy council.

"Please it your most honourable good Lordships, with my most humble
recommendations, to understand, that albeit I have, according to the
laws, statutes, and ordinances of this realm, made supplication,
provocation, and appellation unto the king's most excellent Majesty,
from the unlawful and wicked process of the archbishop of Canterbury,
the bishop of Rochester, Master Secretary Smith, and the dean of
Paul's; as also as well from their unjust interlocutory, as also their
definitive sentence, whereby in law I ought to have liberty to come
abroad and prosecute the same, yet, such is the malignity of the
judges against me, with bearing and maintenance of others, which
sundry and many ways have sought my ruin and destruction, that I am
here penned and locked up, used very extremely at their pleasure, and,
for the contentation of the said Master Smith, not suffered to find
sureties, or to go abroad to prosecute and sue my said appellation.

"In consideration whereof, it may please your said good Lordship to
take some order and redress herein, especially for that it is now the
time that the king's subsidy, now due, ought to be called upon, and
justice also ministered unto his Majesty's subjects; which, being as I
now am, I cannot be suffered to do. And thus, without further
extending my letter therein, considering that your great wisdoms,
experience, and goodness, can gather of a little what is expedient and
necessary for the whole, I do beseech Almighty God to preserve and
keep well all your honourable good Lordships.

"Written in haste this seventh of October, 1549, in the
Marshalsea.
"Your honourable Lordship's poor orator, and most bounden
beadsman,
EDMUND LONDON."

These things ended, the archbishop said unto him, "My Lord! where you
say that you come coacted, or else you would not have appeared, I do
much marvel of you: for you would thereby make us and this audience
here believe, that because you are a prisoner, ye ought not therefore
to answer; which, if it were true, it were enough to confound the
whole state of this realm. For I dare say, that of the greatest
prisoners and rebels that ever your keeper there" (meaning the under
marshal) "hath had under him, he cannot show me one that hath used
such defence as you here have done."

"Well," quoth the bishop, "if my keeper were learned in the laws, I
could show him my mind therein."

"Well," said the archbishop, "I have read over all the laws as well as
you, but to another end and purpose than you did; and yet I can find
no such privilege in this matter."

Then Master Secretary Smith did very sore burden and charge him, how
disobediently and rebelliously he had always behaved himself towards
the king's Majesty and his authority. Whereupon the bishop, under his
protestation, answered again, that he was the king's Majesty's lawful
and true subject, and did acknowledge his Highness to be his gracious
sovereign lord, or else he would not have appealed unto him as he had;
yea, and would gladly lay his hands and his neck also under his
Grace's feet; and therefore he desired that his Highness's laws and
justice might be ministered unto him.

"Yea," quoth Master Secretary, "you say well, my Lord: but I pray you
what other have all these rebels both in Norfolk, Devonshire, and
Cornwall, and other places done? Have they not said thus? We be the
king's true subjects; we acknowledge him for our king, and we will
obey his laws, with such like: and yet, when either commandment,
letter, or pardon, was brought unto them from his Majesty, they
believed it not, but said it was forged and made under a hedge, and
was gentlemen's doings; so that indeed they neither would nor did obey
any thing."

"Ah, sir," said the bishop, "I perceive your meaning; as who should
say that the bishop of London is a rebel like them." "Yea, by my
troth," quoth the secretary. Whereat the people laughed.

Then the dean of Paul's said unto him, that he marvelled much, and was
very sorry to see him so untractable, that he would not suffer the
judges to speak. To whom the bishop disdainfully answered, "Well,
Master dean! you must say somewhat." And likewise at another time as
the dean was speaking, he interrupted and said, "You may speak when
your turn cometh."

Then said the Secretary Smith, "I would you knew your duty." "I
would," quoth he again, "you knew it as well as I:" with an infinite
deal more of other such stubborn and contemptuous talk and behaviour
towards them; which the commissioners weighing, and perceiving no
likelihood of any tractable reason in him, they determined that the
archbishop, with their whole consent, should at that present there
openly read and publish their final decree or sentence definitive
against him; which he did, pronouncing him thereby to be clean
deprived from the bishopric of London; which ended, the bishop
immediately did therefrom appeal by word of mouth, alleging that the
same sentence there given against him, was no law; the tenor of whose
words I thought here to express, according as they were by him
uttered, in this wise as followeth:

"I, Edmund, bishop of London, brought in and kept here as a prisoner
against my consent and will, do, under my former protestation
heretofore made, and to the intent it may also appear that I have not,
being so here in this place, consented or agreed to any thing done
against me and in my prejudice, allege and say that this sentence
given here against me, is lex nulla; and so far forth as it shall
appear to be aliqua; I do say it is iniqua et injusta, and that
therefore I do from it, as iniqua et injusta, appeal to the most
excellent and noble King Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God, king
of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and of the
church of England and also Ireland (next and immediately under God
here on earth) supreme head, and unto his court of chancery or
parliament, as the laws, statutes, and ordinances of this realm will
suffer and bear in this behalf; desiring instantly, first, second, and
third, according to the laws, letters reverential, or dimissories, to
be given and delivered unto me in this behalf, with all things
expedient, requisite, or necessary in any wise."

And thereupon also the said bishop required the public notary or
actuary, William Say, to make an instrument, and the witness aforesaid
and others present to record the same: to whom so appealing, and
requiring as before, the said judge's delegate said, that they would
declare and signify to the king's Majesty what was done in this
matter; and thereupon would defer or not defer to his said
appellation, according as his Grace's pleasure and commandment should
be given to them in that behalf.

And after all this, the said bishop of London said to them, "You have
now discharged your office. What will your Grace do with me now,
touching my imprisonment? will ye keep me still in prison? shall I not
now be at liberty to prosecute mine appeal?" To whom the archbishop
answering, said, that they perceived now more in that matter than they
did at first, and that this matter was greater rebellion than he was
aware of; and therefore they said that as yet they would not discharge
him. And thereupon they committed him again to his keeper in prison.

This talk finished, the archbishop, considering that most of the
audience there present did not understand the meaning of the sentence,
being read in the Latin tongue, said to them, "Because there be many
of you here that understand not the Latin tongue, and so cannot tell
what judgment hath been here given, I shall therefore show you the
effect thereof:" and therewith he did declare in English the causes
expressed in the sentence, adding thereunto these words:

"Because my Lord of London is found guilty in these matters, therefore
we have here, by our sentence, deprived him of our bishopric of
London; and this we show unto you, to the intent that from henceforth
ye shall not esteem him any more as bishop of London."

Then Bonner desired the archbishop to declare likewise what he had
done, and how he had appealed. But the other, seeing his froward
contempt, refused it, saying, You may do it yourself. Whereupon very
disdainfully again he said, "you have now done your duty. What will
your Grace do with me touching my imprisoment? will you keep me still
in prison?"

To whom the commissioners answered, that they perceived now more in
the matter than they did before, and that his behaviour was greater
rebellion than he was aware of. And therefore they would not discharge
him, but committed him again to his keeper to be kept in prison; where
he most justly remained until the death of that most worthy and godly
prince King Edward the Sixth; after which time he wrought most
horrible mischief and cruelties against the saints of God, as
appeareth hereafter throughout the whole reign of Queen Mary. From the
executing of the which like tyranny, the Lord of his great mercy keep
all other such. Amen!

Now, immediately after his deprivation he writeth out of the
Marshalsea other letters supplicatory unto the lord chancellor, and
the rest of the king's council, wherein he thus complaineth, that by
reason of the great enmity which the duke of Somerset and Sir Thomas
Smith bare unto him, his often and earnest suits unto the king and his
council could not be heard. He therefore most humbly desired their
Lordships, for the causes aforesaid, to consider him, and to let him
have liberty to prosecute his matter before them; and he would daily
pray for the good preservation of their Honours, as appeareth by the
words of his own supplication hereunder following.

Thus after the commissioners had finished with Bonner, he, being now
prisoner in the Marshalsea, leaving no shift of the law unsought how
to work for himself as well as he might, drew out a certain
supplication, conceived and directed to the king's Majesty, out of the
said prison of the Marshalsea.

"To the right honourable, my lord chancellor of England, with all the
rest of the most honourable privy council:

"Please it your most honourable good Lordships, with my most humble
commendations, to understand, that albeit heretofore I have made such
suit, and to such persons, as I cannot devise to make more, or to more
higher; this is to wit, to the king's most excellent Majesty, and his
most gracious person in divers sorts, and also unto your most
honourable good Lordships being of his privy council, for redress of
such notable and manifest injuries and extremities as have been,
contrary to all law, honesty, and good reason, inflicted upon me by my
Lord of Canterbury, my Lord of Rochester, Dr. Smith, and Dr. May: yet,
because the said Dr. Smith, being a minister to the duke of Somerset,
and they both my deadly enemies, hath sundry ways studied and laboured
my ruin and destruction, staying and letting heretofore all my lawful
remedies and suits, having therein help and furtherance of these two
other aforesaid persons, being ready at foot and hand to accomplish
all their desires and pleasures, I shall at this present (having for a
time forborne to trouble, for good respects, your most honourable good
Lordships with any my suits, and especially for your other manifold
great affairs in the king's Majesty's business, myself yet, the mean
while, neither wanting good will, nor yet just cause, being where I
am, to make such suit) renew my suit, and most humbly beseech your
most honourable good Lordships to give me leave to make most humble
supplication again to your said Lordships, for honest and lawful
liberty to prosecute my appellation and supplication heretofore made
to the king's most excellent Majesty; and, according to the law, to
make my suit for redress of the said great and manifest injuries,
extremities, and wrongs, done against me by the said persons. And your
said Lordships, over and besides the furtherance of justice many ways
herein to me and others, and the collection of the king's Majesty's
subsidy now to be levied of the clergy in my diocese, which hitherto
hath been and is stayed by reason of the premises, shall also bind me
most greatly and entirely to pray daily for the good preservation of
your said most honourable good Lordships; in all honour, felicity, and
joy, long to continue and endure unto God's pleasure.

"Written in the Marshalsea, the 26th of October, 1549.

"Your Lordships' most faithful

and assured beadsman, EDMUND LONDON."

A supplication made and directed by Edmund Bonner, late bishop of
London, to the king's Majesty, out of the prison of the Marshalsea.

In the which supplication, first, after the used form of style, he
prayed for the prosperous estate of the king long to reign. Then he
showed that his faithful heart and service to him hath, is, and shall
be, as it was to his father before.

Then he declared how he had been belied of evil men, and misreported
not to bear a true heart to his Grace, but a rebellious mind, in
denying his royal power in his minority; whereas indeed, he saith, his
Grace should find him always, during life, both in heart, word, and
deed, to do and acknowledge otherwise, and to be most willing to show,
&c., and to do all other things for his Grace, as willingly as any
other subject, or as those that were his denouncers, who, he thought,
were not sent of his Grace, but pretended commissioners, &c.

Further, he complained of his denunciation by certain commissioners,
(who said they were sent by his Grace,) alleging the same not to be
lawful; and of his long and sharp imprisonment; and that the
commissioners observed neither law nor reasonable order, but
extremity. And whereas he had made appeal to his Grace, and he could
not have it; he desired to have law to prosecute and sue his appeal
for his remedy, and that he (considering his vocation) might not be
shut up and put from liberty, which his meanest subjects have.

Then he desired his Grace's letters of supersedeas against the
commissioners, and that the matter might be heard before the council;
and then he doubted not but to be found a true faithful man, and
herein to have wrong. So in the end he concluded, that this,
(prostrating himself even to the very ground, and humbly kissing his
Grace's feet,) was the only thing which he humbly desired, &c.

This done, and the supplication perused, the king eftsoons giveth in
charge and commandment to certain men of honour and worship, and
persons skilful in the law, as to the Lord Rich, high chancellor, the
lord treasurer, the lord marquis Dorset, the bishop of Ely, Lord
Wentworth, Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir William Herbert, knights, Dr.
Richard Wootton, Edward Montague, lord chief justice, Sir John Baker,
knight, with Judge Hales, John Gosnold, Dr. Oliver, and also Dr.
Leyson, that they, scanning and perusing all such acts, matters, and
muniments of the said Bonner by him exhibited, produced, propounded,
and alleged, with all and singular his protestations, recusations, and
appellations, should, upon mature consideration thereof, give their
direct answer upon the same, whether the appellation of the said
Bonner were to be deferred unto; whether the sentence defined against
him stood by the law sufficient and effectual, or not: who, eftsoons,
after diligent discussion, and considerate advisement had of all and
singular the premises, gave their resolute answer, that the pretended
appellation of Edmund Bonner aforesaid was naught and unreasonable,
and in no wise to be deferred unto; and that the sentence by the
commissioners against him, was rightly and justly pronounced. And this
was the conclusion of Bonner's whole matter and deprivation for that
time.

$

231. FURTHER RELIGIOUS REFORMS UNDER KING EDWARD

Thus then, leaving Dr. Bonner awhile in the Marshalsea with his
keeper, we will proceed (the Lord permitting) further in the course of
our story, as the order of years and time requireth. And although the
trouble of the lord protector falleth here jointly with the
deprivation of Dr. Bonner, yet, because he was shortly again delivered
out of the same through the Lord's mighty working, I will therefore
delay the tractation thereof, till the time of his second trouble,
which was two years after; and so, in the mean time returning again
into our discourse, intend, by the Lord's leave, to collect and
continue the matters begun, touching the king's godly proceedings for
reformation of religion in the aforesaid year of our Lord concurring -
- the year 1549.

And here first a note would be made of Peter Martyr and of his learned
travails and disputation in the university of Oxford the said present
year with Dr. Chedsey and others, about the matter of the sacrament;
which was, that the substance of bread and wine was not changed in the
sacrament, and that the body and blood of Christ were not carnally and
bodily in the bread and wine, but united to the same sacramentally.

In like manner, some touch or mention here also would be made of the
ecclesiastical laws, for the gathering and compiling whereof thirty-
two persons were assigned by act of parliament the said present year,
1549. But because these be rather matters of tractation, than
historical, I mean (God willing) to defer the further consideration
thereof unto the end of the history of this king's days, and so to
pass forward to other matters in the mean while.

Books in the Latin service abolished.

IT followeth now in the story, that certain of the vulgar multitude
hearing of the apprehension of the lord protector, and supposing the
alteration of the public service into English, and administration of
the sacrament and other rites lately appointed in the church, had been
the act, chiefly or only, of the said lord protector, began upon the
same to noise and bruit abroad, that they should now have their old
Latin service, with holy bread and holy water, and their other like
superstitious ceremonies again: whereupon the king, with the body and
state of the privy council then being, directed out his letters of
request and strait commandment to the bishops, in their dioceses,
touching the same, in form and manner as followeth.

A certain precept or decree of King Edmard, directed to the bishops in
their dioceses, for the abolishing of books of the Latin service, and
of certain other ceremonies.

"Right reverend father in God, right truly and well-beloved, we greet
you well. And whereas the book, entitled The Book of Common Prayers
and Administration of the Sacraments and other Rites and Ceremonies of
the Church, after the use of the Church of England, was agreed upon
and set forth by act of parliament, and by the same act commanded to
be used of all persons within this our realm, yet, nevertheless, we
are informed that divers unquiet and evil-disposed persons, since the
apprehension of the duke of Somerset, have noised and bruited abroad,
that they should have again their old Latin service, their conjured
bread and water, with such-like vain and superstitious ceremonies, as
though the setting-forth of the said book had been the only act of the
aforenamed duke: We, therefore, by the advice of the body and state of
our privy council, not only considering the said book to be our own
act, and the act of the whole state of our realm assembled together in
the parliament, but also the same to be grounded upon Holy Scripture,
agreeable to the order of the primitive church, and mush to the
edifying of our subjects,-- to put away all such vain expectation of
having the public service, the administration of the sacraments and
other rites and ceremonies, again in the Latin tongue (which were but
a preferring of ignorance to knowledge, and darkness to light, and a
preparation to bring in papistry and superstition again)-- have
thought good, by the advice aforesaid, to require and nevertheless
straitly command and charge you, that ye, immediately upon the receipt
hereof, do command the dean and prebendaries of your cathedral church,
the parson, vicar, or curate, and churchwardens of every parish within
your diocese, to bring and deliver to you, or your deputy, every of
them, for their church and parish, at such convenient place as ye
shall appoint, all antiphoners, missals, grails, processionals,
manuals, legends, pixes, portueses, journals, and ordinals, after the
use of Sarum, Lincoln, York, Bangor, Hereford, or any other private
use; and all other books of service, the keeping whereof should be let
to the using of the said Book of Common Prayers; and that ye take the
same books into your hands, or into the hands of your deputy, and them
so deface and abolish, that they never after may serve, either to any
such use as they were first provided for, or be at any time a let to
that godly and uniform order, which, by a consent, is now set forth.
And if ye shall find any person stubborn or disobedient in not
bringing in the said books, according to the tenor of these our
letters, that then you commit the same person to ward, to such time as
ye have certified us of his misbehaviour: and we will and command you,
that ye also search, or cause such search to be made, from time to
time, whether any books be withdrawn or hid, contrary to the tenor of
these our letters; and the same books to receive into your hands, and
to use, as in these our letters we have appointed.

"And furthermore, whereas it is come to our knowledge, that divers
froward and obstinate persons do refuse to pay toward the finding of
bread and wine for the holy communion, according to order prescribed
in the said book, by reason whereof the holy communion is many times
omitted upon the Sunday: these are to will and command you, to convent
such obstinate persons before you, and them to admonish and command to
keep the order prescribed in the same book. And if any shall refuse so
to do, punish them by suspension, excommunication, or other censures
of the church. Fail ye not thus to do, as ye will avoid our
displeasure.

"Given under our signet, at our palace of Westminster, the 25th of
December, the third year of our reign.
Thomas Cranmer,
J. Russell,
R. Rich, Cancel.,
H. Dorset,
W. Saint John,
W. North."

Whereby it may appear to us now, that no wafer-cakes, but common
bread, was then, by the king's appointment, ordinarily received and
used in churches. This was about the latter end of December, A.D.
1549.

Taking down of altars, and setting up the table instead thereof.

Furthermore, in the year next following, (1550,) other letters,
likewise, were sent for the taking down of altars in churches, and
setting up the table instead of the same, unto Nicholas Ridley, who,
being bishop of Rochester before, was then made bishop of London, in
Bonner's place. The copy and contents of the king's letters are these,
as follow.

The king's letter to Nicholas Ridley, bishop of London, &c.

"Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet
you well. And where it is come to our knowledge, that the altars
within the most part of the churches of this realm being already upon
good and godly considerations taken down, there do yet remain altars
standing in divers other churches, by occasion whereof much variance
and contention ariseth among sundry of our subjects, which, if good
foresight were not had, might perchance engender great hurt and
inconvenience; we let you wit, that, minding to have all occasion of
contention taken away, which many times groweth by those and such-like
diversities, and considering that amongst other things belonging to
our royal office and cure, we do account the greatest to be, to
maintain the common quiet of our realm; we have thought good, by the
advice of our council, to require you, and nevertheless especially to
charge and command you, for the avoiding of all matters of further
contention and strife about the standing or taking away of the said
altars, to give substantial order throughout all your diocese, that,
with all diligence, all the altars in every church or chapel, as well
in places exempted as not exempted, within your said diocese, be taken
down; and instead thereof, a table be set up in some convenient part
of the chancel, within every such church or chapel, to serve for the
ministration of the blessed communion. And, to the intent the same may
be done without the offence of such our loving subjects as be not yet
so well persuaded in that behalf as we would wish, we send unto you
herewith certain considerations gathered and collected, that make for
the purpose; the which, and such other as you shall think meet to be
set forth to persuade the weak to embrace our proceedings in this
part, we pray you cause to be declared to the people by some discreet
preachers, in such places as you shall think meet, before the taking-
down of the said altars; so as both the weak consciences of others may
be instructed and satisfied as much as may be, and this our pleasure
the more quietly executed. For the better doing whereof, we require
you to open the aforesaid considerations in that our cathedral church
in your own person, if you conveniently may, or otherwise, by your
chancellor, or some other grave preacher, both there and in such other
market towns, and most notable places of your diocese, as you may
think most requisite.

"Given under our signet, at our palace of Westminster, the twenty-
fourth day of November, the fourth year of our reign.
Edward Somerset,
John Bedford,
Thomas Cranmer,
William North,
William Wiltshire,
Edward Clinton,
John Warwick,
H. Wentworth,
Thomas Ely."

Reasons why the Lord's board should rather be after the form of a
table, than of an altar.

"I am not ashamed of the gospel, because it is the power of God unto
salvation, to every one that believeth, Rom. i. 16.

"Certain reasons why the reverend father, Nicholas, bishop of London,
amongst other his injunctions given in his late visitation, did exhort
those churches in his diocese, where the altars, as then, did remain,
to conform themselves to those other churches which had taken them
down, and had set up, instead of the multitude of their altars, one
decent table in every church. And that herein he did not only not any
thing contrary unto the Book of Common Prayer, or to the king's
Majesty's proceedings, but that he was induced to do the same, partly
moved by his office and duty, wherewith he is charged in the same
book, and partly, for the advancement and sincere setting-forward of
God's holy word, and the king's Majesty's most godly proceedings.

"First Reason.-- The form of a table shall more move the simple from
the superstitious opinions of the popish mass, unto the right use of
the Lord's supper. For the use of an altar is to make sacrify upon it;
the use of a table is to serve for men to eat upon. Now, when we come
unto the Lord's board, what do we come for? to sacrifice Christ again,
and to crucify him again, or to feed upon him, that was once only
crucified and offered up for us? If we come to feed upon him,
spiritually to eat his body, and spiritually drink his blood, (which
is the true use of the Lord's supper,) then no man can deny but the
form of a table is more meet for the Lord's board, than the form of an
altar.

"Second Reason.-- Whereas it is said, 'The Book of Common Prayer
maketh mention of an altar; wherefore, it is not lawful to abolish
that which the book alloweth:' to this it is thus answered: The Book
of Common Prayer calleth the thing whereupon the Lord's supper is
ministered, indifferently a table, an altar, or the Lord's board;
without prescription of any form thereof, either of a table or of an
altar: so that whether the Lord's board have the form of an altar, or
of a table, the Book of Common Prayer calleth it both an altar and a
table. For, as it calleth it an altar, whereupon the Lord's supper is
ministered, a table, and the Lord's board, so it calleth the table,
where the holy communion is distributed with lauds and thanksgiving
unto the Lord, an altar, for that there is offered the same sacrifice
of praise and thanksgiving. And thus it appeareth, that here is
nothing neither said nor meant contrary to the Book of Common Prayer.

"Third Reason.-- The popish opinion of mass was, that it might not be
celebrated but upon an altar, or at the least upon a super-altar, to
supply the fault of the altar, which must have had its prints and
characters; or else it was thought that the thing was not lawfully
done. But this superstitious opinion is more holden in the minds of
the simple and ignorant by the form of an altar, than of a table;
wherefore it is more meet, for the abolishment of this superstitious
opinion, to have the Lord's board after the form of a table, than of
an altar.

"Fourth Reason.-- The form of an altar was ordained for the sacrifices
of the law, and therefore the altar in Greek is called ??s?ast?????
[Zysiasterion]. But now both the law and the sacrifices thereof do
cease: wherefore the form of the altar used in the altar ought to
cease withal.

"Fifth Reason.-- Christ did institute the sacrament of his body and
blood at his last supper, at a table, and not at an altar; as it
appeareth manifestly by the three evangelists. And St. Paul calleth
the coming to the holy communion, the coming unto the Lord's supper.
And also it is not read that any of the apostles or the primitive
church did ever use any altar in ministration of the holy communion.

"Wherefore, seeing the form of a table is more agreeable to Christ's
institution, and with the usage of the apostles, and of the primitive
church, than the form of an altar, therefore the form of a table is
rather to be used, than the form of an altar, in the administration of
the holy communion.

"Sixth and last Reason.-- It is said in the Preface of the Book of
Common Prayer, that if any doubt do arise in the use and practising of
the same book, to appease all such diversity, the matter shall be
referred unto the bishop of the diocese, who, by his discretion, shall
take order for the quieting and appeasing of the same, so that the
same order be not contrary unto any thing contained in that book."

After these letters and reasons received, the forenamed Nicholas
Ridley, bishop of London, consequently upon the same did hold his
visitation, wherein, amongst other his injunctions, the said bishop
exhorted those churches in his diocese, where the altars did then
remain, to conform themselves unto those other churches which had
taken them down, and had set up, instead of the multitude of their
altars, one decent table in every church. Upon the occasion whereof
there arose a great diversity about the form of the Lord's board, some
using it after the form of a table, and some of an altar. Wherein when
the said bishop was required to say and determine what was most meet,
he declared he could do no less of his bounden duty, for the appeasing
of such diversity, and to procure one godly uniformity, but to exhort
all his diocese unto that which he thought did best agree with
Scripture, with the usage of the apostles, and with the primitive
church, and to that which is not only not contrary unto any thing
contained in the Book of Common Prayer, (as is before proved,) but
also might highly further the king's most godly proceedings in
abolishing of divers vain and superstitious opinions of the popish
mass out of the hearts of the simple, and to bring them to the right
use, taught by Holy Scripture, of the Lord's supper. And so appointed
he the form of a right table to be used in his diocese, and, in the
church of Paul, brake down the wall standing then by the high altar's
side.

$

232.THE TRIAL OF STEPHEN GARDINER.

Here followeth the history of the doings and attempts of Stephen
Gardiner, late bishop of Winchester, with the process of his articles
and examinations upon the sane.

Now that we have discoursed the process, doings, and examinations of
Edmund Bonner, followeth next in order the story of Stephen Gardiner,
bishop of Winchester, in process not much unlike to the other; in
stoutness alike arrogant and glorious; in craft and subtlety going
before him, although the order and time of his examinations came
behind him.

This Gardiner, having precept and commandment given unto him by the
king to preach upon certain points which they had him in suspicion
for, in much like sort as Bonner did before, showed himself, in
performing the same, both stubborn and wilful, as was declared of the
other before. Whereupon the next day after his sermon ensuing, being
arrested by Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir Ralph Sadler, knights,
accompanied with a great number of the guard, he was committed to the
Tower; from whence, at length, he was brought to Lambeth, to his
examinations, whereof more shall be said hereafter (Christ permitting)
at large. In the mean time to comprehend and collect all things in
order, first, we will begin with the beginning of his deserved
trouble: how he was committed to keep his house, and afterwards had to
the Fleet; and what letters he wrote, as well to others as especially
to the lord protector; whose answers again to the said bishop, as many
as came to our hands, we have thereto annexed, by the example and copy
of which his letters, here being expressed for thee, gentle reader, to
peruse, thou mayest easily perceive and understand the proud and
glorious spirit of that man, his stubborn contumacy against the king,
and malicious rebellion against God and true religion, with sleight
and craft enough to defend his peevish purposes.

The examples and copies of certain letters written by Stephen
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, containing divers matters not unworthy
to be known for this present history.

Winchester to the lord protector, in consequence of a sermon of the
bishop of St. David's.

"May it please your Grace to understand, that I have noted some points
in my Lord of St. David's sermon, which I send unto you herewith,
whereby to declare unto you some part what I think, for the whole I
cannot express. Somewhat I shall encumber you with my babbling, but he
hath encumbered some friends more with his tattling. And alas, my
Lord! this is a piteous case, that having so much business as ye have,
these inward disorders should be added unto them, to the courage of
such as would this realm any ways evil. For this is the thing they
would desire, with hope thereby to disorder this realm, being now a
time rather to repair that which needeth reparation, than to make any
new buildings which they pretend. Quiet, tranquillity, unity, and
concord shall maintain estimation: the contrary may animate the enemy
to attempt that which was never thought on, which God forbid.

"There was never attempt of alteration made in England, but upon
comfort of discord at home; and woe be to them that mindeth it! If my
Lord of St. David's, or such others, have their head cumbered with any
new platform, I would wish they were commanded, between this and the
king's Majesty's full age, to draw the plat, diligently to hew the
stones, dig the sand, and chop the chalk, in the unseasonable time of
building; and, when the king's Majesty cometh to full age, to present
their labours to him; and, in the mean time, not to disturb the state
of the realm, whereof your Grace is protector; but that you may, in
every part of religion, laws, lands, and decrees, (which four contain
the state,) deliver the same unto our sovereign lord, according unto
the trust you be put in; which shall be much to your honour, and as
all honest men wish and desire: to which desired effect there can be
nothing so noisome and contrarious as trouble and disquiet. Wherein
your Grace shall be specially troubled, as on whose shoulders all the
weight lieth; and whatsoever shall happen amiss by the faults of
others, shall be imputed to your Grace, as doer thereof, or wanting
foresight in time to withstand the same. And albeit that your mind be
not faulty in either, yet, if the effect be not to the realm as it
were to be wished, the prince, though he were of age, should be
excused, and the governors bear the blame. And this is the infelicity
of pre-eminence and authority, and specially in this realm, as stories
make mention, which should not discourage you, for you need fear
nothing without, if quiet be reserved at home; and at home, if the
beginning be resisted, the intended folly may easily be interrupted.
But if my brother of St. David's may, like a champion with his sword
in his hand, make entry for the rest, the door of licence opened,
there shall more by folly thrust in with him than your Grace would
wish.

"Thus, as I think, I write homely to your Grace, because you were
content I should write, wherein I consider only to have all things
well. And because your Grace is the protector and the chief director
of the realm, to present unto your wisdom what my folly is, I have
been oftentimes blamed for fearing over-much, and yet I have had an
inkling that they that so blamed me, feared even as much as I. Being
in the state that you be in, it shall be ever commendable to foresee
the worst. In quiet ye be strong, in trouble ye be greatly weak, and
bring yourself in danger of one part, when parties be, therewith one
to scourge the other: whereas, in concord, they be both yours, in an
honest, reverent, lowly fear to do their duty; which, I doubt not,
your wisdom can consider, and consider also how noisome any other
outward encumber might be, in the time of the minority of our
sovereign lord. I told the emperor's council, that our late sovereign
lord did much for the emperor, to enter war with him, and to put his
realm in his old days in the adventure of fortune, whether he should
enjoy it or no; for that is the nature of war. And sometimes the
contemned and abject have had the upper hand. And when ye administer
the realm for another, it were a marvellous question of him that shall
enjoy the realm to say, What meant you, in the time of administration
to adventure my realm? Why took ye not rather, for the time of my
minority, any peace, whatsoever it were? which is better than the best
war, as some men have written.

"I know you have authority sufficient, and wisdom plenty, and yet,
being entered to write, I forget for the time what ye be, and commune
with you as I were talking at Brussels with you, devising of the world
at large. And if I were sworn to say what I think of the state of the
world, I would, for a time, let Scots be Scots, with despair to have
them, unless it were by conquest, which shall be a goodly enterprise
for our young master, when he cometh to age. And, in the mean time,
prepare him money for it, and set the realm in an order which it hath
need of. And for a stay, if the emperor would offer the daughter of
the king of Romans, as he did, do with him in our master's minority,
as he did with us in his, whereby all this hath chanced unto him. And
by this alliance your estimation shall increase, and our sovereign
lord's surety not a little increase and be augmented. For of France it
must be taken for a rule, 'They be so wanton, they cannot do well
longer than they see how they may be scourged if they do not.' Here is
all the wit that I have, which I offer unto you upon this occasion of
writing, and shall pray God to put into your mind that which shall be
for the best, as I trust he will; and, in the mean time, to extinguish
this barbarous contention at home, which can serve only to do hurt,
and no good. I had fashioned a letter to Master Ridley, which I send
unto your Grace, and encumber you with these melancholy writings,
engendered of this fondness, which be not worth the reading. And so it
may like you to use them, for having heard that which ye have said
unto me, and otherwise heard and seen what you do, I shall go occupy
my wit in other matters; and now such as have found enterprises shall
see, that I letted not their follies (which they called God's word):
but for his time the king our sovereign lord that dead is; and after
his time you have done much to your honour and reputation; howsoever
any shall be here not contented; which miscontentation hath been so
fond in some, as they have burst out and wished, that they might,
without breach of his laws, kill me; which is to me a token of a
marvellous fury, which hath been cause why I am glad both to depart
hence, and to depart the sooner, and pray to God to order all things
for the best, with preservation of our sovereign lord, and increase of
your Grace's honour."At my house in Southwark, the last of February.

"Your Grace's humble bead-man,
S. W."

A letter of Winchester to Captain Vaughan, dated the third of May,
1547.

"Master Vaughan, after my right hearty commendations: In my last
letters to my lord protector, signifying, according to the general
commandment by letters given to all justices of peace, the state of
this shire, I declared (as I supposed true) the shire to be in good
order, quiet, and conformity; for I had not then heard of any
alteration in this shire, which the said letters of commandment did
forbid. Now of late, within these two days, I have heard of a great
and detestable (if it be true that is told me) innovation in the town
of Portsmouth, where the images of Christ and his saints have been
most contemptuously pulled down, and spitefully handled. Herein I
thought good both to write to you and the mayor, the king's Majesty's
chief ministers, as well to know the truth, as to consult with you for
the reformation of it, to the intent I may be seen to discharge my
duty, and discharging it indeed both to God and to the king's Majesty,
under whom I am here appointed to have cure and care to relieve such
as be by any ways fallen, and preserve the rest that stand, from like
danger.

"Ye are a gentleman with whom I have had acquaintance, and whom I know
to be wise, and esteem to have more knowledge, wisdom, and discretion
than to allow any such enormities; and therefore I do the more
willingly consult with you herein, with request friendly to know of
you the very truth in the matter: who be the doers, and the
circumstances of it, and whether ye think the matter so far gone with
the multitude, and whether the reproof and disproving of the deed,
might, without a further danger, be enterprised in the pulpit or not;
minding, if it may so be, to send one thither for that purpose upon
Sunday next coming. I would use preaching as it should not be occasion
of any further folly where a folly is begun; and to a multitude,
persuaded in that opinion of destruction of images, I would never
preach: for, as Scripture willeth us, we should cast no precious
stones before hogs. Such as be infected with that opinion, they be
hogs, and worse than hogs, (if there be any grosser beasts than hogs
be,) and have been ever so taken; and in England they are called
Lollards, who, denying images, thought therewithal the crafts of
painting and graving to be generally superfluous and naught, and
against God's laws.

"In Germany such as maintained that opinion of destroying of images,
were accounted the dregs cast out by Luther after he had tunned all
his brewings in Christ's religion, and so taken as hog's meat; for the
reproof of whom Luther wrote a book specially: and I have with mine
eyes seen the images standing in all churches where Luther was had in
estimation. For the destruction of images containeth an enterprise to
subvert religion, and the state of the world with it, and especially
the nobility, who, by images, set forth and spread abroad, to be read
of all people, their lineage and parentage, with remembrance of their
state and acts; and the pursuivant carrieth not on his breast the
king's name, written with such letters as a few can spell, but such as 
all can read be they never so rude, being great known letters in
images of three lions, and three fleurs-de-lis, and other beasts
holding those arms. And he that cannot read the scripture written
about the king's great seal, yet he can read St. George on horseback
on the one side, and the king sitting in his majesty on the other
side; and readeth so much written in those images, as, if he be an
honest man, he will put off his cap. And although, if the seal were
broken by chance, he would and might make a candle of it, yet he would
not be noted to have broken the seal for that purpose, or to call it a
piece of wax only, whilst it continueth whole. And if by reviling of
stocks and stones, in which matter images be graven, the setting of
the truth (to be read of all men) shall be contemned; how shall such
writing continue in honour as is comprised in clouts and pitch,
whereof and whereupon our books be made, such as few can skill of, and
not the hundredth part of the realm? And if we, (a few that can read,)
because we can read, in one sort, of letters so privileged as they
have many reliefs, shall pull away the books of the rest, and would
have our letters only in estimation, and blind all them, shall not
they have just cause to mistrust what is meant? And if the cross be a
truth, and if it be true that Christ suffered, why may we not have a
writing thereof such as all can read, that is to say, an image? If
this opinion should proceed, when the king's Majesty hereafter should
show his person, his lively image, the honour due by God's law among
such might continue; but as for the king's standards, his banners, his
arms, they should hardly continue in their due reverence for fear of
Lollards' idolatry, which they gather upon Scripture beastly--not only
untruly. The Scripture reproveth false images made of stocks and
stones, and so it doth false men made of flesh and bones.

"When the emperor's money was showed to Christ, wherein was the image
of the emperor, Christ contemned not that image, calling it an idol,
nor noted that money to be against God's law because it had an image
in it, as though it were against the precept of God, Thou shalt have
no graven image; but taught them good civility, in calling it the
emperor's image, and bade them use the money as it was ordered to be
used, in its right use.

"There is no Scripture that reproveth truth, and all Scripture
reproveth falsehood. False writings, false books, false images, and
false men, all be naught; to be contemned and despised. As for paper,
ink, parchment, stones, wood, bones, A.B. of the chancery hand, and A.
B. of the secretary hand, a letter of German fashion, or of any other
form, they be all of one estimation, and may be of man, inclining to
the devil, used for falsehood, or, applying to God's gracious calling,
used to set forth truth. It is a terrible matter to think that this
false opinion conceived against images should trouble any man's head;
and such as I have known vexed with that devil, (as I have known
some,) be nevertheless wondrously obstinate in it; and if they can
find one that can spell Latin to help forth their madness, they be
more obdurate than ever were the Jews, and slander whatsoever is said
to them for their relief. Of this sort I know them to be; and,
therefore, if I wist there were many of that sort with you, I would
not irritate them by preaching without fruit, but labour for
reformation to my lord protector. But if you thought there might be
other ways used first to a good effect, I would follow your advice,
and proceed with you and the mayor, with both your helps to do that
may lie in me to the redress of the matter, which I take to be such an
enterprise against Christ's religion, as there cannot be a greater by
man excogitated with the devil's instigation, and this time much
hurtful to the common estate, as ye can of your wisdom consider; whom
I heartily desire and pray to send me answer, by this bearer, to these
my letters, to the intent I may use myself in sending of a preacher
thither, or writing to my lord protector, as the case shall require
accordingly. And thus fare you heartily well.

"From my house at Wolvesey, the 3rd of May, 1547.
STEPH. WINCHESTER."

A letter of the lord protector, answering to the letter above.

"After hearty commendations: receiving of late two letters from your
Lordship, the one enclosed in a letter of Master Vaughan's to us, and
directed to him, the other directed strait unto us; very wittily and
learnedly written, whereby we do perceive how earnest you are, that no
innovations should be had.

The which mind of yours, as we do highly esteem and allow, proceeding
from one that would quietness, so we would likewise wish, that you
should take good heed that too much fear of innovation or disturbance
do not cause both to be. Many times in a host, he that crieth,
'Enemies! enemies!' when there be none, causeth not only disturbance,
but sometimes a mutiny or rebellion to be made; and he that for fear
of a sickness to come, taketh unadvisedly a purgation, sometimes
maketh himself sick indeed. We perceive by the said your letters, that
heinouser facts and words have been brought to your ears, than there
was cause why; and those facts which were punishable, be already by
him redressed.

"For the matter of images, an order was taken in the late king of
famous memory our sovereign lord's days. When the abused images (yet
lurking in some places, by negligence of them who should ere this time
have looked unto the same) be now abolished, let not that be made a
matter of the abolishing of all images. Though felons and adulterers
be punishished, all men be not slain. Though the images which did
adulterate God's glory be taken away, we may not think by and by all
manner of images to be destroyed. Yet, after our advice, better it
were for a time to abolish them all, than for that the dead images,
the king's loving subjects, being faithful and true to the king's
Majesty, should be put to variance and disturbance. With quietness the
magistrates and rulers shall keep them well in order, whom contentious
preachers might irritate and provoke to disorder and strife. So it
must be provided that the king's Majesty's images, arms, and ensigns,
should be honoured and worshipped after the decent order and invention
of human laws and ceremonies; and, nevertheless, that other images,
contrary to God's ordinances and laws, should not be made partakers of
that reverence, adoration, and invocation, which (forbidden by God)
should derogate his honour, and be occasion to accumulate God's wrath
upon us. Where they be taken for a remembrance, it maketh no great
matter though they stand still in the church or market-stead,
following the late king of famous memory's counsel and order; yet more
gentleness was showed to those books of images, than to the true and
unfeigned books of God's word, both being abused, the one with
idolatry, the other with contention. The Scripture was removed for a
time from certain persons, and almost from all. The images were left
still to them who most did abuse them, the thing being yet closed from
them which should teach the use. Wherefore it may appear unto us meet,
more diligent heed to be taken, that the abused before be not abused
again, the advantage of some priests, simplicity of laymen, and great
inclination of man's nature to idolatry, giving cause thereto.

"They that contemn images, because the matter that they are made of is
but vile, as stocks and stones, may likewise despise printing in
paper, because the ink hath pitch in it, and the paper is made of old
rags. And if they be both alike, it might be reasoned why a man should
be more aggrieved, that an image of wood, though it were of St. Anne,
or St. Margaret, should be burned, than he will that the Bible,
wherein the undoubted word of God is comprised, should be torn in
pieces, burned, or made paste of. Nor do we now speak of false Bibles,
nor false gospels, but of the very true gospel, either in Latin,
Greek, or English, which we see every day done, and sometimes
commanded, because the translator displeaseth us; and yet herein no
man exclaimeth of a terrible and detestable fact done. But let one
image, either for age, and because it is worm-eaten, or because it
hath been foolishly abused, be burnt or abolished, by and by some men
are in exceeding rage, as though not a stock or a stone, but a true
saint of flesh and bone, should be cast into the fire, which were a
detestable and a terrible sight. We cannot but see that images may be
counted marvellous books, to whom we have kneeled, whom we have
kissed, upon whom we have rubbed our beads and handkerchiefs, unto
whom we have lighted candles, of whom we have asked pardon and help:
which thing hath seldom been seen done to the gospel of God, or the
very true Bible. For who kisseth that, but the priest at the mass, at
a painted picture, or in such a ceremony? or who kneeleth unto it, or
setteth a candle before it? and yet it seeth or heareth, as well as
the images or pictures either of St. John, or our Lady, or Christ.

"Indeed images be great letters; yet as big as they be, we have seen
many which have read them amiss. And belike they be so likely to be
read amiss, that God himself, fearing the Jews to become evil readers
of them, generally did forbid them. Nor is it any great marvel though
in reading of them the lay-people are many times deceived, when your
Lordship (as appeareth) hath not truly read a most true and a most
common image. Your Lordship hath found out, in the king's Highness's
great seal, St. George on horseback, which the graver never made in
it, nor the sealer ever sealed with it; and this inscription is not
very little, and if it were, it could not escape your Lordship's eyes.
As the inscription testifieth, the king's image is on both the sides;
on the one side, as in war, the chief captain; on the other side, as
in peace, the liege sovereign in harness, with his sword drawn, to
defend his subjects; in his robes, in the seat of justice, with his
sceptre rightfully to rule and govern than; as he whom both in peace
and war we acknowledge our most natural and chiefest head, ruler, and
governor. If it were St. George, my Lord, where is his spear and
dragon? And why should the inscription round about tell an untruth,
and not agree to the image? Yet it is called sometimes so of the rude
and ignorant people; but not, by and by, that what is commonly called
so, is always truest. And some have thought that by like deceiving, as
your Lordship herein appeareth to have been deceived, the image of
Bellerophon or Perseus was turned first and appointed to be St.
George, and of Polyphemus, of Hercules, or of some other Colossus, to
be St. Christopher, because authentical histories have not fully
proved their two lives. But those be indifferent to be true or not
true, either thus invented upon some device, or rising of a true fact
or history; and whether it were true or not, it maketh no great
matter.

"It were hardly done indeed, my Lord, if that you, and a few which can
read, should take away from the unlearned multitude their books of
their images; but it were more hardly done, if that you, or a few
which can read in one or two languages (as Greek and Latin) the word
of God, and have had thereby many reliefs and privileges, should pull
away the English books from the rest which only understand English;
and would have only your letters of Greek and Latin in estimation, and
blind all them which understand not these languages, from the
knowledge of God's word. And indeed, my Lord, by your saying they have
just occasion to suspect what is meant.

"What you mean by true images and false images, it is not so easy to
perceive. If they be only false images, which have nothing that they
represent, as St. Paul writeth, An idol is nothing, (because there is
no such god,) and therefore the cross can be no false image, because
it is true that Christ suffered upon it; then the images of the sun
and the moon were no idols, for such things there be as the sun and
the moon, and they were in the image then so represented, as painting
and carving doth represent them. And the image of Ninus, and Cęsar,
and (as some write) the images of all the twelve chosen gods, (as they
called them,) were the images of once living men. And it might be
said, that the image of God the Father hath no such eyes, nose, lips,
and a long grey beard, with a furred robe, nor ever had, as they carve
and paint him to have. But, if that be a false image and an idol which
is otherwise worshipped and accepted than it ought to be, as the
brazen serpent, being a true image and representation of Christ, by
abuse was made an idol; it may be thought in times past, and,
peradventure, now at this time, in some places, the images not only of
St. John, or St. Anne, but of our Lady and Christ, be false images and
idols, representing to foolish, blind, and ignorant men's hearts and
thoughts, that which was not in them, and they ought not to be made
for. The which were by you, my Lord, to have been removed sooner, and
before that the captain there should have need to have done it. But if
your Lordship be slack in such matters, he that removeth false images
and idols abused, doth not a thing worthy of blame.

"Christ called not the money, having Cęsar's image in it, an idol,
when it was used to lawful uses, and to pay the due tribute withal.
But, when a man doth not use those images graven in money to do his
neighbour good, and the commonwealth service, St. Paul, Christ's
disciple, called that covetousness, and the serving and bondage to
idols. So that even in money may be idolatry, if we make too much of
those images which Christ here doth not reprehend. There be some so
ticklish, and so fearful one way, and so tender stomached, that they
can abide no old abuses to be reformed, but think every reformation to
be a capital enterprise against all religion and good order; as there
be on the contrary side some too rash, who, having no consideration
what is to be done, headlong will set upon every thing. The
magistrate's duty is betwixt these, so in a mean to see and provide,
that old doting should not take further or deeper rust in the
commonwealth, neither ancient error overcome the seen and tried truth,
nor long abuse, for the age and space of time only, still be suffered;
and yet all these with quietness and gentleness, and without all
contention, if it were possible, to be reformed. To the which your
Lordship, as a man to whom God hath given great qualities of wit,
learning, and persuasion, could bring great help and furtherance, if
it were your pleasure, with great thanks of men and reward of God. The
which thing is our full desire and purpose, and our hearty and daily
prayer to God, that in the king's Majesty's time (whose Majesty's
reign God preserve!) all abuses with wisdom reformed, Christ's
religion, with good and politic order of the commonwealth, without any
contention and strife among the king's subjects, might flourish and
daily increase. And this to your Lordship's letter sent to Master
Vaughan of Portsmouth."

Another letter of Winchester to the lord protector.

"After my humble commendations to your Grace, it may like the same to
understand, I have seen of late two books set forth in English by
Bale, very pernicious, seditious, and slanderous. And albeit that your
Grace needeth not mine advertisement in that matter, yet I am so bold
to trouble your Grace with my letters for mine own commodity,
wherewith to satisfy mine own conscience, to write and say as becometh
me in such matters, which I desire your Grace to take in good part.
For it grieveth me not a little to see, so soon after my late
sovereign lord and master's death, a book spread abroad more to his
dishonour (if a prince's honour may be by vile inferior subjects
impeached) than professed enemies have imagined, to note a woman to
have suffered under him as a martyr; and the woman therewith to be, by
Bale's own elucidation, (as he calleth it,) so set forth and painted
as she appeareth to be, and is boasted to be a Sacramentary, and by
the laws worthy (as she suffered) the pains of death; such like things
have, by stealth, in our late sovereign lord's days, gone abroad as
they do now. And as I am wont in such cases to speak, I keep my wont
to write to your Grace now, in whose hands I know the state of the
realm to be for the time in government, and to whom, for respects of
old acquaintance, I wish all felicity. In these matters of religion I
have been long exercised, and have (thanks be to God) lived so long as
I have seen them thoroughly tried; and, besides that I have learned in
written books of authority, I have perceived by books written without
authority, as by Master Bale, Joy, and others, and especially as Bale
useth now, that Scripture loth, by abuse, service to the right hand
and the left at once, insomuch as at one time Bale praiseth Luther,
and setteth his death forth in English, with commendation as of a
saint; which Luther (whatsoever he was otherwise) stoutly affirmed the
presence really of Christ's natural body in the sacrament of the
altar. And yet Bale, the noble clerk, would have Anne Askew,
blasphemously denying the presence of Christ's natural body, to be
taken for a saint also. So as Bale's saints may vary in heaven, if
they chance not by the way; which might suffice to disprove the man's
credit, if thwarting talk were more desired of many, than the truth
indeed; which truth was supposed to have been, both in writing and
exercise, well established long before our late lord's death; and Bale
and his adherents in their madness plainly reproved and condemned.

"I cannot forget your Grace told me you would suffer no innovation;
and indeed if you deliver this realm to the king at eighteen years of
age, as the king his father, whose soul God assoil, left it, as I
trust you shall, the act is so honourable and good, as it were pity to
trouble it with any innovation, which were a charge to your Grace more
than needed, being already burdened heavily. And albeit in the
commonwealth every man hath his part, yet as God hath placed you, the
matter is (under the king's Majesty) chiefly yours, and as it were
yours alone. Every man hath his eye directed unto you, both here and
abroad; you shall shadow men's doings, if they be done, which is one
incommodity of high rule. And, for my part, besides my duty to the
king's Majesty and the realm, I would that your Grace (in whom since
your government I have found much gentleness and humanity) had as much
honour with good success as ever any had, and pray to God that men
would let your Grace alone, and suffer the realm in the time of your
government in quiet among ourselves, whereby we may be the more able
to resist foreign trouble, which your Grace doth prudently foresee.

"Certain printers, players, and preachers, make a wonderment, as
though we knew not yet how to be justified, nor what sacraments we
should have. And if the agreement in religion made in the time of our
late sovereign lord be of no force in their judgment, what
establishment could any new agreement have? and every uncertainty is
noisome to any realm. And where every man will be master, there must
needs be uncertainty. And one thing is marvellous, that at the same
time it is taught that all men be liars, at the selfsame time almost
every man would be believed; and amongst them Bale, when his untruth
appeareth evidently in setting forth the examination of Anne Askew,
which is utterly misreported.

"I beseech your Grace to pardon my babbling with you; but I see my
late sovereign lord and master slandered by such simple persons,
religion assaulted, the realm troubled, and peaceable men disquieted,
with occasion given to enemies to point and say, that after Wickliff's
strange teaching in the sacraments of Christ's church hath vexed
others, it is finally turned unto us to molest and scourge us, for
other fruit cannot Bale's teaching have, nor the teaching of such
others as go about to trouble the agreement established here. In which
matter I dare not desire your Grace specially to look earnestly unto
it, lest I should seem to note in you that becometh me not. And I know
that your Grace being otherwise occupied, these things may creep in,
as it hath been heretofore. Sometimes it may be hard for your Grace to
find out or pull out the root of this naughtiness: but yet I am so
bold to write of these, of mine own stomach, who have ever used, for
discharge of myself, to say and write in time and place as I thought
might do good for relief of the matter, remitting the rest to the
disposition of God, who hath wrought wonders in these matters, since
they were first moved, and given me such knowledge and experience in
them, as I ought to take them (as they be) for corruption and untruth;
I mean knowledge and experience of them that be chief stirrers, to
infect with untruth, as they cannot speak or report truly in common
matters.-- The pretence is of the spirit, and all is for the flesh,
women, and meat, with liberty of hand and tongue, a dissolution and
dissipation of all estates, clean contrarious to the place God hath
called your Grace unto. For it tendeth all to confusion and disorder,
which is the effect of untruth.

"Bale hath set forth a prayer for the Duke John of Saxony, wherein the
duke remitteth to God's judgment, to be showed here in this world, the
justness of his cause concerning religion; and desireth God, if his
cause be not good, to order him to be taken, and to be spoiled of his
honour and possessions, with many such gay words whereby to tempt God;
since which prayer the duke is indeed taken, as all the world saith;
and, at the time of his taking, as the account is made, such
strangeness in the sun, as we saw it here, as hath not been seen. They
happened both together, this we know, and be both marvellous; but,
whether the one were a token ordered to concur with the other, God
knoweth, and man cannot define. Many commonwealths have continued
without the bishop of Rome's jurisdiction; but without true religion,
and with such opinions as Germany maintained, no estate hath continued
in the circuit of the world to us known since Christ came. For the
Turks and Tartars' government is, as it were, a continual war, and
they uphold their rule with subduing of nobility by fire and sword.
Germany with their new religion could never have stood, though the
emperor had let them alone: for if it be persuaded the understanding
of God's law to be at large in women and children, whereby they may
have the rule of that, and then God's law must be the rule of all, is
not hereby the rule of all brought into their hands? These of some
will he called witty reasons, but they be indeed truth's children; and
so is all the eloquence, which some (to dispraise me) say I have,
whatsoever they say of me. For truth is of itself, in a right meaning,
man's mouth; more eloquent than forged matters can with study bring
forth.

"What rhymes be set forth to deprave the Lent, and how fond (saving
your Grace's honour) and foolish! and yet the people pay money for
them, and they can serve for nothing, but to learn the people to rail,
and to cause such as used to make provision for fish against Lent,
fearing now in Lent to be so sick as the rhyme purporteth, and like to
die indeed, to forbear to make their accustomed provision for the next
year. And thereto shall it come, if the common diet be not certain:
for the fishmonger will never hope to have good sale, when the butcher
may with flesh outface him. And fish is the great treasure of this
realm, and food inestimable. And these good words I give, although I
love it not myself: for such as love not fish should nevertheless
commend it to others, to the intent the flesh by them forborne, might
be, to such as love it, only the more plenty.

"The public defamation and trifling with Lent is a marvellous matter
to them that would say evil of this realm; for there is nothing more
commended unto us Christian men in both the churches of the Greeks and
Latins, than Lent is, if all men be not liars. In the king our late
sovereign lord's days this matter was not thus spoken of. And I think
our enemies would wish we had no Lent. Every country hath its peculiar
inclination to naughtiness: England and Germany unto the belly, the
one in liquor, the other in meat; France a little beneath the belly;
Italy to vanities and pleasures devised; and let an English belly have
a further advancement, and nothing can stay it. When I was purveyor
for the seas, what an exclamation was there (as your Grace showed me)
of the bishops' fasting-day, as they called Wednesday, and
'Winchester, Winchester, grand mercy for your wine; I beshrew your
heart for your water!' Was not that song, although it was in sport, a
signification how loth men be to have their licence restrained, or
their accustomed fare abated? unless it were in extreme necessity.

"I hear say that the Lent is thus spoken of by Joseph and Tonge, with
other new, (whom I know not,) as being one of Christ's miracles, which
God ordained not man to imitate and follow; at which teaching all the
world will laugh. For Christian men have Christ for an example in all
things, both to use the world as he did, only for necessity, and to
contemn the world as he did; and in case to refuse it, and choose the
vile death, as he did the death of the cross, which things he did like
a master most perfect, for he was very God; and we must endeavour
ourselves, in the use of his gifts, to follow that he did -- not to
fast forty days without meat as Christ did, for we be but prentices,
and carry about a ruinous carcass, that must have some daily
reparation with food -- but yet was there never any that said, how
therefore we should do nothing, because we cannot do all, and take
Christ's fast for a miracle only. And yet all that follow Christ
truly, they work daily miracles, in subduing and conforming, by God's
grace, their sensual appetites, and humbly obeying to the will of God;
which no man can of himself do. And Christ promised that his true
servants should work the works that he did, and greater works also.
Wherefore it is a slender matter to say, Lent was one of Christ's
miracles, for so it was, to love his enemies, and specially those that
scourged and bobbed him; which may not be (if that a legation hath
place) taught Christian men to follow, because it was a miracle, as
they might say. It were more tolerable to forget Lent, as Poggius
telleth of a priest in the mountains, that knew not how the year went
about; and when the weather opened, and he went abroad, and perceived
his neighbours were towards Palm Sunday, he devised an excuse to his
parish, and bade them prepare there-for, for indeed the year had
somewhat slipped him, but he would fashion the matter so as they
should be as soon at Easter as the rest; and thus did he pass over
Lent with much less slander, than to teach it for a doctrine, that
Lent was one of Christ's miracles, and therefore not to be imitated of
us. For although it was indeed a great miracle, (as all Christ's
doings were,) yet was it not a greater miracle, nor more against man's
nature, than to love them that laboured and were busy to take away the
natural life of his manhood. For as the nature of man desireth relief,
so doth it abhor destruction or hurt. In will and desire men follow
Christ in all things; in execution they cannot; for we have brittle
vessels, and God giveth his gifts to men, as he seeth expedient for
his church; so as men cannot heal the lame when they will, as Christ
did when he would, but as God shall think profitable for the
edification of the flock assembled.

"Gregory Nazianzen speaketh of some that enterprised to imitate
Christ's fast above their power, whose immoderate zeal he doth not
disallow, not requiring of all men so to do, for that is an extremity,
nor yet assoiling the matter, as our new school-men do, that Christian
men should let Christ's fast alone as a miracle; which manner of
solution I heard a good fellow make, when it was told him he might not
revenge himself, and when he was stricken on the one ear, he should
put forth the other. 'I am,' quoth he, 'a man; I am not God. If Christ
being God did so, he might,' quoth he, 'if it had pleased him, have
done otherwise.' And so when it hath been alleged that Christ fasted
forty days, 'He might,' quoth he, 'have eaten if he had list.' These
triflings in sport might be drawn to grave speech, if Christian men
shall refuse to follow Christ in miracles. For all his life was
miracles, and his love that is our badge, most miraculous of all, to
die for his enemies. I beseech your Grace to pardon me, for I am like
one of the Commons' house, that, when I am in my tale, think I should
have liberty to make an end; and specially writing to your Grace, with
whom I account I may be bold, assuring you it proceedeth of a zeal
towards you to whom I wish well, whose intent although it be such as
it ought to be, and as it pleased you to show me it was, yet are such
things spread abroad whereof the evil willers of the realm will take
courage, and make account (although it be wrong) that all goeth on
wheels.

"If any man had either fondly or indiscreetly spoken of Lent to
engrieve it to be an importable burden, I would wish his reformation;
for I have not learned that all men are hound to keep the Lent in the
form received. But this I reckon, that no Christian man may contemn
the form received, being such a devout and profitable imitation of
Christ to celebrate his fast; and in that time such as have been in
the rest of the year worldly, to prepare themselves to come, as they
should come, to the feast of Easter, whereof St. Chrysostom speaketh
expressly. And for avoiding contempt, a licence truly obtained of the
superior serveth. And so I heard the king's Majesty, our sovereign
lord, declare,when your Grace was present: and therefore he himself
was very scrupulous in granting of licences. And to declare that
himself contemned not the fast, he was at charge to have (as your
Grace knoweth) the Lent diet daily prepared, as if it had been for
himself; and the like hereof I hear say your Grace hath ordered for
the king's Majesty that now is; which agreeth not with certain
preaching in this matter, nor the rhymes set abroad. Lent is, among
Christian men, a godly fast to exercise men to forbear, and in England
both godly and politic, such as without confusion we cannot forbear,
as the experience shall show, if it he ever attempted; which God
forbid. And yet Lent is buried in rhyme, and Stephen Stockfish
bequeathed not to me, though my name be noted; wherewith for mine own
part I cannot be angry, for that is mitigated by their fondness. But I
would desire of God to have the strength of this realm increased with
report of concord, which doth quench many vain devices and
imaginations. And if all men be liars, as it is now to my
understanding strangely published, methinketh Bale and such new men,
as be new liars, should be most abhorred and detested, and so much the
more dangerous as they be new. That which in Italy and France is a
matter of combat, is now found to be impropriate to all men. God grant
the truth to be desired of all men truly! But, as one asked, when he
saw an old philosopher dispute with another, what they talked on; and
it was answered how the old man was discussing what was virtue; it was
replied, 'If the old man yet dispute of virtue, when will he use it?'
so it may be said in our religion, If we be yet searching for it, when
shall we begin to put it in execution?'

"I would make an end of my letters, and cannot; wherein I account
myself faulty. And though I may err, as every man may, yet I lie not,
for I say as I think; forasmuch as I have said, and further think,
your Grace hath no trouble troublesome, but this matter of religion
unseasonably brought in to the defamation of our late sovereign lord's
acts, doings, and laws. I beseech your Grace take my meaning and words
in good part, and pardon my boldness, which groweth of the familiarity
I have heretofore had with your Grace, which I cannot forget. And thus
enforcing myself to an end, I shall pray to Almighty God to preserve
your Grace in much felicity, with increase of honour and achieving of
your heart's desire.

"At Winchester the 2lst of May.
"Your Grace's humble bead-man, S. W."

The letter of the lord protector, answering to Winchester.

"Your letters dated the twenty-first day of May, as concerning two
books new set forth by one Bale, and certain sermons preached here,
were with convenient speed delivered unto us. And like as in your
letters to Edward Vaughan of Portsmouth, so in those to us, we
perceive that you have a vigilant and diligent eye, and very fearful
of innovation: which as it cannot be blamed, proceeding of one which
is desirous of quiet, good order, and continuance of the godly state
of this realm; so we do marvel that so soon, so far off, and so
plainly, you can hear tell and say of so many things done here, which
indeed we, being here, and attendant upon the same, cannot yet be
advertised of. The world never was so quiet or so united, but that
privily or openly those three which you write of, printers, players,
and preachers, would set forth somewhat of their own heads, which the
magistrates were unawares of. And they which already be banished and
have forsaken the realm, as suffering the last punishment, be boldest
to set forth their mind; and dare use their extreme licence or liberty
of speaking, as out of the hands or rule of correction, either because
they be gone, or because they be hid.

"There have foolish and naughty rhymes and books been made and set
forth, of the which, as it appeareth, you have seen more than we; and
yet, to our knowledge, too many be bought: but yet, after our mind, it
is too sore and too cruelly done, to lay all those to our charge, and
to ask as it were account of us of them all. In the most exact cruelty
and tyranny of the bishop of Rome, yet Pasquill (as we hear say)
writeth his mind, and many times against the bishop's tyranny, and
sometimes toucheth other great princes; which thing, for the most
part, he doth safely: not that the bishop alloweth Pasquill's rhymes
and verses -- especially against himself; but because he cannot punish
the author, whom either he knoweth not, or hath not. In the late
king's days of famous memory, who was both a learned, wise, and
politic prince, and a diligent executer of his laws -- and when your
Lordship was most diligent in the same -- yet, as your Lordship
yourself writeth, and it is too manifest to be unknown, there were
that wrote such lewd rhymes and plays as you speak of, and some
against the king's proceedings, who were yet unpunished, because they
were unknown or ungotten. And when we do weigh the matter, we do very
much marvel, why that about Jack of Lent's lewd ballad, and certain,
as it was reported unto us, godly sermons, (which be evil in your
letters joined together,) you be so earnest, when against Dr. Smith's
book, being a man learned in the doctors and Scripture, which made so
plain against the king's Highness's authority, and for the furtherance
of the bishop of Rome's usurped power, your Lordship neither wrote nor
said any thing. And, as it appeared, you be so angry with his
retractation, (which frankly without fear, dread, compulsion, or
imprisonment, only with learning and truth overcome, he came unto,)
that you cannot abide his beginning, although having the very words of
Scripture: except, peradventure. you think that the saying of David,
Omnis homo mendax, cannot be interpreted, Every man is a liar; which,
howsoever your Lordship taketh it at pleasure, it appeareth unto us
then of him, taken but godly, to declare the infirmity of man, and the
truth of God and his word. And we are not able to reason so clerkly
with you, and yet we have heard of the subtle difference of lying, and
telling of a lie, or, as it is Latin called, mentiri and mendacium
dicere. But if your Lordship be loth to be counted mendax, (which
belike Dr. Smith hath interpreted a liar, or a lying man, and you
think it a matter of combat, or that he was deceived in the
interpretation, and it is a matter for clerks to dispute of,) we would
have wished your Lordship to have written against his book before, or
now with it, if you think that to be defended which the author himself
refuseth to aver. Your Lordship writeth earnestly for Lent, which we
go not about to put away; no more than, when Dr. Smith wrote so
earnestly that every man should be obedient to the bishops, the
magistrates by and by went not about to bring kings and princes, and
others, under their subjection.

"Writers write their fantasy, my Lord, and preachers preach what
either liketh them, or what God putteth in their heads. It is not by
and by done, that is spoken. The people buy those foolish ballads of
Jack-a-Lent. So bought they in times past pardons, and carols, and
Robin Hood's tales. All be not wise men, and the foolisher a thing is,
to some (although not to the more part) it is the more pleasant and
meet. And peradventure of the sermons there is (and indeed there is,
if it be true that we have heard) otherwise spoken and reported to
you, than it was of the preachers there and then spoken or meant. Lent
remaineth still, my Lord, and shall, God willing, till the king's
Highness, with our advice and the residue of his Grace's council, take
another order, although some light and lewd men do bury it in writing;
even as the king's Majesty remaineth head of the church, although
through sinister ways, and by subtle means, some traitors have gone
about, and daily do, to abuse the king's Majesty's supremacy, and
bring in the bishop of Rome's tyranny, with other superstition and
idolatry.

"On both sides great heed is to be taken, and as your Lordship
writeth, we are set in a painful room, to reform all lightness and
lewdness, to the which we do endeavour ourself to the best of our
power, although not so cruelly and fiercely as some peradventure would
wish, yet not so loosely that there needeth such exclamations or great
fear to be. We do study to do all things temperately, and with quiet
and good order; and we would wish nothing more than your Lordship to
be as ready to the reformation of the one as of the other, that
neither superstition, idolatry, or papacy, should be brought in, nor
lightness, nor contempt of good order to be maintained. They both take
beginning at small things, and increase by little and little at
unawares. And quiet may as well be broken with jealousy as negligence,
with too much fear or too much patience: no ways worse, than when one
is over light-eared the one way, and deaf on the other side. Rumours
by space and times increase naturally; and by that time they come at
you, as it appeareth, they be doubled and trebled. We do perceive your
diligent eye towards us, and we will wish (and trust you have) your
heart faithful to us. Our most hearty desire and continual prayer to
God is, to leave this realm to the king's Highness, at his Grace's
age, by you written, rather more flourishing in men, possessions,
wealth, learning, wisdom, and God's religion and doctrine, if it were
possible, and God's will, than we found it. And that is ourwhole
intent and esperance, to the which we refuse no man's help, as knoweth
God; in whom we bid you heartily farewell."

A letter of Winchester to the lord protector.

"After my most humble commendations to your good Grace: upon the
return of my servant Massie with your Grace's letters, answering to
such my letters wherein I signified the robbing of my secretary, I
read the same gladly, as by the contents of the matter I had cause so
to do; which was such a comfortative, as I digested easily the rest of
the great packet, having been accustomed thereunto in the king my late
sovereign lord's days; which fashion of writing, his Highness (God
pardon his soul!) called 'whetting:' which was not all the most
pleasant unto me at all times; yet when I saw in my doings was no
hurt, and sometimes by the occasion thereof the matter amended, I was
not so coy as always to reverse my argument; nor, so that his affairs
went well, did I ever trouble myself, whether he made me a wanton or
not. And when such as were privy to his letters directed unto me, were
afraid I had been in high displeasure, (for the terms of the letters
sounded so,) yet I myself feared it nothing at all. I esteemed him, as
he was, a wise prince; and whatsoever he wrote or said for the
present, he would after consider the matter as wisely as any man, and
neither hurt nor inwardly disfavour him that had been bold with him;
whereof I serve for a proof, for no man could do me hurt during his
life. And when he gave me the bishopric of Winchester, he said, he had 
often squared with me, but he loved me never the worse; and for a
token thereof gave me the bishopric. And once, when he had been
vehement with me in the presence of the earl of Wiltshire, and saw me
dismayed with it, he took me apart into his bed-chamber, and comforted
me, and said, that his displeasure was not so much to me as I did take
it; but he misliked the matter, and he durst more boldly direct his
speech to me, than to the earl of Wiltshire. And from that day forward
he could not put me out of courage, but if any displeasant words
passed from him, as they did sometimes, I folded them up in the
matter; which hindered me a little. For I was reported unto him that I
stooped not, and was stubborn; and he had commended unto me certain
men's gentle nature, (as he called it,) that wept at every of his
words; and methought that my nature was as gentle as theirs, for I was
sorry when he was moved. But else I know when the displeasure was not
justly grounded in me, I had no cause to take thought, nor was I at
any time in all my life miscontent or grudging at any thing done by
him, I thank God for it.

"And therefore, being thus brought up, and having first read your
Grace's most gentle letters, signifying the device of a proclamation
to stay these rumours, and reading the same proclamation, which my
servant brought with him, I read with the more quiet your Grace's
great letters; and would have laid them up without further answer,
were it not that, percase, my so doing might be mistaken. For glum
silence may have another construction than frank speech, where a man
may speak, as I reckon I may with your Grace; upon confidence whereof
I am bold to write thus much for my declaration touching your Grace's
letters of the 27th of May, that how earnest soever my letters be
taken in fearing any innovation, I neither inwardly fear it, neither
show any demonstration in mine outward deeds to the world here, or in
communication, that I do fear it to be done by authority; but in
myself resist the rumours and vain enterprises, with confidence in the
truth and your Grace's wisdom. For if I feared that indeed, with
persuasion, it should come to pass, I should have small lust to write
in it; but I fear more indeed the trouble that might arise by light
boldness of others, and the cumber of such matters while other outward
affairs occupy your Grace's mind, than the effect by your direction
that hath been talked of abroad. And yet, in the writing, I do speak
as the matter leads, continuing mine old manner, to be earnest; which
as some men have dispraised, so some have commended it. And therefore,
in a good honest matter I follow rather mine own inclination, than to
take the pains to speak as butter would not melt in my mouth;
wherewith I perceive your Grace is not miscontent, for the which I
most humbly thank you.

"And first, as concerning Portsmouth, I wrote to the captain and mayor
in the thing as I had information, and by men of credence: and yet I
suspended my credit till I had heard from thence, as by my letters
appeareth; and as I was loth to have it so, so was I loth to believe
it. And, to show that I feared no innovation by authority, nor
regarded any such danger, I went thither myself, and in conclusion was
in such familiarity with the captain, that after he had showed me all
the gentle entertainment that he could, he desired me to make an
exhortation to his men, as they stood handsomely with their weapons,
wherewith they had showed warlike feats: which I did, and departed in
amity with the captain and soldiers, and all the town; the captain
telling me plainly, he was nothing offended with any thing I had said
in my sermon: nor was there cause why he should. But the very act
indeed in defacing the images, had no such ground as Master Captain
pretended: for I asked specially for such as had abused those images,
and no such could be showed, for that I inquired for openly. And the
image of St. John the Evangelist, standing in the chancel by the high
altar, was pulled down, and a table of alabaster broken; and in it an
image of Christ crucified so contemptuously handled, as was in my
heart terrible -- to have the one eye bored out, and the side pierced!
wherewith men were wondrously offended: for it is a very persecution
beyond the sea, used in that form where the person cannot be
apprehended. And I take such an act to be very slanderous, and,
esteeming the opinion of breaking images to be had as unlawful, very
dangerous, void of all learning and truth, wrote after my fashion to
the captain; which letters I perceive to have come to your Grace's
hands. I was not very curious in the writing of them, for with me
truth goeth out plainly and roundly; and, speaking of the king's seal,
uttered the common language I was brought up in, after the old sort.
When, as I conject of a good will, the people taking St. George for a
patron of the realm under God, and having some confidence of succour
by God's strength derived by him, to increase the estimation of their
prince and sovereign lord, I called their king on horseback, in the
feat of arms, St. George on horseback; my knowledge was not corrupt. I
know it representeth the king, and yet my speech came forth after the
common language, wherein I trust is none offence. For besides
learning, I by experience have known the pre-eminence of a king both
in war and peace; and yet, if I had wist my letter should have come to
your Grace's hands to be answered, then I would have been more precise
in my speech, than to give occasion of so long an argument therein. As
for St. George himself, I have such opinion of him as becometh me. And
have read also of Bellerophon in Homer, as they call him, the father
of tales, but I will leave that matter. And as for books, let Latin
and Greek continue as long as it shall please God, I am almost past
the use of them -- what service those letters have done, experience
has showed; and religion hath continued in them fifteen hundred years.
But as for the English tongue, itself hath not continued in one form
of understanding two hundred years; and without God's work and special
miracles it shall hardly contain religion long, when it cannot last
itself. And whatsoever your Grace's mind is now in the matter, I know
well, that having the government of the realm, your Grace will use the
gift of policy, which is a gift of God.

"And even as now, at this time, bishops be restrained by a special
policy to preach only in their cathedral churches, (the like whereof
hath not been known in my time,) so, upon another occasion, your Grace
may percase think expedient to restrain (further than the parliament
hath already done) the common reading of the Scripture, as is now
restrained the bishops' liberty of preaching. As for the brazen
serpent, it did not in all men's language represent Christ; and if I
had written to another than your Grace, I might have had the like
matter of argument that was taken against me, of St. George on
horseback. For Gregory Nazianzen, chief divine in the Greek church,
calleth the serpent's death the figure of the death of Christ; but not
the serpent to be the figure of Christ. And yet, when I had done all
my argument, I would resolve (as is resolved with me in the speech of
St. George on horseback) that the common speech is otherwise, (and so
it is,) in saying the serpent to be a true figure of Christ: and yet
Gregory Nazianzen called the serpent itself a?t?t?p?? [Greek:
antitypon] of Christ, in these words, ?de [Greek: Ode], &c., in his
sermon De Paschate; and yet in Almechorus Domini, we read Aries, Leo,
Vermis, spoken of Christ; and some expound the Scripture sicut Moses,
&c., after that sort. And, as your Grace said when I was last at your
house with the French ambassador, ye wished him and me, together
disputing, to see when we would make an end; even so it is in these
matters, when they come in an argument. For a bye thing, as St. George
on horseback, when it escaped me, or speaking of the brazen serpent
following a speech not throughly discussed, shall be occasion of a
digression all out of purpose. And therefore was it a great gift of
God, that our late sovereign lord (God rest his soul!) set these
matters in quiet; who had heard all these reasons touching images
which be now rehearsed in your Grace's letters; and, having once my
Lord of Canterbury and me present with him alone in his palace, that
they call otherwise New-Hall, handled that matter at length, and
discussed with my Lord of Canterbury the understanding of God's
commandment to the Jews, so as all the clerks in Christendom could not
amend it. And whereas one had denied the image of the Trinity to be
had, by reasons as he touched in your Grace's letters, I heard his
Highness answer to them at another time. And when he had himself
specially commanded divers images to be abolished, yet (as your Grace
knoweth) he both ordered, and himself put in execution, the kneeling
and creeping before the image of the cross, and established agreement
in that truth through all this realm, whereby all arguments to the
contrary be assoiled at once.

"I would wish images used as the book, of his Highness set forth, doth
prescribe, and not otherwise. I know your Grace only tempteth me with
such reasons as others make unto you, and I am not fully at liberty,
although I am bold enough, (and some will think too bold,) to answer
some things as I would to another man mine equal, being so much
inferior to your Grace as I am: but methinketh St. Paul's solution,
during the king's Majesty's minority, should serve instead of all; Nos
talem consuetudinem non habemus, We have no such custom in the church.

"When our sovereign lord cometh to his perfect age, (which God grant,)
I doubt not but God will reveal that which shall be necessary for the
governing of his people in religion. And if any thing shall be done in
the mean time (as I think there shall not) by your Grace's direction,
he may, when he cometh to age, say in the rest, as I hear say he said
now of late concerning procession, that in his father's time men were
wont to follow procession; upon which the king's Majesty's saying, the
procession (as I heard) was well furnished afterwards by your Grace's
commandment: which speech hath put me in remembrance, that if the
bishops and other of the clergy should agree to any alteration in
religion, to the condemnation of any thing set forth by his father,
whereby his father might be noted to have wanted knowledge or favour
to the truth, what he would say I cannot tell, but he might use a
marvellous speech (and, for the excellency of his spirit, it were like
he would); and, having so just a cause against bishops as he might
have, it were to be feared he would. And when he had spoken, then he
might, by his laws, do more than any of our sort would gladly suffer
at these days. For as the allegation of his authority represented by
your Grace shall be then answered, (as your Grace now writeth unto me,
'That your Grace only desireth truth according to God's Scripture,')
and it may be then said, 'We bishops, when we have our sovereign lord
and head in minority, we fashion the matter as we lust.' And then some
young man that would have a piece of the bishops' lands shall say,
'The beastly bishops have always done so; and when they can no longer
maintain one of their pleasures, of rule and superiority, then they
take another way, and let that go, and, for the time they be here,
spend up what they have, which eat you and drink you what they list,
and we together, with Edamus et bibamus, cras moriemur. And if we
shall allege for our defence the strength of God's truth, and the
plainness of Scripture, with the word of the Lord, and many gay terms,
and say, 'We were convinced by Scriptures,' such an excellent judgment
as the king's Majesty is like to have, will never credit us in it, nor
be abused by such a vain answer. And this is a worldly politic
consideration, and at home: for the noise abroad in the world will be
more slanderous, than this is dangerous. And touching the bishop of
Rome, the doings in this realm hitherto have never done him so much
displeasure, as the alteration in religion during the king's Majesty's
minority, should serve for his purpose. For he wanteth not wits to
beat into other princes' ears, that where his authority is abolished,
there at every change of governors be change in religion; and that
which hath been amongst us by a whole consent established, shall, by
the pretence of another understanding in Scripture, straight be
brought in question; for they will give it no other name but a
pretence, how stiffly soever we will affirm otherwise, and call it
God's word.

"And here it should be much noted that my Lord of Canterbury, being
the high bishop of the realm, highly in favour with his late sovereign
lord, and my Lord of Durham, a man of renowned fame in learning and
gravity, (both put by him in trust for their counsel in the order of
the realm,) should so soon forget their old knowledge in Scripture set
forth by the king's Majesty's book, and advise to inveigh such matter
of alteration. All which things be (I know well) by your Grace and
them considered. And therefore it is to me incredible, that ever any
such thing should be indeed with effect, whatsoever the lightness of
talk shall spread abroad, which your Grace hath by proclamation well
stayed. But if you had not, and the world talked so fast as ever they
did, I assure your Grace I would never fear it, as men fear things
they like not, unless I saw it in execution; for of this sort I am,
that in all things I think should not be done in reason, I fear them
not, wherewith to trouble me, otherwise than to take heed, if I can;
and to the head governors (as now to your Grace) show my mind: and
such experience hath every man of me, that hath communed with me in
any such matters. And therefore, albeit your Grace writeth wisely,
that overmuch fear doth hurt, and accelerateth sometimes that which
was not intended, yet it needs not to me; for I have learned that
lesson already, and would a great many more had, which indeed should
be great stay. And thus I talk with your Grace homely, with
multiplication of speech and not necessary, as though I meant to send
you as great a packet as I received from you.

"One thing necessary to answer your Grace in, is touching your marvel,
how I know sooner things from thence, than your Grace doth there;
which ariseth not upon any desire of knowledge on my behalf, (for evil
things be over-soon known,) nor upon any slackness of your Grace's
behalf there, who is and is noted very vigilant; as your Grace's
charge requireth. But thus it is, even as it was when I was in some
little authority; they that were the evil doers in such matters, would
hide them from me. So, now, they have handled it otherwise; for as for
Jack of Lent's English Testament, it was openly sold in Winchester
market before I wrote unto your Grace of it. And as for Bale's books,
called the Elucidation of Anne Askew's Martyrdom, they were in these
parts common, some with leaves unglued, where Master Paget was spoken
of; and some with leaves glued. And I called them common, because I
saw at the least four of them. As for Bale's book touching the death
of Luther, wherein was the duke of Saxony's prayer, (whereof I wrote,)
it was brought down into this country by an honest gentlemen, to whom
it was (as I remember he told me) given at London for news; and he had
it a great while ere I wrote to your Grace. I had not then received
the inhibition for preaching, whereof men spake otherwise than they
knew.

"And in the mean time Dr. Smith recanted, which a priest of this town
(who to mine own mouth boasted himself to be your Grace's chaplain,
but I believed it not) brought down with speed, and made bye means to
have it brought to my knowledge, which I knew besides, for they had by
and by filled all the country hereabouts with tales of me. And when I
saw Dr. Smith's recantation begin with Omnis homo mendax, so
Englished, and such a new humility, as he would make all the doctors
of the church liars with himself; knowing what opinions were abroad,
it enforced me to write unto your Grace for the ease of my conscience;
giving this judgment of Smith, that I neither liked his tractation of
unwritten verities, nor yet his retractation; and was glad of my
former judgment, that I never had familiarity with him. I saw him not,
that I wot, these three years, nor talked with him these seven years,
as curious as I am noted in the commonwealth. And whereas in his
unwritten verities he was so mad to say, 'Bishops in this realm may
make laws,' I have witness that I said at that word, we should be then
'daws: 'and was by and by sorry that ever he had written of the
sacrament of the altar, which was not, as it was noisome, untouched
with that word, All men are liars; which is a marvellous word, as it
soundeth in our tongue, when we say a man were better to have a thief
in his house, than a liar. And the depraving of man's nature in that
sort is not the setting out of the authority of the Scripture. For,
albeit the authority of the Scripture dependeth not upon man, yet the
ministration of the letter, which is writing and speaking, is
exercised, and hath been from the beginning delivered, through man's
hand, and taught by man's mouth; which men the Scripture calleth holy
men; and that is, contrary to liars. And therefore St. Augustine, in
his book De Mendacio, saying, omnis homo mendax, signifieth, omnis
homo peccans. If Smith had only written of bishops' laws, and then
said loudly, he had (saving your honour) lied, or, to mitigate the
matter, said he had erred by ignorance, that had been done truly and
humbly: for he that seeketh for much company in lying, as he did, hath
small humility; for he would hide himself by the number. And thus much
as touching Smith, of whom, nor his book, till he was in trouble, I
never heard talking.

"But to the matter I wrote of; I have told your Grace how I came to
knowledge of them, very scarcely in time, but in the thing over-
quickly: and never had any such thought in my life, as I denied to
your Grace, to be worthily charged with them (by them, I mean, that
may hereafter charge); for I know no such yet in this world, and I
never was in mine opinion so mad, as to write to your Grace in that
sort. When all things be well, I have many causes to rejoice; but
where things were otherwise, (as I trust they shall not,) I have
nothing to do to ask any account: I trust I shall never forget myself
so much. I thank God, I am even as well learned to live in the place
of obedience, as I was in the place of direction in our late sovereign
lord's life. And for my quietness in this estate, I account myself to
have a great treasure of your Grace's rule and authority; and
therefore will worship and honour it otherwise than to use such manner
of presumption to ask any account. And I know your Grace cannot stay
these matters so suddenly; and I esteem it a great matter, that things
he stayed hitherto thus: but, if things had increased as the rumours
purported, your Grace might have been encumbered more in the execution
of your good determination. Now, thanks be to God, your Grace goeth
well about to stay it.

"As for myself, I know mine inward determination to do, as I may, my
duty to God and the world, and have no cause to complain of the
universal disposition of them in my diocese. I know but one way of
quiet: to keep and follow such laws and orders in religion as our late
sovereign lord left with us; which, by his life, as the bishops and
clergy said, was the very truth, so I never yet read or heard any
thing why to swerve from it, or think it expedient to call any one
thing in doubt, during the king's Majesty's minority, whereby to
impair the strength of the accord established.

Which I write, not mistrusting your Grace in the contrary, but
declaring myself, and wishing the same mind to others about you, as I
trust they have, for which I shall pray to God, who prospered our late
sovereign lord in that rebellion, as we have seen experience, and, by
your Grace's foresight and politic government, shall send the like
prosperity to our sovereign lord that now is; wherein I shall do my
part, as a subject most bounden many ways thereunto.

"I send unto your Grace herewith, my discussion of my Lord of St.
David's purgation, wherein I walk somewhat more at liberty than
writing to your Grace; and yet I take myself liberty enough, with a
reverent mind, nevertheless, to keep me within my bounds; which if I
at any time exceed, I trust your Grace will bear with me after your
accustomed goodness, for whose prosperity I shall continually pray,
with increase of honour.

"At Winchester, the sixth of June [1547.]"

A letter of Winchester to the lord protector.

"After my most humble commendations to your good Grace: upon trust
that your Grace would take my letters in good part, and not otherwise
than I wrote them, I wrote to your Grace out of this prison, as I was
wont to write to our late sovereign lord (whose soul God pardon!) when
I was ambassador, refreshing myself sometimes with a merry tale in a
sad matter; which his Highness ever passed over without displeasure,
as I trust your Grace will do the semblable. For though some account
me a papist, yet I cannot play the pope-holy, as the old term was: I
dare not use that severity in writing, which my cause requireth, to
speak of God and his truth in every second sentence, and become
suddenly a prophet to your Grace, with a new phrase of speech, with
whom I have been heretofore so familiarly conversant. As I think
honour hath not altered your Grace's nature, even so adversity hath
not changed mine.

"Of your high place in the commonwealth, no man is more glad than I,
nor no man shall do his duty further than I, to acknowledge you, as
your Grace is now, protector and governor of the realm. But I have
been so traded to speak boldly, that I cannot change my manner now,
when percase it doth me no good. And although there be an Italian in
prison with me, in whom I see a like folly, who, living with a little
miserably, will not for his honour take alms, fancying to be still in
the state he was some time, which manner I condemn in him, yet I
follow him thus far, rather to write after my old manner, which cometh
plainly to mind, than to take alms and aid of eloquence, whereof I
have, in this, state-need. For your Grace's letters return every word
of my letters in my neck, and take my fly as it were a bee, which, I
thought, should have stung no man: which matter, in mirth, declareth
the necessity of the other matter, as aptly as may be, neither to be
necessary. And when I wrote, I forgot, as my fellow prisoner the
Italian doth, the state I am in now; and wrote as I had written from
Antwerp in the state of ambassador. The Italian, my companion, hath
his folly of nature; I have it, of custom in bringing up, which hath
the effect of nature, and is called of learned men, another nature.
And then the proverb of gentleness hath place, when men say to him
that is offended, 'You must bear with the man's nature;' and so I
trust you will do with me.

"Two things there be in your Grace's letter, which I trust I may touch
without contention: one is, that if your Grace will, in a plain
similitude, see the issue of faith only, and whether faith may exclude
charity in the office of justifying, or not, it may be well resembled
in the making of laws in this parliament, where the acts be passed by
three estates, which be all three present, and do somewhat together,
and concur to the perfecting of the law; wherein we may not say, that
any one estate only made the law, or that any one estate excludeth the
other in the office of making the law. This may be said: that these
three estates only, in respect of the rest of the realm, make the law;
and there need no more of the realm be present but they. But if we
speak of these three estates within themselves, there is none estate
only, that maketh the law.

"But whereas the law hath as it were a body and a soul, the high house
and the low house of the parliament make, as it were, the body of the
law; which lieth as it were a dead matter, such as is not apt to take
life, till the king's Majesty hath, by the breath of his mouth,
(saying, Le roi le veut, that is, The king wills it,) breathed a full
life into it; besides the life, the assembly of the other estates had,
by his authority, to assemble; which had else been a dead assembly,
even as faith and hope be dead without charity. And as the king's
Majesty, in this similitude of making laws, excludeth not in office of
the whole the other two estates, no more do the estates, because they
devise and frame laws, exclude the king's Majesty in the office of
making laws; for without his authority they be nothing, as faith and
hope be without charity not effectual. And look, what absurdity and
untruth this saying hath in this realm, to say, 'The higher house and
the lower house exclude the king in the office of making of laws,' the
same absurdity is yet in religion, to say, that faith excludeth
charity in the office of justification: and therefore it was never
written of ancient writers. And therefore I desired my Lord of
Canterbury to show me but one, and yet he cannot. In our time this
dream hath been dreamed without Scripture, without authority, against
Scripture, and against authority, as I can show. And further I can
show, how this imagination extendeth so far by them that open their
mind in it thoroughly, as your Grace would not at the first believe,
if I did express it. But I can show, that I fain not evidently, as
clearly for my discharge as I could wish. Another matter of your
Grace's letter is, where your Grace reasoneth with me that I am over-
precise in finding of faults in the Paraphrase, seeing every book hath
some faults. And then your Grace taketh not Erasmus for a gospel, but
as one in whom somewhat may be reprehended or amended. After which
manner of sort, if your Grace take the Homilies, (as, for like reason,
in my judgment they must; for they be men's compositions, as the
Paraphrase is, and not the very gospel itself,) why should I he kept
in prison, who offered to receive the Homilies and Erasmus both, so
far as they were without fault, either of God's law or of the king's.

"Because I saw the errors before, and spake of them, I have made more
speed to prison than others have done, who, percase, for troubling of
their conscience, have received the books close, with such reverence
as becometh men to receive that are sent from their prince; wherein I
would have done as they did, if I had not seen the books before. But I
did, as I have seen divers noblemen do, (and among them, as I
remember, your Grace,) when they have been sent in service, to have
used such diligence, as to see their commission and instructions made;
or they went, and finding something doubtful or amiss, (after the
commission was sealed, and instructions signed,) worthy to be mended,
have, upon declaration of their mind therein, obtained amendment with
commendation.

"Now I have a charge in the bishopric of Winchester, to see the people
fed with wholesome doctrine; wherein if I be so diligent as to look
upon the commission, and, considering what I shall be charged with to
do, take this or that for a fault in my judgment, and labour to have
it amended, wherein differ I from other men's diligence? and how can
it be taken for a fault, to say reverently to the council, 'My Lords!
me seemeth, this and this cannot stand together: either instruct me in
them, or amend them.' In what nature of crime should this humility be?
Am I worthy, for so saying, to be condemned to a perpetual prison? and
to be a close prisoner, to speak with no man, to hear from no man, to
talk with no man? for my household, which is a great number, [to be]
wandering and lamenting for me? My case should be in the nature of
praise, in the nature of commendation, in the nature of thanks, if
none other have said that I can say. If one only man in a realm saith,
He knoweth treason to subvert the whole realm, and can show evident
proof of his so saying, shall he be prisoned, because of good-will he
offereth to say and prove that no man else uttereth but he, and
therewith offereth to prove that he saith to be true? It is incredible
that a king should set forth a book tending to the subversion of his
own estate; and therefore that, I shall say, cannot touch his Majesty,
who knoweth not what is done (as reason judgeth) in his tender age. It
is also incredible that your Grace, being uncle to him, should be
content that any book should be set forth, that might tend to the
subversion of his estate. And I dare say for your Grace, you would not
-- if the book be like the horse that the Trojans received into their
city, wherein the Trojans knew not what was in it. Let me be heard,
that know what is in the book, and so know it, as I can show it as
evidently as I can the sun and the moon in bright days and bright
nights, when both shine. I do not trifle with my wit to undo myself,
but travail with my honesty to preserve my country, to preserve my
prince, to preserve religion: and this your Grace shall find to be
true, which, knowing my letters to be construed to the extremity, I
would not write, unless I were furnished with matter to discharge my
writing. Your Grace, I doubt not, remembereth Singleton's conspiracy:
and Erasmus hath framed his doctrine, as though Singleton had required
him thereunto.

"I have such matter to show, as though I had myself devised it for my
justification; and yet I am reasoned with, as though one given to let
good doctrine, to find a knot in a rush, to trouble good enterprises;
after which sort your Grace is moved to write unto me; and thereupon I
remain here still without hearing, having such matter to utter as
shall confound them all; which I would not write if I were not
assured. For it were a small pleasure to me, writing thus extremely,
to be confounded when I had been heard, and then worthily sent hither
again for lying so manifestly; which I would think a worthy
punishment, as this is unworthy -- to be handled as I am for virtue,
that I dare say the truth can declare the abomination of this
Paraphrase, and of the Homilies also -- in both which matters I have
showed all I can show. I shall declare I am not worthy to be kept
here, and yet here I have remained these seven weeks, without speaking
withany man saving my physician, who, I thank your Grace, hath done me
good. And yet, when men see I am thus banished from the world, so as
no man may speak with me, it is not pleasant for any man to resort
unto me. And this I perceive: If my Lord of Canterbury think I will
wax mad, he is deceived; for I wax every day better learned than
other, and find every day somewhat to impugn the Paraphrase and
Homilies, not by wit or device, or other subtlety, but plain sensible
matter, if I may be heard. And if I be not heard, my conscience
telleth me I have done my duty, and therewith from travail shall apply
myself to prayer, wherein I shall remember the prosperous estate of
your Grace,--whom God preserve!

"In the Fleet.                      S. W."

To the lord protector.

"After my most humble commendations to your good Grace: in my third
letter I signified unto your Grace my need of the counsel of a
physician, as the state of my body then required: whereunto because I
had no answer, I have used all other means of relief that I could to
avoid that need; as one loth to trouble your Grace with requests not
necessary. Master Warden of the Fleet, and my servants, know that I
feign not; and I have cause to fear, the effect will show I feign not
indeed. In this case I may not desperately forbear to write to your
Grace, and think that because I have had no answer to all mine other
letters, among which I made mention of this necessity, that I should
likewise have none answer to this. As I have determined myself to a
truth in the chief matters, so I eschew to use simulation in by-
matters. My mind, I thank God, was never so quiet as it hath been
since my coming hither, which hath relieved my body much; but the body
hath need of other relief, which cannot be had as I am kept by
commandment.

"These seven weeks, saving one day, I have been here under such strait
keeping, as I have spoken with no man. And thus me seemeth I see my
matter perplexed: Your Grace will meddle with nothing done before your
coming home; and those of the council that sent me hither, can by
themselves do nothing, now your Grace is coming home; upon which
consideration I sue to none of them, and perceive that your Grace, to
whom I sue, for some respect forbeareth to make me answer: for such a
paraphrase I make of your Grace's silence, wherein I go as near as I
think the truth, as Erasmus in his Paraphrase sometimes, wherein he
taketh upon him to guess the cause of Christ's doings. I thank God my
mind can take no hurt, how vehement so-ever these temptations be. But
when a certain sect of philosophers, called Stoics, contemned in their
learning stoutly the grief and disease of the body, they were fain a
little to shrink, when the gout or any disease nipped them: and now my
stomach nippeth me, which I have favoured as much as any man in
England, and have laden it as light either with meat or drink of many
years, and specially since my coming, as any other. And after I saw I
could get no answer from your Grace for a physician, I have left off
such study as I used, and given myself to continual walking for
exercise; and, with hope of relief, have delayed any further suit in
that matter till now. And now I sue enforced, which I do most humbly,
with request that imprisonment -- being to me, that was never in
prison before, of itself tedious -- be not with special commandment
made more grievous, unless I were charged with other offence than I am
yet charged with, or in my conscience can be. For me seemeth I have
deserved thanks of your Grace and the realm, for the disclosing of the
faults of the Paraphrase, wherein I have written some specialties, but
not all; and have such to show, as I may term that book at one word,
'abomination,' both for the malice and untruth of much matter out of
Erasmus's pen, and also the arrogant ignorance of the translator into
English, considering the book should be authorized by a king, and, by
the injunctions, charge the realm for buying rather above twenty
thousand pound than under; whereof I have made account by estimate of
the number of buyers, and the price of the whole books. The translator
showeth himself ignorant, both in Latin and English; a man far unmeet
to meddle with such a matter, and not without malice on his part;
whereby your Grace may take an argument, what moved them that
counselled your Grace to authorize such a book in the realm. As for my
Lord of Canterbury's Homily of Salvation, [it] hath as many faults as
I have been weeks in prison, which be seven, besides the general, that
the matter maketh a trouble without necessity, and is handled contrary
to the teaching of the parliament.

"Finally, In the two books the matter I have to show is some part so
dangerous, as (after I knew it as I know it) the concealment thereof
were a great fault, if I did not utter it. As for the manner of mine
enterprise to utter it, I know not how to have fashioned it better,
than to write to the council in your absence, and on my knees to
declare some part of it, when I came to them receiving their
determination of imprisonment. I humbly departed from them hither
without grudge, and remain here without grudge to any one of them, for
they showed no fashion of any evil mind towards me. And I have learned
in the civil law, that the deed of a number is no one man's act; with
this also, the authority is to be honoured: which rule I observe in
thought, word, and deed. After which sort I remain, with such suits as
I have made to your Grace hitherto, and with this also that I add,
enforced for the relief of my body (how little soever I do, and have
cause to set by it); which I most humbly desire your Grace to
consider, and to send me some answer by this bearer. And I shall pray
Almighty God for the preservation of your Grace's felicity.

"Your Grace's humble bead-man,
S. W."

Certain additions after these letters above specified, with notes and
solutions answering to the same.

Thus have we set out to thee, gentle and studious reader, an extract
of certain letters of Bishop Gardiner: not of all that he wrote, but
of such as could come to our hands. Neither of these also that we
have, for any good stuff, or any great profit therein contained, or
that they did clear him or his cause any thing, for the which he was
most worthily condemned. For if there did or might appear any such
thing in all his writings, that might clear the ill-favoured doings of
that man, be thou sure, such as were then secret about him, and yet
his well-willers, (their names I leave untouched,) having his
writings, and being able to show them, as I am privy they are, would
not so conceal them in covert as they do, being thereto both provoked
and occasioned by us, if they had seen any thing in them meet to
relieve the person, or to remedy his matter. Wherefore think not for
any such effect these his vain-glorious letters to be brought in here
of us; but only that thou mightest hereby collect and understand by
those his aforesaid epistles and articles following, not only the
whole course and story almost of all his proceedings from time to
time, but also mightest see the nature and inward condition of the
man, how vain-glorious, full-stuft and puft up with arrogancy, and
drowned in his own conceit he was; much like to the person, or rather
he himself, described in the Latin comedy, Miles Thraso Gloriosus;
having nothing in his mouth but emperors, kings, councillors,
protectors, advisements, direction: as though all direction of realms
and princes did flow out of his brain, like as it is in the poet's
fables, that Minerva did spring out of the head of Jupiter. And yet,
if this vain-glorious conceit had been alone in him, less matter had
been against him.

Now his subtle practices, and pretended purposes, and dissimuling
conveyance, did not only augment, but also exceed all his other evils,
as in the letters above specified is notorious and evident to be seen;
wherein though he durst not apertly gainsay that which he inwardly
misliked, yet how covertly doth he insinuate himself to the lord
protector, under pretence of giving counsel, to bring that to pass
which was for his purpose! that is, that no innovation or alteration
might be made of religion during all the king's minority, but that all
things might stand as King Henry left them; and that is the chiefest
butt, in all letters, whereto be driveth, using commonly this
argument, which, as it is easy to recite, so neither is it hard to
answer to; although we have answered it already sufficiently.

The sum and conclusion of all Winchester's drift in his epistles
before.

"That is chiefly to be feared and avoided of the lord protector, and
now specially in the king's minority, that may both bring danger to
him, and trouble to the realm:--

"Innovation of religion, from that state in which King Henry left it,
may be, and is like to be, dangerous to himself, and cause trouble to
the realm.

"Ergo, Innovation of religion, from the state that the king left it
in, is in no wise to be attempted."

The answer.

To answer first to the vocable Innovation, which he stumbleth so
greatly upon -- this I say, that innovation is properly used, where a
thing is brought in anew, which was not before. Forasmuch therefore as
in this alteration there is no new religion brought in, but only the
old religion of the primitive church revived; therefore here is to be
thought not so much an innovation, as a renovation or reformation
rather of religion, which reformation is oft-times so necessary in
commonweals, that, without the same, all runneth to confusion.

Secondly, I answer to the argument, which I do deny as a fallacy, for
there is fallacia accidentis where it is said, that reformation of
religion gendereth danger to the protector, and trouble to the realm.
First, what will come, that is uncertain: and, God be hallowed! yet no
danger hath come to England for the reformation of religion. And
though there did, yet the cause thereof is not to be imputed to
religion reformed: for sincere and true doctrine of its own nature
worketh quiet, peace, and tranquillity, with all good order. And if
the contrary happen, that is incident by other causes, as by the
malice of Satan, and wicked adversaries; not by reason of the doctrine
of true religion. So,after the preaching of Christ and his apostles,
dissension followed in commonweals betwixt father and son, brother and 
brother, &c.; but that is not to be ascribed to them, but to others.

As concerning the faults found in the Paraphrase of Erasmus, this I
answer and say, that this bishop belike had overwatched himself in
this matter. For if it be true, which he himself affirmeth, that he
never read that book before, and now he never slept till he himself
read it; it happened, peradventure, that in the over-much watching of
himself, and swift reading of the book, his judgment was asleep,
whilst his eyes were open in reading the same.

Likewise touching the Book of Homilies, especially the Homily of
Salvation, wherewith he findeth himself so much grieved with the
archbishop; seeing he bringeth forth no proofs, I have nothing to
answer. In the mean season, this I have to think, that if he had been
so cunning in the knowledge of his own salvation, as he was in the
destruction and vexation of Christ's members, he would never so rage
against that homily.

Touching the examination of Anne Askew, if it be misreported by Master
Bale, why doth not he note the places, which they be, and wherein? And
if he had, or were able so to do, yet, seeing the examination was of
her own penning, which Master Bale did follow, let every Christian
reader judge, whether is more to be credited of these two -- she that
was persecuted, or he that was the persecutor.

And where he speaketh so much of quiet and tranquillity; this I
answer, that quiet and tranquillity in weals public, so long as they
are joined with right reformed religion, be much to be embraced. But,
when it is otherwise; that is, where true religion lacketh his right,
there let the second table give place to the first.

He thwarteth, also, and wrangleth much against players, printers,
preachers. And no marvel why: for be seeth these three things to be
set up of God, as a triple bulwark against the triple crown of the
pope, to bring him down; as, God be praised, they have done meetly
well already.

As touching the article of free justification by faith, which he
cannot abide, forasmuch as we have sufficiently declared it in the
notes before, we shall refer the reader now also unto the same.

And moreover, because in one of his letters mention is made of a
certain letter sent unto Master Ridley, because we will defraud thee,
gentle reader, of nothing that cometh to our hands, here hast thou the
copy thereof, in effect as folio weth:

"Master Ridley, after right hearty commendations: It chanced me, upon
Wednesday last past, to be present at your sermon in the court,
wherein I heard you confirm the doctrine in religion, set forth by our
late sovereign lord and master, whose soul God pardon! admonishing
your audience that ye would specially travail in the confutation of
the bishop of Rome's pretended authority in government and usurped
power, and in pardons, whereby he hath abused himself in heaven and
earth. Which two matters I note to be plain, and here without
controversy. In the other two ye spake of, touching images and
ceremonies, and, as ye touched it, specially for holy water to drive
away devils; for that you declared yourself always desirous to set
forth the mere truth, with great desire of unity, as ye professed; not
extending any your asseveration beyond your knowledge, but always
adding such-like words, 'as far as ye had read,' and, 'if any man
could show you further, ye would hear him,' (wherein you were much to
be commended,) --upon these considerations, and for the desire I have
to unity, I have thought myself hound to communicate to you that which
I have read in the matter of images and holy water; to the intent you
may by yourself consider it, and so weigh, before that ye will speak
in those two points, as ye may (retaining your own principles) affirm
still that ye would affirm, and may indeed be affirmed and maintained;
wherein I have seen others forget themselves. First, I send unto you
herewith, (which I am sure ye have read,) what Eusebius writeth of
images: whereby appeareth that images have been of great antiquity in
Christ's church. And to say we may have images, or to call on them
when they represent Christ or his saints, be over-gross opinions to
enter into your learned head, whatsoever the unlearned would tattle:
for you know the text of the old law, Thou shalt not make to thee any
graven thing, forbiddeth no more images now, than another text
forbiddeth to us puddings. Add if all things be clean to the clean to
the belly, there can be no cause why they should be of themselves
unclean to the eye, wherein ye can say much more. And then, when we
have images, to call them idols, is a like fault, in fond folly, as if
a man would call a king a tyrant, and then bring in old writers to
prove that tyrannus signified once a king, like as idolum signified
once an image: but like as tyrannus was by consent of men appropriated
to signify a usurper of that dignity, and an untrue king, so hath
idolum been likewise appropriate to signify a false representation,
and a false image: insomuch as there was a solemn anathematization of
all those that would call an image an idol; as he were worthy to be
hanged that would call the king our master (God save him!)-- our true
just king, a tyrant; and yet in talk he might show, that a tyrant
signified sometimes a king: but speech is regarded in its present
signification, which I doubt not ye can consider right well.

"I verily think, that for the having of images ye will say enough, and
that also, when we have them, we should not despise them in speech, to
call them idols, nor despise them with deeds, to mangle them or cut
them; but at the least suffer them to stand untorn. Wherein Luther
(that pulled way all other regard to them) strove stoutly, and
obtained, as I have seen in divers of the churches in Germany of his
reformation, that they should (as they do) still stand.

"All the matter to be feared is excess in worshipping, wherein the
Church of Rome hath been very precise; and especially Gregory, writing
to the bishop of Marseilles: which is contained in the chapter, De
Consecratione, dist. 3, as followeth:

"'Perlatum ad nos fuerat, quod inconsiderato zelo succensus, sanctorum
imagines sub hac quasi excusatione, ne adorari debuissent,
confregeris. Et quidem eas adorari te vetuisse, omnino laudamus:
fregisse vero reprehendimus. Dic frater, a quo factum esse sacerdote
aliquando auditum est, quod fecisti? * * * * * Aliud est enim picturam
adorare: aliud per picturam historiam, quid sit adorandum, addiscere.
Nam quod legentibus scripture, hoc idiotis pręstat picture
cernentibus, quia in ipsa etiam ignorantes vident, quid sequi debeant:
in ipsa legunt, qui literas nesciunt. Unde et pręcipue gentibus pro
lectione pictura est.'

"Herein is forbidden adoration, and then, in the Sixth Synod, was
declared what manner of adoration is forbidden; that is to say, divine
adoration to it being a creature, as is contained in the chapter
Venerabiles Imagines, in the same distinction, in this wise:

"'Venerabiles imagines Christiani non Deos appellant, neque serviunt
eis ut Diis, neque spem salutis ponunt in eis, neque ab eis expectant
futurum judicium: sed ad memoriam et recordationem primitivorum
venerantur eas, et adorant; sed non serviunt eis cultu Divino, nec
alicui creaturę.'

"By which doctrine all idolatry is plainly excluded in evident words;
so as we cannot say, that the worshipping of images had its beginning
by popery; for Gregory forbade it, unless we shall call that synod
popery, because there were so many bishops. And yet there is forbidden
cultus divinus: and agreeth with our aforesaid doctrine, by which we
may creep before the cross on Good Friday; wherein we have the image
of the crucifix in honour, and use it in a worshipful place, and so
earnestly look on it, and conceive that it signifieth, as we kneel and
creep before it, whilst it lieth there, and whilst that remembrance is
in exercise: with which cross nevertheless the sexton, when he goeth
for a cross, will not be afraid to be homely, and hold it under his
gown whilst he drinketh a pot of ale; a point of holiness that might
be left, but yet it declareth that he esteemed no divinity in the
image. But ever since I was born, a poor parishioner, a layman, durst
be so bold, at a shift, (if he were also churchwarden,) to sell to the
use of the church at length, and his own in the mean time, the silver
cross on Easter Monday, that was creeped unto on Good Friday.

"In specialties there have been special abuses; but, generally, images
have been taken for images, with an office to signify a holy
remembrance of Christ and his saints. And as the sound of speech
uttered by a lively image, and representing to the understanding, by
the sense of hearing, godly matter, doth stir up the mind, and
therewith the body, to consent in outward gesture of worshipful regard
to that sound: so doth the object of the image, by the sight, work
like effect in man, within and without; wherein is verily worshipped
that we understand, and yet reverence and worship also showed to that
whereby we attain that understanding; and is to us in the place of an
instrument; so as it hath no worship of itself, but remaineth in its
nature of stone or timber, silver, copper, or gold. But when it is in
office, and worketh a godly remembrance in us, by representation of
the thing signified unto us, then we use it worshipfully and
honourably, as many do the priest at mass, whom they little regard all
the day after.

"And me thinketh ever, that like as it is an over-gross error to take
an image for God, or to worship it with godly honour, so, to grant
that we may not have images of Christ, and that we may do no worship
before them, or not to use them worshipfully, it is inexplicable. For
it is one kind of worship, to place them worshipfully: so as if a man
place an image in the church, or hang it about his neck, (as all use
to do the image of the cross, and the knights of the order of St.
George,) this is some piece of worship. And if we may not contemn the
images of Christ and his saints, when we have them, (for that were
villany,) nor neglect them, (for that were to have them without use,
which were inconvenient,) we must have them in estimation and
reputation; which is not without some honour and worship; and at the
least in the place where we conveniently use them, (as in the church,)
as where they serve us, rather than we them. And because their service
is worshipful, they be so regarded accordingly for that time of
service, and therefore they be called the venerable images, and be
worshipfully ordered; before whom we kneel, and bow, and cense, not at
that the images be, but at that the images signify, which, in our
kneeling, bowing, and censing we knowledge to understand and read in
that fashion of contract writing, wherein is wrapped up a great many
of sentences, suddenly opened with one sudden sight, to him that hath
been exercised in reading of them.

"And me seemeth, after the faith of Christ received and known, and
thoroughly purged from heresies, if by chance there were offered a
choice, either to retain painting and graving and forbear writing, or,
choosing writing, to forbear both the other gifts; it would be a
problem, seeing if graving were taken away we could have no printing.
And therefore they that press so much the words, Thou shalt not make
to thee any graven thing, ever, me thinketh, condemn printed books; 
the original whereof is of graving to make matrices literarum. Thou
shalt make no graven images, lest thou worship them: which, I hear, is
newly written in the new church, I know not the name, but not far from
the Old Jewry.

"But to the matter of images, wherein I have discoursed at large, I
think, if ye consider (as I doubt not but that ye will) the doctrine
set forth by our late sovereign lord, ye shall in the matter see the
truth set forth by such as had that committed unto them under his
Highness, amongst whom I was not, nor was I privy unto it till it was
done. And yet the clause in the book, for discussion of 'the Lord,'
and 'our Lord,' hath made many think otherwise. But I take our Lord to
witness, I was not; and that declaration of 'our Lord' was his
Highness's own device. For he saw the fond Englishing of 'the Lord,'
dissevered in speech, whom our Lord had congregated. And this I add,
lest, giving authority to that book, I should seem to vaunt myself.

"Now will I speak somewhat of holy water, wherein I send unto you the
four and thirtieth chapter in the ninth book of the History
Tripartite, where Marcellus the bishop bade Equitius his deacon to
cast abroad water, by him first hallowed, wherewith to drive away the
devil. And it is noted how the devil could not abide the virtue of the
water, but vanished away. And for my part, it seemeth the history may
be true; for we be assured by Scripture, that in the name of God the
church is able and strong to cast out devils, according to the gospel,
In my name they shall cast out devils, &c.: so as if the water were
away, by only calling on the name of God, that mastery may be wrought.
And the virtue of the effect being only attributed to the name of God,
the question should be only, whether the creature of the water may
have the office to convey the effect of the holiness of the invocation
of God's name. And first in Christ, the skirt of his garment had such
an office to minister health to the woman, and spittle and clay to the
blind; and St. Peter's shadow, and St. Paul's handkerchiefs.

"And, leaving old stories, here at home the special gift of curation,
ministered by the kings of this realm, (not of their own strength, but
by invocation of the name of God,) hath been used to be distributed in
rings of gold and silver. And I think effectually therein the metal
hath only an office, and the strength is in the name of God, wherein
all is wrought. And Eliseus put his staff in like office. And why the
whole church might not put water in like office, to convey abroad the
invocation of God's name, there is no Scripture to the contrary: but
there is Scripture how other inferior creatures have been promoted to
like dignity; and much Scripture, how water hath been used in like and
greater service. And the story I send unto you showeth how water hath
been used in the same service, to drive away devils. In which matter
if any shall say, he believeth not the story, and he is not bound to
believe it, being no Scripture; that man is not to be reasoned with,
for the effect of the king's cramp-rings. And yet, for such effect as
they have wrought, when I was in France, I have been myself much
honoured; and of all sorts entreated to have them, with offer of as
much for them as they were double worth.

"Some will say, 'What are rings to holy water?' Marry thus I say, If
the metal of gold and silver may do service to carry abroad the
invocation of the name of God effectually for one purpose, water may
also serve to carry abroad the invocation of the name of God,
wherewith to drive away devils. Hereto will be said, No inference can
be drawn from what may be, to what is: but the story saith, 'The water
did that service;' and other strangers say and affirm by experience,
'The king's Majesty's rings have done the service.' And our late
master continued all his life the exercise of that gift of God, and
used silver and gold to do that service, to carry abroad the strength
of the invocation of the name of God by him; and he used it amongst us
that served him in it, when he had thoroughly heard and seen what
might be said in the matter: and yet he had no Scripture especially
for it, that spake of rings of silver or gold, no more than is for the
ashes ministered a little before ye last preached. And as our young
sovereign lord hath received them reverently, so I trust he shall be
advertised, not to neglect the grace of God in the gift of these
charges, but follow his father therein; also not doubting but God will
hear him, as he hath heard his father and other his progenitors kings
of this realm; to whose dignity God addeth this prerogative,.as he
doth also to inferior ministers of his church, in the effect of their
prayer, when it pleaseth him. A man might find some youngling,
percase, that would say, how worldly, wily, witty bishops, have
inveigled simple kings heretofore, and, to confirm their blessings,
have also devised how kings should bless also, and so have authority
to maintain where truth failed; and I have had it objected to me, that
I used to prove one piece of mine argument ever by a king, as when I
reasoned thus: If ye allow nothing but Scripture, what say you to the
king's rings? but they be allowed; ergo, somewhat is to be allowed
besides Scripture. And another: If images be forbidden, why doth the
king wear St. George on his breast? But he weareth St. George on his
breast: ergo, images be not forbidden. If saints be not to be
worshipped, why keep we St. George's feast? But we keep St. George's
feast: ergo, &c. And in this matter of holy water, if the strength of
the invocation of the name of God, to drive away the devils, cannot be
distributed by water, why can it be distributed in silver to drive
away diseases, and the dangerous disease of the falling evil? But the
rings hallowed by the holy church may do so: ergo, the water hallowed
by the church may do like service.

"These were sore arguments in his time, and I trust be also yet; and
may be conveniently used, to such as would never make an end of talk,
but rake up every thing that their dull sight cannot penetrate,
wherein me thought ye spake effectually, when ye said, 'Men must
receive the determination of the particular church, and obey where
God's law repugneth not expressly.' And in this effect to drive away
devils, that prayer and invocation of the church may do it, Scripture
main taineth evidently; and the same Scripture doth authorize us so to
pray, and encourageth us to it -- so as if, in discussion of holy
water, we attribute all the effect of the holiness which proceedeth
from God by invocation of the church, and take water only for a
servant to carry abroad holiness; there can be no superstition, where
men regard only prayer, which Scripture authorizeth. And if we shall
say that the water cannot do such service, we shall be convinced, in
that it doth a greater service in our baptism by God's special
ordinance -- so as we cannot say, that water cannot, or is not apt to
do this service; only the stay is, to have a precise place in the New
Testament, to say, 'Use water thus in this service, as we do in holy
water;' which me thinketh needeth not, where all is ordered to be well
used by us: and when the whole church agreed upon such a use, or any
particular church, or the common minister of it, and by the exorcism
ordered for it, the thing to be used, purged, there can be but slender
matter to improve that custom, wherein God is only honoured, and the
power of his name set forth; whereunto all things bow and give place,
all natural operation set apart and secluded. And when any man hath
denied that water may do service, because Scripture appointeth it not,
that 'because' driveth away much of the rest which the church useth,
and especially our cramp-rings. For if water may not serve to carry
abroad the effects of God's grace, obtained by invocation from God, by
the common prayer of the church, how can the metal of silver or gold
carry abroad the effect of the king's invocation in the cramp-rings?
which manner of reasoning ad hominem, Christ used with the Jews, when
he said, If I by Beelzebub cast out devils, by whom do your children
cast them out? And if by our own principles we should be enforced to
say, that our cramp-rings be superstitious, (where truth enforceth us
not so to do,) it were a marvellous punishment. If we were blind, as
Christ saith, we should not have sin, but we see; and this realm hath
learning in it, and you a good portion thereof; according whereunto I
doubt not but you will weigh this matter, not in the scales of the
people, but of the artificer; I mean, that artificer which teacheth
the church our mother, (as ye fully declared it,) and ordered our
mother to give nourishment unto us. In which point, speaking of the
church, although ye touched an unknown church to us, and known to God
only, yet you declared the union of that church in the permixt church,
which God ordereth men to complain unto, and to hear again; wherein
the absurdity is taken away of them that would have no church known,
but every man believe as he were inwardly taught himself; whereupon
followeth the old proverb, S?? µe? ta?ta d?????t est?, eµ?? de tade
[Greek: Soi men tauta dokoynt esti, emoi de tade]; which is far from
the unity ye so earnestly wished for, whereof (as me thought) ye said,
'Pride is the let;' as it is undoubtedly. Which fault God amend, and
give you grace so to fashion your words, as ye may agree with them in
speech, with whom ye be inclined to agree in opinion! For that is the
way to relieve the world.

"And albeit there hath been between you and me no familiarity, but,
contrariwise, a little disagreement, (which I did not hide from you,)
yet, considering the fervent zeal ye professed to teach Peter's true
doctrine, that is to say, Christ's true doctrine, whereunto ye thought
the doctrine of images, and holy water to put away devils, agreed not, 
I have willingly spent this time to communicate unto you my folly (if
it be folly) plainly as it is; whereupon ye may have occasion the more
substantially, fully, and plainly, to open these matters for the
relief of such as be fallen from the truth, and confirmation of those
that receive and follow it; wherein it hath been ever much commended,
to have such regard to histories of credit, and the continual use of
the church, rather to show how a thing continued from the beginning,
as holy water and images have done, may be well used, than to follow
the light rash eloquence, which is ever to mock and improve that which
is established. And yet again, I come to Marceline, that made a cross
in the water, and bade his deacon cast it abroad faithfully and
zealously: after which sort if our holy water were used, I doubt not
but there be many Marcelluses, and many Elizeuses, and many at whose
prayer God forgiveth sin, if such as will enjoy that prayer have faith
and zeal, as Equitius, and were as desirous to drive the devil out of
the temple of their body and soul, as Equitius out of the temple of
Jupiter. So as if holy use were coupled with holy water, there should
be more plenty of holiness than there is; but, as men be profane in
their living, so they cannot abide to have any thing effectually holy,
not so much as bread and water; fearing lest they should take away sin
from us, which we love so dearly well. Christ alone washes away sins,
who sprinkleth his blood by his ministers, as he hath taught his
spouse the church, in which those ministers be ordered, wherein 'Many
ways maketh not many saviours,' as ignorants do jest; whereof I need
not speak further unto you, no more I needed not in the rest in
respect of you; but, me thought, ye conjured all men in your sermon to
say what they thought to you,

"Your loving friend,
STEPHEN WINCHESTER."

As I have set forth here, gentle reader, the cavilling letter of
Winchester against Master Ridley's sermon, so am I right sorry that I
have not likewise the answer of the said Ridley again to join withal.
For I understand, that not only Master Ridley, but also Master Barlow,
bishop of St. David's, (for Winchester wrote against them both,) had
written and sent immediately their answers to the same, refuting the
frivolous and unsavoury reasons of this popish prelate, as may well
appear by a parcel additional of a letter sent by the lord protector
to the said bishop in these words:

"And because we have begun to write to you, we are put in remembrance
of a certain letter or book which you wrote unto us against the bishop
of St. David's sermon, and Dr. Ridley's, to the which answer being
immediately made, it was by negligence of us forgotten to be sent. Now
we both send you that, and also the answer which the bishop of St.
David's wrote to the same book of yours."

Nineteen articles and positions ministered and objected, each of them
jointly and severally, to the bishop of Winchester; as followeth.

The First Article.

"In primis, That the king's Majesty justly and rightfully is, and by
the laws of God ought to be, supreme head in earth of the Church of
England, and also of Ireland; and so is by the clergy of this realm in
their convocation, and by act of parliament, justly, and according to
the laws of God, recognised."

This first article the bishop of Winchester granteth.

The Second Article.

"Item, That his Majesty, as supreme head of the said churches, hath
full power and authority to make and set forth laws, injunctions, and
ordinances, for and concerning religion, and orders of the said
churches; for the increase of virtue, and repressing of all errors,
heresies, and other enormities and abuses."

To this second article he answereth affirmatively.

The Third Article.

"Item, That all and every his Grace's subjects are bound, by the law
of God, to obey all his Majesty's said laws, injunctions, and
proceedings concerning religion, and orders in the said church."

To the third article the said bishop answereth affirmatively, and
granteth it.

The Fourth Article.

"Item, That you, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, have sworn obedience
unto his Majesty, as supreme head of this Church of England, and also
of Ireland."

To the fourth article the said bishop answereth affirmatively, and
granteth it.

The Fifth Article.

"Item, That all and every his Grace's subjects, that disobey any his
Majesty's said laws, injunctions, ordinances, and proceedings already
set forth and published, or hereafter to be set forth and published,
ought worthily to be punished, according to his ecclesiastical law
used within this his realm."

To this fifth article the said bishop answereth affirmatively, and
granteth it.

The Sixth Article.

"Item, That you the said bishop, as well in the king's Majesty's late
visitation within your diocese,as at sundry times, have been
complained upon, and sundry informations made against you for your
doings, sayings, and preachings, against sundry injunctions, orders,
and other proceedings of his Majesty, set forth for reformation of
errors, superstitions, and other abuses in religion."

Winchester.-- "This article toucheth other men's acts; who, or how
they have complained and informed, I cannot thoroughly tell; for, at
the time of the king's Majesty's visitation, I was in the Fleet, and
the morrow after Twelfth-day I was delivered at Hampton-court, my Lord
of Somerset and my Lord of Canterbury then being in council, with many
other councillors; and was delivered by these words: The king's
Majesty hath granted a general pardon,-- and by the benefit thereof I
was discharged. Whereunto I answered, that I was learned never to
refuse the king's Majesty's pardon, and in strength as that was; and I
would and did humbly thank his Majesty therefore.

"And then they began with me in an article of learning, touching
justification, whereunto they willed me to say my mind; adding
therewith, that because other learned men had agreed to a form
delivered unto me, I should not think I could alter it: which I
received of them, and promised the Thursday after to repair to my Lord
of Somerset's house at Sheen, with my mind written: which I did, and,
at that day seven-night following, appearing before him and others of
the council, was committed to my house for prisoner, because I refused
to subscribe to the form of words and sentences that others had agreed
unto, as they said. In which time of imprisonment in my house, the
bishop of Rochester, then being, was sent to me, and after Master
Smith, and then Master Cecil; to which Master Cecil, when I had by
learning resolved my mind in the matter, I delivered it; and he,
delivering it to my Lord's Grace, wrote me, in his name, thanks for
it. And then it was within the time of Lent, ere I was discharged of
that trouble; and so went down to Winchester, as a man clearly out of
all travail of business.

"And within fourteen days after that, or thereabouts, began other
travail with me, upon a request made by my Lord of Somerset to
surrender a college in Cambridge: and divers letters were written
between his Grace and me in it; wherein I might perceive the
secretary, with his pen, took occasion to prick me more than, I
trusted, my Lord's Grace himself would have done. And by this trouble
was I deduced to an end. Then, shortly after, I received letters to
come to the council, and by reason I alleged my disease, I was
respited by other letters; and three days before Whitsuntide received
yet other letters to come: by which it might seem unto me, that it was
not of all believed that I was diseased. And therefore with all
expedition, when I could not ride, I came in a horse-litter; and,
according to my duty, presented myself to my Lords of the council, who
all then entertained me secretly among them before the matters were
objected unto me, as if I had been in the same place with them, that I
was in our late sovereign lord's days. Afterwards my Lord of
Somerset's Grace charged me with these matters following, and in this
form, having the articles written in a paper:

"First, with disobedience; that I came not at his sending for.
Whereunto I answered, that I had his letters of licence to stay till I
might come conveniently. And upon these last letters I came
incontinently in a horse-litter.

"Then it was objected, that I bare palms, and crept to the cross.
Whereunto I answered, that they were misinformed; and I trusted they
would not think I durst deny it, if I had done it, because ceremonies
had such circumstances, as I might easily be reproved if it were
otherwise.

"Then it was objected, that at Easter I had a solemn sepulchre in the
church, and such other ceremonies. I answered, that I had even as many
as the king's Majesty's proclamations commanded me: declaring plainly,
that I thought it not expedient to make any alteration, wherein to
offend the king's Majesty's proclamation; adding, how he that
followeth as he is commanded, is very obedient.

"It was then objected unto me, that I went about to defame two of the
king's Majesty's chaplains, sent down to be canons of the church of
Winchester. Whereunto I answered, declaring the fact truly as it was,
which I am yet able to justify.-- After this matter thus oft objected
and answered, I was commanded to go apart, and being called in again,
my Lord of Somerset's Grace, looking upon a bill of articles, said, I
had preached how the apostles went from the presence of the council,
of the council, of the council; which matter I denied, adding, that it
was not my fashion of preaching, so to play in iteration of words.

"After that, it was objected unto me for preaching of the sacrament, 
to say, The body of Christ was really present; being a fault to use
the word really, not comprised in the Scripture. Whereunto I answered,
that I did not use the word really, which needeth not. For, as I once
heard my Lord of Canterbury reason against one Lampert, in the
presence of the king's Majesty that dead is; the words of the
Scripture, This is my body that shall be betrayed for you, do plainly
and lively express the very presence; and so did I set it forth to the
people in my diocese.

"And this is the effect of all that was said against me at my being at
the council, as I can remember. To whom I declared how much I esteemed
obedience, and told them, I had taught in my diocese how the whole
life of a Christian man consisteth in suffering properly; and
therefore we may not do our own will, but the will of God: and among
men, we must either suffer the rulers' will, or their power; their
will to order us, and their power to punish us. After declaration
whereof, my Lord of Somerset said, Ye must tarry in the town.
Whereunto I answered, I would be contented at their commandment or
pleasure to tarry; but, seeing I was no offender, I desired them I
might not tarry as an offender; and for declaration thereof, that I
might have some house in the country about London, to remove unto for
a shift; in devising whereof, I stuck much to borrow Esher. My Lord of
Somerset said, If he had any, in faith he would lend me one. And in
the end, my Lord of Somerset desired me to write what my mind was in
ceremonies, and to send it unto him; and with that departed.

"Thus I have truly opened after what sort I have been complained on,
that hath certainly come to my knowledge: truth it is, that one
Philpot in Westminster, whom I accounted altered in his wits, (as I
have heard,) devised tales of me, the specialties whereof I never was
called to answer unto. Players and minstrels also railed on me, and
others made ballads and rhymes of me; but never man had just cause to
complain of any my sayings, doings, or preachings, or to my knowledge
did, otherwise than afore. And if any man shall put me in remembrance
of any other complaint that might in my absence be made of me, if I
have heard it, I will grant so. But well assured I am, I was never
complained on, and called to make answer to the complaint, but this
one time in all my whole life, by any man of any degree. Once the Lord
Cromwell (God pardon his soul and forgive him!) caused one day and a
half to be spent in a matter between Sir Francis Bryan and me; which
was ended, and I declared an honest man; which the king's Majesty that
dead is (God pardon his soul!) set forth with his familiarity to me
incontinently. And this is all the trouble that I have had in my life,
saving the sending to the Fleet, being occasioned by my own letter to
the council, upon a zeal that I had, which they allowed not; and
finally, this sending of me to the Tower, which was without calling me
before the council, to hear what I could say. I am loth to be
forsworn, and therefore I recount all the complaints in my whole life
made against me, whereunto I have been made privy.

The Seventh Article.

"Item, That after and upon occasion of those and many other complaints
and informations, you have been sundry times admonished, commanded,
and enjoined to conform yourself, as to your duty appertaineth."

Winchester.--"To this seventh article I answer, I was never called
afore the council by way of outward complaint and information, but
only once in all my whole life; which was at my last coming to London.
Whereunto I answered as afore, and have told the form and process of
speech to serve for furniture of answer to this and that article: for
other than I have before written, I remember not to have done or
suffered by the higher powers in all my whole life, till my coming
into the Tower, (without that I have had any by-admonitions, as a man
faulty or negligent at any time, that I remember not,) for the
observation of any thing already made or set forth by the king's
Majesty that now is; but have kept, and caused to be kept to my power,
the king's Majesty's acts, statutes, injunctions, and proclamations,
inviolably; having for that purpose such a chancellor, as in orders
and ordinances hath been always himself diligent and precise for the
time I might have knowledge of his doings."

The Eighth Article.

"Item, That after the premises, and for that, those former admonitions
and commandments notwithstanding, you did still show yourself not
conformable; and for that also others, by your example, were much
animated, and thereby occasion of much unquietness ministered among
the people. You were called before the king's Majesty's council in the
month of June, in the second year of his Majesty's reign, and by them,
on his Majesty's behalf, commanded to preach a sermon before his
Majesty; and therein to declare the justness and godliness of his
Majesty's father, in his proceedings upon certain matters partly
mentioned in certain articles to you delivered in writing, and partly
otherwise declared unto you. The effect whereof was touching the
usurped power and authority of the bishop of Rome, that the same was
justly and godly taken away in this realm, and other the king's
Majesty's dominions; touching the just suppressing and taking away of
monasteries, religious houses, pilgrimages, relics, shrines, and
images. The superstitious going about of St. Nicholas, bishop of St.
Edmund, St. Katharine, St. Clement, and such-like; and just taking
away of chantries, abbeys, and colleges, hallowing of candles, water,
ashes, palms, holy bread, beads, creeping to the cross, and such-like.
Also, touching the setting-forth of the king's Majesty's authority in
his young years, to be as great as if his Highness were of many more
years. That auricular confession is indifferent, and of no necessity
by the law of God: and touching the procession, and Common Prayer in
English."

Winchester.--"This article, being of so many parts as it is, some
true, some otherwise, must be answered by division of it into divers
members, to divide the one from the other, granting that which is
true, denying that which is otherwise, and opening that which is
ambiguous, avoiding that which is captious; so as, according to my
oath, I may open directly and plainly the truth, with sincerity of
conscience. The motion of preaching was made unto me in mine own house
by Master Cecil, upon the duke of Somerset's behalf, after I had been
before the council, as I have before said; from which council I
departed (as before is rehearsed) as no offender; and therefore when
Master Cecil spake to me of preaching before the king's Majesty, with
request to write my sermon before, I denied that manner of preaching,
because I said it was to preach like an offender, and I was none, but
departed from the council otherwise, as I have before showed. And the
said Master Cecil did not say to me that I was moved to preach,
because I was not conformable; for I had at that time no manner of
variance with the council, but was in all conformity with them, for
any thing that I know, as I will answer afore God.

"As for evil example to any man, I could none give, for I never
offended law, statute, or proclamation in this realm, nor did ever any
act to the impairing of due obedience to the king's Majesty in all my
whole life; but by observation of them, and letting innovations, have
done as much as in me lay to maintain obedience.

"After Master Cecil had spoken to me of preaching, and delivered two
papers containing the matters whereupon I should entreat, because I
refused to give my sermon in writing, (which was to me like an
offender,) or to read those papers of another man's device, as the
conception and sincere manner of uttering of mine own conscience:
which me thought then and since, and yet, a marvellous unreasonable
matter, touching both my conscience and honesty.

"I was then fetched to the duke of Somerset's Grace's chamber, and
came in at a back door to himself alone, saving he took to him as
witness (he said) the lord now of Wiltshire, then great master; and
after many words, he showed me certain articles subscribed by lawyers,
what a bishop might command and what the king might command, and what
pain to the disobeyer. To whom I said plainly and truly, how those
lawyers' subscription could not serve, in this case, to command me to
utter to the people for mine own device in words, that which is not
indeed so; and if I might speak with these lawyers, (I said,) his
Grace should soon perceive them to agree with me. My Lord said, I
should speak with no man, and I should do as I was bidden, or do
worse; and bade me advise me till dinner was done. And then was I
conveyed by the lord great master to his chamber, and there left alone
to dine, as was indeed honourably prepared. But I took myself to be in
the nature of a prisoner, and a restrained man.

"And about two of the clock at afternoon, came unto me Master Thomas
Smith, then secretary, unto whom I complained of the unreasonableness
of the matter, and showed him certain particularities; who said it was
not meant so precisely, but to speak of the matters. To whom I said, I
was content to speak of the matters, and then if I spake not according
to the truth of them, there should be enough to bear witness to my
condemnation; and if I spake the truth, then they had their desire.
And I said further, I thought I might with my conscience say, so as
men ought and should be content and satisfied. And further, if I
thought that in my manner of the uttering of those matters I should
offend the council, I had rather deny to speak of the thing, and begin
the contention secretly with them, than to begin with the pulpit, and
so bring myself in further trouble than needed; and therefore, if they
would have me preach, I would preach as of myself, and of these
matters, so as I thought they should be content.

"Whereupon I was brought up to my Lord of Somerset's chamber, and
there the matter ended thus: that my Lord of Somerset said, he would
require no writing of me, but remit it to me, so I spake of the
matters in the papers delivered me by Master Cecil. I told him I would
speak of them, saving for children's toys, of going about of St.
Nicholas, and St. Clement. If that be now gone, quoth I, and
forgotten, if I be too busy in rehearsal of them, they will say I
cumber their heads with ceremonies, and thus they will defame me. When
ceremonies were plenty, they will say, I did nothing but preach on
them; and now they be gone, I babble of them still. I said, I would
touch the chief points, adding, that I would speak of other matters
also; and with that, being put to my liberty to choose the day,
departed: and otherwise I was not spoken with concerning preaching,
saving after Master Cecil came unto me, whereof I shall speak anon.

"And concerning the matters to be spoken of, all such things as be
here rehearsed, be named in the papers delivered unto me, although not
altogether after this sort; saving the setting forth of the king's
Majesty's authority in his minority, whereof there is no word in those
papers, nor was there ever any promise made of me to speak of it.
Truth it is, that after I had signified the day when I would preach,
Master Cecil came unto me, making the chief message to know the day
when I would preach: to whom I had sent word before, that it should be
St. Peter's day, because me thought the gospel served well for that
purpose. And in process of communication, he told me, that he liked
gaily well a word that I had said in another communication: how a king
was as much a king at one year of age, as at a hundred years of age;
and if I touched it, he thought it would be well taken. I told him
again, every man knew that; and then opened of myself the matter
further. And at his next repair unto me, which was the Monday before I
preached, the said Master Cecil brought me papers of the king's
Majesty's hand, showing me how the king's Highness used to note every
notable sentence, and specially if it touched a king; and therefore
(quoth he) if ye speak of a king, ye must join counsel withal.
Whereunto I made no answer, but shifted to other matter, without
making him any promise or denial, because I would neither bind myself,
nor trouble myself to discuss that matter: for albeit it is godly and
wisely done of every prince to use counsel, yet, speaking of a king's
power by Scripture, I cannot by express Scripture limit the king's
power by counsel. And hearing blindly by report some secret matter,
that I will not speak of here, I thought not to meddle with it at all
in the pulpit; and yet, to the effect to have our sovereign lord now
obeyed, of which mind I was ever, I pointed to our sovereign lord
there in presence, and said, He was only to be obeyed; and, I would
have but one king; and other words to that purpose. But, for any
promise to be made by me, I utterly deny it, and tell plainly the
cause why I spake not otherwise of it. There was also, in the papers
delivered unto me, occasion given me to speak of the mass, because of
matters satisfactory, as some understand them. And also there was
occasion to speak of the sacrament of the altar, because of the
proclamation passed of the same; which to be true, I shall justify by
the said papers."

The Ninth Article.

"Item, That you, receiving the same, and promising to declare the same
in a sermon by you made before his Majesty for that purpose, on the
feast of St. Peter, in the said second year of his reign, did then and
there contemptuously and disobediently omit to declare and set forth
many of the said matters; and of divers other of the said articles you
spake and uttered your mind in such doubtful sort, as the justness and
godliness of his Majesty's father's, and his proceedings, was not set
forth according to the commandment given unto you, and your own
promise, to the great offence of the hearers, and manifest contempt of
his Majesty, and dangerous example of others."

Winchester.--"Touching that promise, I answer as afore; and as
touching omission of that I should have spoken of, by contempt or
disobedience, I answer by mine oath, I did not omit any thing (if I
did omit it) by contempt or disobedience; for I ever minded to satisfy
the promise, to speak of all matters in those papers according to my
former declaration. And if I did percase omit any thing, (whereof I
can make now no assurance, it being two years and a half past since I
preached,) but if I did omit any thing, he who knew my travail in the
matter, would not marvel, being troubled with a letter sent from the
duke of Somerset, whereof I shall speak after; so as from four of the
clock on Thursday, till I had done my sermon on the Friday, I did
neither drink, eat, nor sleep: so careful was I to pass over the
travail of preaching without all slander of the truth, and with
satisfaction of my promise, and discharge of my duty to God, and the
king's most excellent Majesty. Wherein, whether any thing were omitted
or not, I could have answered more precisely than I can now, if,
according to my most instant suit, and the suit of my servants, the
matter had been heard while it was in fresh memory. But, because
omission may be by infirmity of nature, in which oblivion is a pain of
our original sin, in which case it is no mortal offence, if a man
being put in remembrance will purge it; I therefore, according to the
true testimony of mine own conscience, dare the more boldly deny all
contempt and disobedience, having for my declaration a general
sentence spoken in my sermon, that I agreed with the upper part in
their laws, orders, and commandments, or such-like words, and found
fault only in the lower part. By which sentence it appeared, how I
allowed in the whole that was past hitherto, and only dissented from
the doings of them that attempt innovations, of their own presumption.
And furthermore I say, that that saying 'omission' here objected unto
me, if it were true, as I know it not to be, may happen two ways, one
way by infirmity of nature, another way of purpose. Charity of a
Christian man permitteth not to determine the worst of that which is
doubtful and ambiguous to both parties: as touching doubtfulness
objected, I take God to record, I minded to speak simply, and to be on
the king's Majesty's side only, and not to go invisible in the world
with ambiguities, esteeming him, &c. The worst man of all, is he that
will make himself a lock of words and speech, which is known not to be
my fashion, nor do I think this life worth that dissimulation; and how
can that be a doubtful speech in him, that professeth to agree with
the king's laws, injunctions, and statutes, which I did expressly?

"There be that call in doubt whatsoever serveth not their appetite. It
is not in the speaker to satisfy the hearer that will doubt, where
doubt is not. The sum of my teaching was, that all visible things be
ordered to serve us, which we may in convenient service use. And when
we serve them, that is an abuse, and may then, at the rulers'
pleasure, unless Scripture appointeth a special use of them, be
corrected in that use, or taken away for reformation. And this is a
plain teaching that hath no doubt in it, but a yea and a nay on both
sides, without a mean to make a doubt. And if any that doubteth cometh
unto me, I will resolve him the doubt as I can. And if I promised to
speak plainly, or am commanded to speak plainly, and cannot, then is
my fault to promise only in the nature of folly and ignorance,
whereunto I resort not for a shift, whereof indeed I profess the
knowledge but to show how sometimes, to my hinderance, I am noted
learned, that can speak plainly, and yet speak doubtfully; otherwhiles
am rejected, as one that understandeth not the matter at all.. As
touching contempt, there can be none manifest that proceedeth of a
privy promise: if I had broken it, I intended not, but intended to
take it, as appeareth by my general sentence, to agree with the
superiors, and only find fault in the inferior subjects, who daily
transgress the king's Majesty's proclamations, and others, whereof I
spake then."

The Tenth Article.

"Item, That you, being also commanded and, on his Majesty's behalf,
for the avoiding of tumult, and for other great considerations,
inhibited to treat of any matter in controversy concerning the mass,
or the communion, (then commonly called The Sacrament of the Altar,)
did, contrary to the said commandment and inhibition, declare divers
your judgments and opinions in the same, in manifest contempt of his
Highness's said inhibition, to the great offence of the hearers, and
disturbance of the common quiet and unity of the realm."

To the tenth article Winchester answered thus:" The Wednesday at
afternoon next before the Friday when I preached, Master Cecil came to
me, and having in all his other accesses spoken no word thereof, did
then utter and advise me from the duke of Somerset, that I should not
speak of the sacrament, or of the mass, whereby, he said, I should
avoid trouble. And when he saw me not to take it well, I mean, quoth
he, doubtful matters. I asked him what? he said, transubstantiation. I
told him, he wist not what transubstantiation meant. I will preach,
quoth I, the very presence of Christ's most precious body and blood in
the sacrament, which is the catholic faith, and no doubtful matter,
nor yet in controversy, saving that certain unlearned speak of it they
wot not what. And among the matters, quoth I, whereof I have promised
to speak, I must by special words speak of the sacrament, and of the
mass also. And when I shall so speak of them, I will not forbear to
utter my faith and true belief therein, which I think necessary for
the king's Majesty to know; and therefore, if I wist to be hanged when
I came down, I would speak it. Which plain zeal of my conscience,
grounded upon God's commandment to do his message truly, I would not
hide, but utter so as my Lord should, if he would not have it spoken
of, not let me to come there as he might have done: whereas else, if I
had had a deceitful purpose, I might have accepted the advice, and
without any colour of trouble, have refused to follow it, as a thing
grounded upon wealth only, as it was then uttered.

"With this my answer Master Cecil departed, and upon the Thursday,
which was the next day following, and the evening before I preached,
between three and four at afternoon, I received a letter signed with
the hand of the duke of Somerset, the copy whereof I am ready to
exhibit; and took it then, and esteemed it so now, to contain no
effectual inhibition, whereunto I might by God's law, or the king's
Majesty's laws, with discharge of my conscience and duty obey,
although the said letters had been (as they were not) in such terms
framed, as had precisely forbidden me (as they did not) but only to
speak of matters in controversy of the sacrament; which indeed I did
not, but only uttered a truth to my conscience, most certainly
persuaded of the most holy sacrament, necessary to be known to the
king's Majesty, and to be uttered by me admitted to that place of
preaching, from whence God commandeth his truth to be uttered; which
(in this nature of truth, the undue estimation and use whereof, St.
Paul threateneth with temporal death) may in no wise be omitted. So as
I was and am persuaded, the right estimation of the sacrament to be,
to acknowledge the very presence of the same most precious body and
blood present in the sacrament to feed us, that was given to redeem
us. If I showed not my sovereign Lord the truth thereof, I for my part
suffer him wittingly to fall into that extreme danger of body, which
St. Paul threateneth, whose person I am bound by nature, by special
oaths, and by God's laws, to preserve to my power; as I will do, and
.must do, by all ways and means. And if the king's Majesty doth
vouchsafe to teach his people not to obey his commandment, where God
commandeth the contrary, I might not take my Lord of Somerset's letter
for an inhibition to hold my peace, when God biddeth me to speak, as
he doth when the wolf cometh, and not to hide myself in silence, which
is the most shameful running away of all. I have much matter to allege
against the letter, why I should not credit it, written in his name
alone, against a common letter (as I took it) written by him and the
council, and published in print the first day of the said month, which
maintaineth my preaching of the sacrament and mass, according to the
proclamation and injunctions, the violation of which public letters
had been a disorder and contempt; whereas I neither offended in the
one nor the other.

"And as for tumult, none could reasonably be feared of any thing
spoken agreeable to the king's Majesty's laws, as there did follow
none; nor the people, nor any man did offer my person any wrong, or
make tumult against me, notwithstanding players, jesters, rhymers,
ballad-makers, did signify me to be of the true catholic faith, which
I, according to my duty, declared to the king's Majesty, from whom I
may hide no truth that I think expedient for him to know. And as the
name of God cannot be used of any creature against God, no more can
the king's name be used of any subject against his Highness.
Wherefore, seeing the abuse of this holy sacrament hath in it a danger
assured by Scripture, of body and soul; whosoever is persuaded in the
catholic faith, as I am, findeth himself so burdened to utter that
unto his Majesty, as no worldly loss can let him to do his duty in
that behalf, and much less my Lord's private letters written without
other of the council's hands."

The Eleventh Article.

"Item, That after the premises, viz., in the month of May or June, or
one of them, in the third year of his Highness's reign, his Majesty
sent eftsoons unto you, to know your conformity towards his said
reformations, and specially touching the Book of Common Prayer then
lately set forth by his Majesty; whereunto you at the same time
refused to show yourself conformable."

To the eleventh article, for answer and declartion thereof, Winchester
said, "The next day at afternoon after I had preached, when I looked
for no such matter, came to my house the right worshipful Sir Anthony
Wingfield, and Sir Ralph Sadler, knights, accompanied with a great
number of the guard, and used themselves, for their part, according to
their Worships, and, I doubt not, as they were appointed. And Sir
Ralph Sadler began thus with me: My Lord, said he, ye preached
yesterday obedience, but ye did not obey yourself; and went forth with
his message very soberly, as he can, and discreetly. I asked him,
wherein I obeyed not. He said, touching my Lord of Somerset's letter.
Master Sadler, quoth I, I pray you say unto my Lord's Grace, I would
he never made mention of that letter, for the love I bare him. And
yet, quoth I, I have not broken that letter; and I was minded, quoth
I, to have written to my Lord upon the receipt of it, and lo, quoth I,
ye may see how I began:-- and showed him (because we were then in my
study) the beginning of my letter, and reasoned with him for the
declaration of myself, and told him therewith, I will not spend, quoth
I, many words with you, for I cannot alter this determination. And yet
in good faith, quoth I, my manner to you, and this declaration, may
have this effect, that I be gently handled in the prison; and for that
purpose, I pray you, make suit on my behalf.

"Master Wingfield laid his hand on my shoulder, and arrested me in the
king's name for disobedience. I asked him, whither I should? They
said, to the Tower. Finally, I desired them, that I might be spoken
with shortly, and heard what I could say for myself; and prayed them
to be suitors in it: and so they said they would. After that I was
once in the Tower, until it was within six days of one whole year, I
could hear no manner of word, message, comfort, or relief; saving once
when I was sick, and me thought some extremity towards me, my chaplain
had leave to come to me once: and then denied again, being answered,
that my fever was but a tertian; which my said chaplain told me when
he came to me at the Easter following; and there being with me from
the morning until night on Easter-day, departed, and for no suit could
I ever have him since. To Master Lieutenant I made divers suits to
provoke the duke of Somerset's Grace to hear me, and, if I might have
the liberty of an Englishman, I would plainly declare I had neither
offended law, statute, act, proclamation, nor his own letter neither:
but all would not help. And I shall report me to Master Lieutenant,
whether in all this time I maligned, grudged, or used any unseemly
words; ever demanding justice, and to be heard according to justice.

"When I had been thus in the Tower one whole year within six days or
seven, as I remember, came to the Tower the lord chancellor of
England, now being the lord treasurer, and Master Secretary Peter,
who, calling me unto them, as I remember entered thus: They said they
had brought with them a book passed by the parliament, which they
would I should look on, and say my mind to it; and upon my conformity
in it, my Lord of Somerset would be suitor to the king's Majesty for
mercy to be ministered to me. Whereunto I answered that I trusted, if
I might be heard, the king's Majesty's justice would relieve me, which
I had long sued for, and could not be heard. And to sue for mercy,
quoth I, when I have not in my conscience offended, and also to sue
out of this place, where asking of mercy implieth a further suspicion
than I would be for all the world touched in, were not expedient; and
therefore, quoth I, 'Not guilty,' is and hath been continually allowed
a good plea for a prisoner.

"Then my Lord said, Why, quoth he, were ye not commanded to preach of
the king's authority in his young age, and did not? I told him I was
not commanded. Is not, quoth he, that article in the papers ye had
delivered you? I assured him no.

"And after communication of the king's Majesty's authority, wherein
was no disagreement, then my lord chancellor said, I had disobeyed my
Lord's Grace's letter.-- I told him, I thought not, and if the matter
came to judgment, it should appear. And then I said to him, My Lord,
how many open injunctions under seal and in open court have been
broken in this realm, the punishment whereof hath not been handled
after this sort? and yet I would stand in defence, that I have not
broken his letter; weighing the words of his letter, wherein I
reasoned with Master Secretary Peter what a controversy was, and, some
part, what I could say further. But whatsoever I can say, quoth I, you
must judge it, and, for the passion of God, do it; and then let me sue
for mercy, when the nature of the offence is known, if I will have it.
But when I am, quoth I, declared an offender, I will with humility of
suffering make amends to the king's Majesty, so far as I am able; for
I should never offend him, and much less in his young age.

"My lord chancellor then showed me the beginning of the act for Common
Prayer, how dangerous it was to break the order of it. I told him that
it was true; and therefore, if I came abroad, I would beware of it.
But it is, quoth I, after in the act, how no man should be troubled
for this act, unless he were first indicted; and therefore, quoth I, I
may not be kept in prison for this act. Ah, quoth he, I perceive ye
know the law well enough.

I told him my chaplain had brought it unto me the afternoon before.
Then they required me to look on the book, and to say my mind in it. I
answered, that I thought not meet to yield myself a scholar to go to
school in prison, and then slander myself, as though I redeemed my
faults with my conscience. As touching the law which I know, I will
honour it like a subject; and if I keep it not, I will willingly
suffer the pain of it. And what more conformity I should show, I
cannot tell, for mine offences be past, if there be any. If I have not
suffered enough, I will suffer more -- if upon examination I be found
faulty; and as for this new law, if I keep it not, punish me likewise.

"Then my lord chancellor asked me, whether I would not desire the
king's Majesty to be my good lord. At which words I said, Alas, my
Lord! quoth I, do ye think that I have so forgotten myself? My duty,
quoth I, requireth so; and I will on my knees desire him to be my good
lord, and my lord protector also, quoth I. That is well said, quoth my
lord chancellor. And what will ye say further, quoth my lord
chancellor? In good faith, quoth I, this: that I thought when I had
preached, that I had not offended at all, and think so still; and had
it not been for the article of the supremacy, I would have rather
feigned myself sick, than be occasion of this that hath followed: but,
going to the pulpit, I must needs say as I said. Well, quoth my lord
chancellor, let us go to our purpose again. Ye will, quoth he, desire
the king's Majesty to be your good lord, and the lord protector also;
and ye say, ye thought not to have offended. All this I will say,
quoth I. And ye will, quoth my lord chancellor, submit yourself to be
ordered by the lord protector. Nay, quoth I, by the law; for my lord
protector, quoth I, hath scourged me over-sore this year, to put my
matter in his hands now. And in the latter point I varied with the
lord chancellor, when I would not refer my order to my lord protector,
but to the law; and staying at this point they were content to grant
me of their gentleness, to make their suit to procure me to be heard,
and to obtain me liberty to go in the gallery, and that I should hear
of one of them within two days following. I desired them to remember
that I refused not the book by way of contempt, nor in any evil
manner, but that I was loth to yield myself a scholar in the Tower,
and to be seen to redeem my faults, if I had any, with my conscience.
My body, I said, should serve my conscience, but not contrariwise. And
this is the truth upon my conscience and oath, that was done and said
at their coming. There was more said to the purposes aforesaid. And I
bind not myself to the precise form of words, but to the substance of
the matter and fashion of the entreating. So near as I can remember, I
have truly discharged mine oath. But I heard no more of my matter in
one whole year after almost, within fourteen days, notwithstanding two
letters written by me to the council, of most humble request to be
heard according to justice. And then, at the end of two years almost,
came unto me the duke of Somerset, with others of the council; which
matter, because it is left out here, I shall not touch, but prepare it
in a matter apart, for declaration of my behaviour at all times."

The Twelfth Article.

"Item, That after that, viz., the ninth day of July, in the fourth
year of his Majesty's reign, his Highness sent unto you his Grace's
letters, with a certain submission and articles, whereunto his Grace
willed and commanded you to subscribe. To the which submission you
contemptuously refused to subscribe."

To the twelfth article, for answer thereunto, Winchester granted, that
about the time mentioned in this article, the lord treasurer, the earl
of Warwick, lord great master, Sir William Harbert, and Master
Secretary Peter, came to the Tower, and called him before them, and
delivered unto him the king's Majesty's letters --"which I have to
show," said he, "and received them at the hands of the lord treasurer
upon my knees, kissed them as my duty was, and still upon my knees
read them, whereas they gently required me to take more ease, and go
apart with them, and consider them. Which after that I had thoroughly
read, I much lamented that I should be commanded to say of myself as
was there written, and to say otherwise of myself than my conscience
will suffer me, and, where I trust my deeds will not condemn me, there
to condemn myself with my tongue. I should sooner, quoth I to them, by
commandment, I think, if ye would bid me, tumble myself desperately
into the Thames.

"My Lord of Warwick, seeing me in that agony, said, What say ye, my
Lord, quoth he, to the other articles? I answered, that I was loth to
disobey where I might obey, and not wrest my conscience, destroying
the comfort of it, as to say untruly of myself. Well, quoth my Lord of
Warwick, will ye subscribe to the other articles? I told him I would:
but then, quoth I, the article that toucheth me must be put out. I was
answered, that needeth not, for I might write on the outside what I
would say unto it. And then my Lord of Warwick entertained me very
gently, and would needs, whiles I should write, have me sit down by
him; and when he saw me make somewhat strange so to do, he pulled me
nearer him, and said, we had ere this sat together, and trusted we
should do so again. And then having pen and ink given me, I wrote, as
I remember, on the article that touched me, these words,-- I cannot
with my conscience say this of myself,-- or such-like words. And there
followed an article of the king's Majesty's primacy, and I began to
write on the side of that, and had made an I onward, as may appear by
the articles; and they would not have me do so, but write only my name
after their articles; which I did. Whereat, because they showed
themselves pleased and content, I was bold to tell them merrily, that
by this means I had placed my subscription above them all; and
thereupon it pleased them to entertain me much to my comfort.

"And I was bold to recount unto them merry tales of my misery in
prison, which they seemed content to hear. And then I told them also,
(desiring them not to be miscontent with that I should say,) when I
remembered each of them alone, I could not think otherwise but they
were my good lords; and yet when they met together, I felt no remedy
at their hands. I looked, quoth I, when my Lord of Somerset was here,
to go out within two days; and made my farewell feast in the Tower and
all; since which time there is a month past, or thereabout; and I
agreed with them, and now agree with you, and I may fortune to be
forgotten. My Lord treasurer said, Nay, I should hear from them the
next day. And so by their special commandment I came out of the
chamber after them, that they might be seen to depart as my good
lords; and so was done. By which process appeareth, how there was in
me no contempt, as is said in this article; but such a subscription
made as they were content to suffer me to make; which I took in my
conscience for a whole satisfaction of the king's Majesty's letters,
which I desire [it] may be deemed accordingly. And one thing was said
unto me further: that others would have put in many more articles; but
they would have no more but those."

The Thirteenth Article.

"Item, That you, having eftsoons certain of the king's Majesty's most
honourable council sent unto you the twelfth of July, in the said
fourth year, with the said submission, and being on his Majesty's
behalf required and commanded to consider again, and better, [of] the
said submission, and to subscribe the same, stood in. justification of
yourself, and would in no wise subscribe thereunto."

To the thirteenth article Winchester said, "The next day after the
being in the Tower of the said lord treasurer, the earl of Warwick,
and others, came unto me Sir William Harbert and Master Secretary
Peter, to devise with me how to make some acknowledging of my fault,
as they said, because the other form liked me not. Whereunto I said, I
knew myself innocent, and to enter with you to entreat of a device to
impair my innocency in any the least point, either by words or
writings, it can have no policy in it. For although I did more esteem
liberty of body than the defamation of myself, yet, quoth I, when I
had so done with you, I were not so assured by you to come out. For
when I were by [my] own pen once made a naughty man, then were I not
the more sure to come out, but had locked myself the more surer in;
and a small pleasure were it to me to have my body at liberty by your
procurement, and to have my conscience in perpetual prison by mine own
act. Many more words there were, and persuasions on their parts; which
caused me to require of them, for the passion of God, that my matter
might take an end by justice. And so they departed, there being no
contempt or faction of disobedience showed on my behalf, but only
allegation for my defence of mine own innocency in the best manner I
could devise, as I trust they will testify."

The Fourteenth Article.

"Item, That after all this, viz. the fourteenth day of July, in the
said fourth year, the said king's Majesty sent yet again unto you
certain of his Majesty's honourable council, with another submission,
and divers other articles, willing and commanding you to subscribe
your name thereunto: which to do, you utterly refused."

To the fourteenth article Winchester said, "On the Monday in the
morning following came the bishop of London, Sir William Harbert,
Master Secretary Peter, and another whom I know not, who brought with
them a paper, with certain articles written in it, which they required
me to subscribe. Whereupon I most instantly required, that my matter
might be tried by justice, which although it were more grievous, yet
it hath a commodity with it, that it endeth certainly the matter. And
I could never yet come to my assured stay, and therefore refused to
meddle with any more articles, or to trouble myself with the reading
of them; and yet they desired me instantly to read them, that I was
content, and did read, and, to show my perfect obedient mind, offered
incontinently upon my delivery out of prison to make answer to them
all; such as I would abide by, and suffer pain for, if I have deserved
it. I would indeed gladly have been in hand with my Lord of London;
but he said he came not to dispute, and said, It was the hand of God
that I was thus in prison, because I had so troubled other men in my
time. Finally, my request was, that they should in this form make my
answer to my Lords of the council, as followeth: That I must humbly
thank them for their good-will to deliver me by the way of mercy; but,
because in respect of mine own innocent conscience I had rather have
justice, I desired them, seeing both was in the king's Majesty's
hands, that I might have it; which if it happened to me more grievous,
I will impute it to myself, and evermore thank them for their good-
will. And so departed I with them, as I trust they will testify, and
no misbehaviour or misdemeanour to have been used on my behalf"

The Fifteenth Article.

"Item, That after all this, viz. the nineteenth day of July, in the
said fourth year, you, being personally called before the king's
Majesty's privy council, and having the said submission and articles
openly and distinctly read unto you, and required to subscribe the
same, refused, for unjust and fantastical considerations by you
alleged, to subscribe the same."

Winchester.--"To the fifteenth article I grant, that upon a Saturday
at afternoon, even at such time of the day as they were at even-song
in the chapel of the court, I was brought thither; and at my coming
the lords of the council said, they were all my judges by special
commission, and intended to proceed thus with me: that I should
subscribe certain articles which were then read; and I must directly
make answer, whether I would subscribe them or no. I answered on my
knees in this wise: For the passion of God, my Lords, be my good
lords, and let me be tried by justice, whether I be faulty or no: and
as for these articles, as soon as ye deliver me to my liberty, I would
make answer to them, whether I would subscribe them or no. Then they
having [no] further to say, I answered, These articles are of divers
sorts; some be laws, which I may not qualify; some be no laws, but
learning and fact, which may have divers understandings; and a
subscription to them without telling what I mean, were over-dangerous.
And therefore I offered, for the more declaration of mine obedience to
all their requests, that if they would deliver me the articles into
the prison with me, I would shortly make them particular answer; and
suffer the pains of the law, that by my answer I might incur into.
Whereupon I was commanded to go apart, and they sent unto me the lord
treasurer and Master Secretary Peter, who communed with me of a mean
way, and that liked not the lords. And then I was called forth again,
and my absolute subscription required again: and I again made offer to
answer particularly; for I could not with my conscience subscribe them
as they were, absolutely. And these my considerations I trust to be
just, seeing no man for any commandments ought to offend his
conscience, as I must have done in that case."

The Sixteenth Article.

"Item, That for your sundry and manifold contempts and disobediences 
in this behalf used, the fruits of your bishopric were then, by
special commission of his Majesty, justly and lawfully sequestered."

Winchester.--"To the sixteenth article I answer, I deny contempts and
disobedience of parts, and say, that my doings cannot so be termed,
because it is taught in this realm for a doctrine of obedience, that
if a king command that which is contrary to the commandment of God,
the subject may not do as he is commanded, but humbly stand to his
conscience; which is my case, who could not with my conscience do as I
was required. And as touching the fact of decree, there was indeed a
decree read, having words so placed and framed as though I were such
an offender; which matter I deny. And in that decree was mention made
of sequestration of fruits; but whether the former words were of the
present tense, or else to be sequestered, I cannot precisely tell, but
do refer that to the tenor of the decree."

The Seventeenth Article.

"Item, That after this, you had intimation and peremptory monition,
with communication, that you should, within three months next
following the said intimation, reconcile and submit yourself, under
pain of deprivation."

Winchester.--"To the seventeenth article I answer, that in the same
decree of sequestration at the same time read, I kneeling from the
beginning of the decree to the latter end, I remember there was an
intimation, and three months spoken of, and expressed also, how at
every month's end I should have pen and ink offered to write, if I
would yet subscribe; and, as I understand, it was upon the pain of
proceeding further. And I do not remember that I heard the word
'deprivation,' but therein I refer me to the acts of the sentence;
which when it was read, I desired it might be testified what mine
offer was, to answer all those articles particularly, even remaining
in prison. And this done, I made suit for some of my servants abroad
to resort to me to the Tower, partly for my comfort, partly for my
necessary business; which could not be obtained. And yet, to provoke
it, I said to my Lord of Warwick, how for agreeing with my Lord of
Somerset, I had some commodity; and for agreeing with him, had
nothing; and therefore would needs by intercession press him, that I
might by this means have some of my servants resorting unto me. He
answered very gently. And then one said, I should within two or three
days have somebody come to me. And then I was dismissed, with
commandment to the lieutenant, to let me have the same liberty I had,
but no more."

The Eighteenth Article.

"Item, That the said three months are now fully 	expired and
run."

Winchester." To the eighteenth article I say, there is almost six
months passed in time and number of days, but not one month past to
the effect of the law, nor ten days neither, because I have been so
kept in prison, that I could not seek for remedy in form abovesaid;
nor was there at every month, after the form of the sentence, offered 
me pen and ink, and liberty given me to consult and deliberate with
other learned men and friends, what were hest to do, or to send unto
them. And furthermore, the very eighth day after the decree given, I
protested before my servants, whom I had only commodity to use as
witnesses of the nullity of the decree, for the evident and apparent
matter in it; but if it were in law, I appealed to the king's Majesty,
because my request was not admitted, to have the copy of the articles
to answer them particularly, and because it is excessive correction,
to sequester my fruits and keep me in prison: with other cases to be
deduced where I might have opportunity. Which appellation I protested
to intimate as soon as I could come to any presence meet there-for, as
I did in this assembly at my last repair; desiring therewith the
benefit of complete restitution, because of mine imprisonment; and
therefore do answer this matter with protestation of that appeal, and
utterly deny all manner of contempt."

The Nineteenth Article.

"Item, That you have not hitherto, according to the said intimation
and monition, submitted, reconciled, nor reformed yourself, but
contemptuously yet still remain in your disobedience."

Winchester.--"To the nineteenth article I say, that I have been all
this while in prison so kept, as no man could have access to counsel
with me, nor any means to write or send to any man, having made
continual suit to master lieutenant and master marshal, under whose
custody I am here, and to make suit in my name to the lords of the
council, that I might come to hearing, or else be bailed upon surety;
which I could not obtain, and so have remained, under the benefit of
my said appeal to the king's Majesty made, as I might for the time;
which I eftsoons desire I may have liberty to prosecute.

"And whereas, answering to these articles for declaration of the
integrity of my conscience, I use in the same places general words, I
protest I mean not by those words to set forth myself otherwise more
arrogantly than as my direct intent (which excludeth malice) and
purpose move me to say, and as my conscience beareth witness unto me
at this time; and therefore will say therein with St. Paul, Nihili
mihi conscius sum, sed non in hoc justificatus sum. Wherefore if any
especially be objected unto me, wherein, by ignorance or oversight and
negligence, any offence of mine may appear against the king's
Majesty's laws, statutes, and injunctions, I shall desire and protest
that it be not prejudicial to mine answer for this present Credo (as
lawyers in civil matters use that term) to be true; that is to say,
such as, without any alteration in my conscience, presently I may of
myself say in affirmation or denial, as afore is answered. And whereas
I spake of commandment to be made to me against God's law, I protest
not to touch my sovereign lord's honour therein, which my duty is by
all means to preserve, but that the commandment given resolveth to be
against God's law on my part, in the obedience to be given; because I
may not answer or say otherwise but yea, yea, and nay, nay. So as my
words and heart may agree together, or else I should offend God's law;
which my sovereign, if if he knew my conscience, would not command
me."

Now that we have set forth and declared the matters and articles
propounded and objected against the bishop, with his answer and
purgations unto the same, wherein, though he utter many words to the
most advantage of his excuse, yet he could not so excuse himself, but
that much fault, and matter of great complaint, and most worthy of
accusation, did remain in him: it remaineth, consequently, to set
forth the process of his doings, and such complaints and accusations,
wherewith he was worthily charged withal, as in the copy here
following doth appear.

The copy of a writ or evidence touching the order and manner of the
misdemeanour of Winchester, with declaration of the faults wherewith
he was justly charged; copied out of the public records.

"Whereas the king's Majesty, by the advice of the lord protector and
the rest of his Highness's privy council, thinking requisite, for
sundry urgent considerations, to have a general visitation throughout
the whole realm, did, about ten months past, address forth
commissions; and, by the advice of sundry bishops and other the best
learned men of the realm, appointed certain orders or injunctions to
be generally observed; which, being such as in some part touched the
reformation of many abuses, and in other parts concerned the good
governance and quiet of the realm, were (as reason would) of all men
of all sorts obediently received, and reverently observed and
executed, saving only of the bishop of Winchester, who, as well by
conference with others as by open protestations and letters also,
showed such a wilful disobedience therein, as, if it had not been
quickly espied, might have bred much unquietness and trouble:-- upon
the knowledge thereof he, being sent for, and his lewd proceedings
laid to his charge, in the presence of the whole council so used
himself (as well in denying to receive the said orders and
injunctions, as otherwise) as he was thought worthy most sharp
punishment; and yet, considering the place he had been in, he was only
sequestered to the Fleet, where, after he had remained a certain time,
as much at his ease as if he had been at his own house, upon his
promise of conformity, he was both set at liberty again, and also
licensed to repair to and remain in his diocese at his pleasure. Where
when he was, forgetting his duty, and what promise he had made, he
began forthwith to set forth such matters as bred again more strife,
variance, and contention, in that one small city and shire, than was
almost in the whole realm after. Besides that, the lord protector's
Grace and the council were informed, that to withstand such as he
thought to have been sent from his Grace and their Lordships into
those parts, he had caused all his servants to be secretly armed and
harnessed; and moreover, when such preachers as, being men of godly
life and learning, were sent into that diocese by his Grace and their
Lordships to preach the word of God, and appointed to preach, the
bishop, to disappoint and disgrace them, and to hinder his Majesty's
proceedings, did occupy the pulpit himself, not fearing in his sermon
to warn the people to beware of such new preachers, and to embrace
none other doctrine but that which he had taught them (than the which
words none could have been spoken more perilous and seditious).
Whereupon, being eftsoons sent for, and their Grace and Lordships
objecting to him many particular matters wherewith they had just cause
to charge him, they did in the end, upon his second promise, leave him
at liberty, only willing him to remain at his house at London, because
they thought it most meet to sequester him from his diocese for a
time. And, being come to his house, he began afresh to ruffle and
meddle in matters wherein he had neither commission nor authority;
part whereof touched the king's Majesty. Whereof being yet once again
admonished by his Grace and their Lordships, he did not only promise
to conform himself in all things like a good subject, but also,
because he understood that he was diversely reported of, and many were
also offended with him, he offered to declare to the world his
conformity; and promised, in an open sermon so to open his mind in
sundry articles agreed upon, that such as had been offended should
have no more cause to be offended, but well satisfied in all things.
Declaring further, that as his own conscience was well satisfied, and
liked well the king's proceedings within this realm, so would he utter
his conscience abroad, to the satisfaction and good quiet of others.
And yet, all this notwithstanding, at the day appointed, he did not
only most arrogantly and disobediently, and that in the presence of
his Majesty, his Grace, and their Lordships, and of such an audience
as the like whereof hath not lightly been seen, speak of certain
matters contrary to an express commandment given to him on his
Majesty's behalf both by mouth and by letters, but also, in the rest
of the articles whereunto he had agreed before, used such a manner of
utterance as was very like, even there presently, to have stirred a
great tumult; and, in certain great matters touching the policy of the
realm, handled himself so colourably, as therein he showed himself an
open great offender, and a very seditious man. Forasmuch as these his
proceedings were of such sort, as, being suffered to escape
unpunished, might breed innumerable inconveniences, and that the
clemencies showed to him afore, by his Grace and their Lordships, did
work in him no good effect, but rather a pride and boldness to demean
himself more and more disobediently against his Majesty's and his
Grace's proceedings; it was determined by his Grace and their
Lordships, that he should be committed to the Tower, and be conveyed
thither by Sir Anthony Wingfield; and that at the time of his
committing, Sir Ralph Sadler, and William Hunnings, clerk of the
council, should seal up the doors of such places in his house as they
should think meet: all which was done accordingly."

By this evidence above-mentioned, first, here is of the reader to be
noted, how lewdly and disobediently the said Stephen Gardiner misused
himself in the king's general visitation, in denying to receive such
orders and injunctions, as for the which he justly deserved much more
severe punishment, albeit the king, with his uncle the lord protector,
more gently proceeding with him, were contented only to make him taste
the Fleet; in the which house, as his durance was not long, so his
entreating and ordering was very easy. Out of the which Fleet, divers
and sundry letters he wrote to the lord protector and others of the
council; certain also to the archbishop of Canterbury, and some to
Master Ridley, bishop of London, as is above specified.

Here follow the circumstances of the council's proceedings with the
bishop of Winchester, taken out of the register.

"Greenwich, June 8, 1550
	"Considering the long imprisonment that the bishop of Winchester
hath sustained, it was now thought time he should be spoken withal;
and agreed by the council, that if he repented his former obstinacy,
and would henceforth apply himself to advance the king's Majesty's
proceedings, his Highness, in this case, would be his good lord to
remit all his errors passed. Otherwise his Majesty was resolved to
proceed against him as his obstinacy and contempt required. For the
declaration whereof the duke of Somerset, the lord treasurer, the lord
privy seal, the lord great chamberlain, and Master Secretary Peter,
were appointed the next day to repair unto him."

After these things thus passed, certain of the council, by the king's
appointment, had sundry days and times access to him in the Tower, to
persuade with him; which were these, the duke of Somerset, the lord
treasurer, the lord privy seal, the lord great chamberlain, and Master
Secretary Peter, who repaired to him the tenth day of June.

"Greenwich, June 10, 1550.
	"Report was made by the duke of Somerset and the rest, sent to
the bishop of Winchester, that he desired of them to see the king's
book of proceedings; upon the sight whereof he would make a full
answer, seeming to be willing in all things to conform himself
thereunto, and promising, that in case any thing offended his
conscience, he would open it to none but to the council. Whereupon it
was agreed, the book should be sent him to see his answer, that his
case might be resolved upon; and that, for the mean time, he should
have the liberty of the gallery and garden in the Tower, when the duke
of Norfolk were absent."

The king was lying at Greenwich at this time.

Greenwich, June 13, 1550.
	This day the lieutenant of the Tower, who before was appointed
to deliver the king's book unto the bishop of Winchester, declared
unto the council, that the bishop, having perused it, said unto him,
he could make no direct answer unless he were at liberty; and so
being, he would say his conscience. Whereupon the lords and others
that had been with him the other day, were appointed to go to him
again to receive a direct answer, that the council thereupon might
determine further order for him."

"At Westminster, July 8, 1550.
	"This day the bishop of Winchester's case was renewed upon the
report of the lords that had been with him, that his answers were ever
doubtful, refusing while he were in prison to make any direct answer.
Wherefore it was determined, that he should be directly examined,
whether he would sincerely conform himself unto the king's Majesty's
proceedings or not. For which purpose it was agreed, that particular
articles should be drawn, to see whether he would subscribe them or
not; and a letter also directed unto him from the king's Highness,
with which the lord treasurer, the lord great master, the master of
the horse, and Master Secretary Peter, should repair unto him; the
tenor of which letter hereafter ensueth."

A letter sent to the bishop of Winchester, signed by the king, and
subscribed by the council.

"It is not, we think, unknown unto you, with what clemency and favour
we, by the advice of our council, caused you to be heard and used,
upon the sundry complaints and informations that were made to us and
our said council of your disordered doings and words, both at the time
of our late visitation, and otherwise. Which notwithstanding,
considering that the favour, both then and many other times ministered
unto you, wrought rather an insolent wilfulness in yourself, than any
obedient conformity, such as would have beseemed a man of your
vocation, we would not but use some demonstration of justice towards
you, as well for such notorious and apparent contempts, and other
inobediences as, after and contrary to our commandment, were openly
known in you, as also for some example and terror of such others as by
your example seemed to take courage to mutter and grudge against our
most godly proceedings, whereof great discord and inconvenience at
that time might have ensued. For the avoiding whereof, and for your
just deservings, you were by our said council committed to ward: where
albeit we have suffered you to remain a long space, sending unto you
in the mean time, at sundry times, divers of the noblemen, and others
of our privy council, and travailing by them with clemency and favour
to have reduced you to the knowledge of your duty; yet in all this
time have you neither acknowledged your faults, nor made any such
submission as might have beseemed you, nor yet showed any appearance
either of repentance, or of any good conformity to our godly
proceedings. Wherewith albeit we both have good cause to be offended,
and might also justly, by the order of our laws, cause your former
doings to be reformed and punished to the example of others; yet, for
that we would both the world and yourself also should know that we
delight more in clemency, than in the strait administration of
justice, we have vouchsafed, not only to address unto you these our
letters, but also to send eftsoons unto you four of our privy council
with certain articles, which being by us, with the advice of our said
council, considered, we think requisite, for sundry considerations, to
be subscribed by you; and therefore will and command you to subscribe
the said articles, upon pain of incurring such punishment and
penalties as by our laws may be put upon you for not doing the same.

"Given at our palace of Westminster, the eighth day of July, the
fourth year of our reign."

This letter, signed by the king's Majesty, was also subscribed by the
whole council.

"At Westminster, July 10.
	"The lord treasurer, lord great master, the master of the horse,
and Master Secretary Peter, made report unto the council, that they
had not only delivered to the bishop of Winchester the king's
Majesty's letter, but also the articles appointed unto all; which
articles he subscribed with his own hand, saving to the first,
whereunto he wrote his answer in the margin, as hereafter appeareth."

With the before-mentioned letter, addressed from the king and his
council, these articles, also, were delivered to the bishop of
Winchester, here following:

The copy of the articles, six in number.

"I. That by the law of God, and the authority of the Scriptures, the
king's Majesty and his successors are supreme heads of the churches of
England, and also of Ireland."

The bishop of Winchester's answer to this article, in the margin.--
"Whereas I, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, have been suspected as one
too much favouring the bishop of Rome's authority, decrees, and
ordinances, and, as one that did not approve or allow the king's
Majesty's proceedings in alteration of certain rites in religion, was
convented before the king's Highness's council, and admonished
thereof; and having certain things appointed for me to do and preach
for my declaration, have not done that as I ought to do, although I
promised to do the same; whereby I have not only incurred the king's
Majesty's indignation, but also divers of his Highness's subjects
have, by my example, taken encouragement (as his Grace's council is
certainly informed) to repine at his Majesty's most godly proceedings:
I am right sorry there-for, and acknowledge myself condignly to have
been punished; and do most heartily thank his Majesty, that of his
great clemency it hath pleased his Highness to deal with me not
according to rigour, but mercy. And to the intent it may appear to the
world, how little I do repine at his Highness's doings, which be in
religion most godly, and to the commonwealth most profitable, I do
affirm and say freely of mine own will, without any compulsion, as
ensueth."

"II. Item, That the appointing of holy-days and fasting-days, as Lent,
Ember-days, or any such like, or to dispense therewith, is in the
king's Majesty's authority and power: and his Highness, as supreme
head of the said churches of England and Ireland, and governor
thereof, may appoint the manner and time of the holy-days and fasting-
days, or dispense therewith, as to his wisdom shall seem most
convenient for the honour of God, and the wealth of this realm.

"III. Item, That the king's Majesty hath most Christianly and godly
set forth, by and with the consent of the whole parliament, a devout
and Christian book of service of the church, to be frequented by the
church, which book is to be accepted and allowed of all bishops,
pastors, curates, and all ministers ecclesiastical of the realm of
England, and so of him to be declared and commended in all places
where he shall fortune to preach or speak to the people of it, that it
is a godly and Christian book and order, and to be allowed, accepted,
and observed of all the king's Majesty's true subjects.

"IV. I do acknowledge the king's Majesty that now is, (whose life God
long preserve!) to be my sovereign lord, and supreme head under Christ
to me as a bishop of this realm, and natural subject to his Majesty,
and now in this his young and tender age to be my full and entire
king; and that I, and all other his Highness's subjects, are bound to
obey all his Majesty's proclamations, statutes, laws, and
commandments, made, promulgated, and set forth in his Highness's young
age, as well as though his Highness were at this present thirty or
forty years old.

"V. Item, I confess and acknowledge, that the statute commonly called
The Statute of the Six Articles, for just causes and grounds, is by
authority of parliament repealed and disannulled.

"VI. Item, That his Majesty and his successors have authority in the
said churches of England, and also of Ireland, to alter, reform,
correct, and amend all errors and abuses, and all rites and ceremonies
ecclesiastical, as shall seem from time to time to his Highness and
his successors most convenient for the edification of his people; so
that the same alteration be not contrary or repugnant to the Scripture
and law of God.

"Subscribed by Stephen Winchester, with the testimonial hands of the
council to the same."

To these articles afore specified, although Winchester with his own
hand did subscribe, granting and consenting to the supremacy of the
king as well then being, as of his successors to come; yet because he
stuck so much in the first point touching his submission, and would in
no case subscribe to the same, but only made his answer in the margin,
(as is above noted,) it was therefore thought good to the king, that
the master of the horse and Master Secretary Peter should repair unto
him again with the same request of submission, exhorting him to look
better upon it; and in case the words seemed too sore, then to refer
it unto himself, in what sort and with what words he should devise to
submit him, that, upon the acknowledgment of his fault, the king's
Highness might extend his mercy and liberality towards him as it was
determined: which was the eleventh day of July, the year abovesaid.

When the master of the horse and Secretary Peter had been with him in
the Tower according to their commission, returning from him again,
they declared unto the king and his council how precisely the said
bishop stood in justification of himself, that he had never offended
the king's Majesty: wherefore he utterly refused to make any
submission at all. For the more surety of which denial, it was agreed,
that a new book of articles should be devised, wherewith the said
master of the horse, and Master Secretary Peter, should repair unto
him again; and for the more authentic proceeding with him, they should
have with them a divine, and a temporal lawyer, which were the bishop
of London, and Master Goodrick.

The copy of the last articles sent to the bishop of Winchester.

"Whereas I, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, have been suspected as one
that did not approve or allow the king's Majesty's proceedings in
alteration of certain rites in religion, and was convented before the
king's Highness's council, and admonished thereof, and having certain
things appointed for me to do and preach for my declaration, have not
done therein as I ought to do, whereby I have deserved his Majesty's
displeasure, I am right sorry therefore. And to the intent it may
appear to the world how little I do repine at his Highness's doings,
which be in religion most godly, and to the commonwealth most
profitable, I do affirm as followeth

"I. That the late king, of most famous memory, King Henry the Eighth,
our late sovereign lord, justly, and of good reason and ground, hath
taken away, and caused to be suppressed and defaced, all monasteries
and religious houses, and all conventicles and convents of monks,
friars, nuns, canons, bonhommes, and other persons called religious;
and that the same being so dissolved, the persons therein bound and
professed to obedience to a person, place, habit, and other
superstitious rites and ceremonies, upon that dissolution and order
appointed by the king's Majesty's authority as supreme head of the
church, are clearly released and acquitted of those vows and
professions, and at their full liberty, as though those unwitty and
superstitious vows had never been made.

"II. Item, That any person may lawfully marry, without any
dispensation from the bishop of Rome, or any other man, with any
person whom it is not prohibited to contract matrimony with, by the
law Levitical.

"III. Item, That the vowing and going on pilgrimage to images, or the
bones or relics of any saints, hath been superstitiously used, and
cause of much wickedness and idolatry, and therefore justly abolished
by the late said king, of famous memory; and the images and relics so
abused, have been, for great and godly considerations, defaced and
destroyed.

"IV. Item, That the counterfeiting of St. Nicholas, St. Clement, St.
Katharine, and St. Edmund, by children heretofore brought into the
church, was a mere mockery and foolishness, and therefore justly
abolished and taken away.

"V. Item, It is convenient and godly, that the Scripture of the Old
Testament and New, that is, the whole Bible, be had in English and
published, to be read of every man, and that whosoever doth repel and
dehort men from reading thereof, doth evil and damnably.

"VI. Item, That the said late king, of just ground and reason, did
receive into his hands the authority and disposition of chantries and
such livings as were given for the maintenance of private masses, and
did well change divers of them to other uses.

"VII. Also, the king's Majesty that now is, by the advice and consent
of the parliament, did, upon just ground and reason, suppress,
abolish, and take away the said chantries, and such other livings as
were used and occupied for maintenance of private masses, and masses
satisfactory for the souls of them that are dead, or finding of obits,
lights, or other like things. The mass that was wont to be said of
priests was full of abuses, and had very few things of Christ's
institution, besides the Epistle, Gospel, the Lord's Prayer, and the
words of the Lord's supper; the rest, for the more part, were invented
and devised by bishops of Rome, and by other men of the same sort, and
therefore justly taken away by the statutes and laws of this realm;
and the communion which is placed instead thereof, is very godly, and
agreeable to the Scriptures.

"VIII. Item, That it is most convenient and fit, and according to the
first institution, that all Christian men should receive the sacrament
of the body and blood of Christ in both the kinds, that is, in bread
and wine.

"IX. And the mass, wherein only the priest receiveth, and the others
do but look on, is but the invention of man, and the ordinance of the
bishop of Rome's church, not agreeable to Scripture.

"X. Item, That upon good and godly considerations it is ordered in the
said book and order, that the sacrament should not be lifted up, and
showed to the people to be adored; but to be with godly devotion
received, as it was first instituted.

"XI. Item, That it is well, politically, and godly done, that the
king's Majesty, by act of parliament, hath commanded all images which
have stood in churches and chapels, to be clearly abolished and
defaced; lest hereafter, at any time, they should give occasion of
idolatry, or be abused, as many of them heretofore have been, with
pilgrimages, and such idolatrous worshipping.

"XII. And also that, for like godly and good considerations, by the
same authority of parliament, all mass-books, cowchers, grails, and
other books of the service in Latin, heretofore used, should be
abolished and defaced, as well for certain superstitions in them
contained, as also to avoid dissension; and that the said service in
the church should be, through the whole realm, in one uniform
conformity, and no occasion through those old books to the contrary.

"XIII. That bishops, priests, and deacons have no commandment of the
law of God, either to vow chastity, or to abstain continually from
marriage.

"XIV. Item, That all canons, constitutions, laws positive, and
ordinances of man, which do prohibit or forbid marriage to any bishop,
priest, or deacon, be justly, and upon godly grounds and
considerations, taken away and abolished by authority of parliament.

"XV. The Homilies lately commanded and set forth by the king's
Majesty, to be read in the congregations of England, are godly and
wholesome, and do teach such doctrine as ought to be embraced of all
men.

"XVI. The book set forth by the king's Majesty, by authority of
parliament, containing the form and manner of making and consecrating
of archbishops, bishops, priests, and deacons, is godly, and in no
point contrary to the wholesome doctrine of the gospel; and therefore
ought to be received and approved of all the faithful members of the
Church of England, and, namely, the ministers of God's word, and by
them commended to the people.

"XVII. That the orders of sub-deacon, Benet and Colet, and such others
as were commonly called minores ordines, be not necessary by the word
of God to be reckoned in the church, and be justly left out in the
said Book of Orders.

"XVIII. That the Holy Scriptures contain sufficiently all doctrine
required of necessity for eternal salvation through faith in Jesus
Christ; and that nothing is to be taught as required of necessity to
eternal salvation, but that which may be concluded and proved by the
Holy Scriptures.

"XIX. That upon good and godly considerations it was and is commanded
by the king's Majesty's injunctions, that the Paraphrase of Erasmus in
English should he set up in some convenient place in every parish
church of this realm, where the parishioners may most commodiously
resort to read the same.

"XX. And because these articles aforesaid, do contain only such
matters as be already published and openly set forth by the king's
Majesty's authority, by the advice of his Highness's council, for many
great and godly considerations; and amongst others, for the common
tranquillity and unity of the realm; his Majesty's pleasure, by the
advice aforesaid, is, that you, the bishop of Winchester, shall not
only affirm these articles with subscription of your hand, but also
declare and profess yourself well contented, willing, and ready to
publish and preach the same at such times and places, and before such
audience, as to his Majesty from time to time shall seem convenient
and requisite; upon pain of incurring such penalties and punishments
as, for not doing the same, may, by his Majesty's laws, be inflicted
upon you.

"These articles were sent the fifteenth of July."

Report was made by the master of the horse and Master Secretary Peter
as followeth:

"That they, with the bishop of London and Master Goodrick, had been
with the bishop of Winchester, and offered him the foresaid articles
according to the council's order: whereupon the said bishop of
Winchester made answer, that first to the article of submission, he
would in no wise consent; affirming, as he had done before, that he
had never offended the king's Majesty in any such sort as should give
him cause thus to submit himself; praying earnestly to be brought to
his trial, wherein he refused the king's mercy, and desired nothing
but justice. And for the rest of the articles, he answered, that after
he were past his trial in this first point, and were at liberty, then
it should appear what he would do in them: not being (as he said)
reasonable, that he should subscribe them in prison."

Whereupon it was agreed that he should be sent for before the whole
council and peremptorily examined once again, whether he would stand
at this point or no. Which if he did, then to denounce unto him the
sequestration of his benefice and consequently the intimation, in case
he were not reformed within three months; as in the day of his
appearance shall appear.

"At Westminster, the 19th July, 1550.
	"This day the council had access unto the king's Majesty for
divers causes, but specially for the bishop of Winchester's matter;
who, this day, was therefore appointed to be before the council: and
then, having declared to his Highness the circumstances of their
proceedings with the bishop, his Majesty commanded that if he would
this day also stand to his wonted obstinacy, the council should then
proceed to the immediate sequestration of his bishopric and
consequently to the intimation. Upon this the bishop of Winchester was
brought before the council, and there the articles before mentioned
read unto him distinctly, and with good deliberation: whereunto he
refused to subscribe or consent, and thereupon were both the
sequestration and intimation read unto him, in the form following:

"'Whereas the king's Majesty, our most gracious sovereign lord, hath
at divers times set sundry of us to travail with you, to the intent
you, acknowledging your bounden duty, should, as a good and obedient
subject, have conformed yourself to that uniformity in matters of
religion, which is already openly set forth, both by acts of
parliament, and otherwise by his Majesty's authority; and hath also of
late, by certain of his Majesty's council, sent unto you certain
articles, with express commandment that you should affirm them with
subscription of your hand, and also declare and profess yourself well
contented, willing, and ready, to publish and preach the same to
others, at such times and places, and before such audience, as to his
Majesty should, from time to time, be seen requisite: because you did
at that time expressly refuse to do as you were commanded, to the
great contempt of his Highness's most dread commandment, and dangerous 
example of others; we, having special commission from his Majesty to
hear and determine your manifold con-tempts and disobediences, do
eftsoons ask and demand of you, whether you will obey and do his
Majesty's said commandment or not.'" Whereunto he answered, that in
all things that his Majesty would command him, he was willing and most
ready to obey; but forasmuch as there were divers things required of
him that his conscience would not bear, therefore he prayed them to
have him excused.-- And thereupon Master Secretary Peter by the
council's order proceeded with these words."--

The words of the sequestration, with the intimation to the bishop of
Winchester.

"Forasmuch as the king's Majesty, our most gracious sovereign lord,
understandeth, and it is also manifestly known and notorious unto us,
that the clemency and long sufferance of his Majesty worketh not in
you that good effect, and humbleness, and conformity, that is
requisite in a good subject; and for that your disobediences,
contempts, and other misbehaviours, for the which you were by his
Majesty's authority justly committed to ward, have, since your said
committing, daily more and more increased in you, in such sort as a
great slander and offence is thereof risen in many parts of the realm,
whereby also much slander, dissension, trouble, and unquietness, is
very like more to ensue, if your aforesaid offences, (being, as they
be, openly known,) should pass unpunished: we let you wit, that having
special and express commission and commandment from his Majesty, as
well for your contumacies and contempts so long continued, and yet
daily more increasing, as also for the exchange of the slander and
offence of the people, which by your said ill demeanours are risen;
and for that also the church of Winchester may be in the mean time
provided of a good minister, that may and will see all things done and
quietly executed according to the laws and common orders of this
realm; and for sundry other great and urgent causes: we do, by these
presents, sequester all the fruits, revenues, lands, and possessions
of your bishopric of Winchester; and discern, deem, and judge the same
to be committed to the several receipt, collection, and custody, of
such person or persons as his Majesty shall appoint for that purpose.
And because your former disobediences and contempts, so long
continued, so many times doubled, renewed, and aggravated, do
manifestly declare you to be a person without all hope of recovery,
and plainly incorrigible; we eftsoons admonish and require you to obey
his Majesty's said commandment, and that you do declare yourself, by
subscription of your hand, both willing and well contented to accept,
allow, preach and teach to others, the said articles, and all such
other matters as be or shall be set forth by his Majesty's authority
of supreme head of this Church of England, on this side and within the
term of three months; whereof we appoint one month for the first
monition, one month for the second monition and warning, and one month
for the third and peremptory monition.

"'Within which time as you may yet declare your conformity, and shall
have paper, pen, and ink, when you shall call for them for that
purpose; so if you wilfully forbear and refuse to declare yourself
obedient and conformable as is aforesaid, we intimate unto you, that
his Majesty, who, like a good governor, desireth to keep both his
commonwealth quiet, and to purge the same of evil men, (especially
ministers,) intendeth to proceed against you as an incorrigible
person, and unmeet minister of this church, unto the deprivation of
your said bishopric.

"(Nevertheless, upon divers good considerations, and specially in hope
he might within his time be yet reconciled, it was agreed, that the
said bishop's house and servants should be maintained in their present
estate, until the time that this injunction should expire, and the
matter for the mean time to be kept secret.)"

After this sequestration, the said bishop was convented unto Lambeth
before the archbishop of Canterbury, and other the king's
commissioners, by virtue of the king's special letters sent unto the
said commissioners; to wit, the archbishop of Canterbury, Nicholas,
bishop of London, Thomas, bishop of Ely, Henry, bishop of Lincoln,
Secretary Peter, Sir James Hales, knight; Dr. Leyson and Dr. Oliver,
lawyers, and John Gosnold, esquire, &c., before them, and by them, to
be examined. But, forasmuch as among other divers and sundry crimes
and accusations, deduced against this bishop, the especial and
chiefest matter wherewith he was charged, depended upon his sermon
made before the king's Majesty, in not satisfying and discharging his
duty therein -- partly in omitting that which he was required to do,
partly in speaking of those things which he was forbid to entreat of -
- it shall not be out of the order of the story, here to recite the
whole tenor and effect of his sermon, as it was penned and exhibited
to the commissioners at his examination, with the copy also of the
lord protector's letter, sent unto him before he should preach.

The tenor and copy of a letter sent to the bishop of Winchester, from
the duke of Somerset and the rest of the commissioners, touching such
points as the bishop of Winchester should entreat of in his sermon. On
the twenty-eighth of June, 1548.

"To our loving lord the bishop of Winchester.
	"We commend us unto you: We sent unto you yesterday our servant
William Cecil, to signify unto you our pleasure, and advise that you
should, in this your next sermon, forbear to entreat upon those
principal questions which remain amongst the number of learned men in
this realm as yet in controversy, concerning the sacrament of the
altar and the mass; as well for that your private argument or
determination therein might offend the people, naturally expecting
decisions of litigious causes, and thereby discord and tumult arise,
the occasions whereof we must necessarily prevent and take away, as
also for that the questions and controversies rest at this present in
consultation; and, with the pleasure of God, shall be, in small time,
by public doctrine and authority quietly and truly determined. This
message we send unto you, not thinking but your own wisdom had
considered so much in an apparent manner; or. at the least, upon our
remembrance, ye would understand it, and follow it with good will:
consulting thereby your own quiet in avoiding offence, as observing
our pleasure in avoiding contention. Your answer hereunto our said
servant hath declared unto us in this manner: 'Ye can in no wise
forbear to speak of the sacrament, neither of the mass;' this last,
being the chief foundation, as you say, of our religion; and that
without it, we cannot know that Christ is our sacrifice. The other
being so spoken of by many, that if you should not speak your mind
thereof, what ye think, you know what other men would think of you. In
the end, concluding generally, that ye will speak the truth; and that
ye doubt not but we shall be therewith content; adding also, as our
said servant reporteth unto us, that you would not wish that we
ourselves should meddle or have to do in these matters of religion;.
but that the care thereof were committed to the bishops, unto whom the
blame, if any should be deserved, might well be imputed. To this your
answer, if it so be, we reply very shortly, signifying unto you our
express pleasure and commandment, on our sovereign lord the king's
Majesty's behalf, charging you, by the authority of the same, to
abstain in your said sermon from treating of any matter in controversy
concerning the said sacrament and the mass; and only to bestow your
speech in the expert explication of the articles prescribed unto you,
and in other wholesome matters of obedience of the people, and good
conversation in living; the same matter being both large enough for a
long sermon, and not unnecessary for the time: and the treating of the
other, which we forbid you, not meet in your private sermon to be had,
but necessarily reserved for a public consultation, and at this
present utterly to be forborne for the common quiet. This is our
express pleasure, wherein we know how reasonably we may command you,
and you, we think, know how willingly ye ought to obey us.

"For our intermeddling with these causes of religion, understand you,
that we account it no small part of our charge, under the king's
Majesty, to bring his people from ignorance to knowledge, and from
superstition to true religion; esteeming that the chiefest foundation
to build obedience upon; and, where there is a full consent of other
the bishops and learned men in a truth, not to suffer you, or a few
other wilful heads, to disorder all the rest. And although we presume
not to determine articles of religion by ourself, yet from God we
knowledge it, we be desirous to defend and advance the truth
determined or revealed. And so consequently we will not fail but
withstand the disturbers thereof. So fare you well.

"From Sion, the 28th of June, anno 1548.
	"Your loving friend,
	EDWARD SOMERSET."

Here followeth the sum and effect of the sermon which Gardiner bishop
of Winchester preached before the king's Majesty, collected by Master
Udall, and exhibited up to the commissioners in the time of the
examination of the said bishop.

The sermon of Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, preached before
the king.

"Most honourable audience! I purpose, by the grace of God, to declare
some part of the gospel that is accustomably used to be read in the
church as this day. And for because that without the special grace of
God, neither I can speak any thing to your edifying, nor ye receive
the same accordingly, I shall desire you all, that we may jointly pray
altogether for the assistance of his grace; in which prayer I commend
to Almighty God, your most excellent Majesty our sovereign lord, king
of England, France, and Ireland, and of the Church of England and
Ireland, next and immediately under God, here on earth the supreme
head; queen Katharine, dowager; my Lady Mary's grace, my Lady
Elizabeth's grace, your Majesty's most dear sisters; my lord
protector's grace, with all others of your most honourable council;
the spiritualty and temporalty. And I shall desire you to commend unto
God with your prayer, the souls departed unto God in Christ's faith;
and among these most specially, for our late sovereign lord King Henry
the Eighth, your Majesty's most noble father. For these, and for grace
necessary, I shall desire you to say a Pater-noster [and so forth].

"The gospel beginneth, Cum venisset Jesus in partes Cęsarę Philippi,
&c. When Jesus was come into the parts of Cesarea, a city that
Philippus builded, he asked his disciples and said, Whom do men say
that the Son of man is? They said, Some say that thou art John the
Baptist; some, that thou art Elias; some, that thou art Jeremy, or one
of the prophets. He said to them, But whom say ye that I am? Then
answered Simon Peter and said, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living
God, &c.

"I cannot have time, I think, to speak of the gospel thoroughly, for
other matters that I have here now to say; but I shall note unto you
such things as I may. And first, of the diversity of opinions
concerning Christ, which were among the people variable, but among his
(that is, the disciples of Christ's school) there was no variety. They
agreed altogether in one truth, and among them was no variety. For
when Peter had, for all the rest, and in the name of all the rest,
made his answer, that Christ was the Son of God, they all, with one
consent, confessed that he had spoken the truth. Yet these opinions of
Christ that the people had of him, though they were sundry, yet were
they honourable, and not slanderous; for to say that Christ was Elias,
and John the Baptist, was honourable; for some thought him so to be,
because he did frankly, sharply, and openly, rebuke vice. They that
called him Jeremy, had an honourable opinion of him, and thought him
so to be, because of his great learning which they perceived in him;
and marvelled where he had it. And they that said he was one of the
prophets, had an honourable opinion of him, and favoured him, and
thought well of him. But there was another sort of people that spake
evil of him, and slandered him and railed on him, saying that he was a
glutton, and a drinker of wine; that he had a devil in him; that he
was a deceiver of the people; that he was a carpenter's son (as though
he were the worse for his father's craft). But of these he asked not
any question; for among these, none agreed with the other. Wherein ye
shall note, that man of his own power and strength can nothing do. For
nothing that good is he can do of his own invention or device, but
erreth and faileth when he is left to his own invention. He erreth in
his imagination. So proud is man, and so stout of his own courage,
that he deviseth nothing well, whensoever he is left to himself
without God. And then never do any such agree in any truth, but wander
and err in all that they do: as men of law, if they be asked their
opinion in any point touching the law, ye shall not have two of them
agree in opinion in any point touching the law; ye shall not have two
of them agree in opinion one with the other. If there be two or three
of them asked their opinion in any matter, if they should answer all
one thing, they fear lest they should be supposed and thought to have
no learning. Therefore, be they never so many of them, they will not
agree in their answers, but devise each man a sundry answer in any
thing that they are asked. The philosophers that were not of Christ's
school, erred every one in their vain opinions, and no one of them
agreeth with the other. Yea, men of simplicity, though they mean well,
yet being out of Christ's school, they agree not, but vary in their
opinions; as these simple people here spoken of, because they were not
perfect disciples of Christ's school, they varied, and agreed not in
their opinion of Christ, though they thought well of him.

"Some said he was John, some Elias, some Jeremy, but none made the
right answer. He that answered here, was Simon the son of Jonas; and
he said, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God. Where ye shall
note the properties that were in Peter, he was called Simon, which is
obedience, and Jonas is a dove; so that in him that is of Christ's
school, must be these two properties, obedience and simplicity. He
must be humble and innocent as a dove, that will be of Christ's
school. Pride is a let of Christ's school; for, as the wise man
sayeth, God resisteth the proud, and giveth grace unto the humble and
meek. And according to the same doth Christ in the Gospel say, O
Father! I confess unto thee, (that is, I laud and magnify thee,) for
that thou hast hidden these things from the wise, and hast opened them
unto the little ones. Whereupon sayeth St. Augustine, that the gifts
of learning, and knowledge of sciences, are not let to Christ's
school, but a furtherance thereunto, if they be well applied, and used
as they ought to be. But he that is proud, and feedeth himself with
his own conceit and opinion of himself, and abuseth the gifts of God,
applying his learning and knowledge to the satisfying and following of
his own fantasy, is no right disciple of Christ, but falleth into
error. When they said and affirmed themselves to be wise, they were
made fools. The philosophers had every one a sect of his own, and had
many gay sentences for the commendations of their opinions; and every
man thought his own opinion to be best. But because they applied all
to their own pride and glory, and not to the honour of God, nor
humbled themselves as they ought to have done, but followed their own
fancy, they erred and fell out of the way, and were not of Christ's
school. And all that have gone out of Christ's school, pride hath
brought them out of it; and such as have not entered, have kept
themselves out of it with pride likewise. Therefore all such as will
be scholars of Christ's school and discipline, must be humble and
meek: otherwise, dicentes se sapientes esse, stulti facti sunt. He
that cannot learn this lesson of Peter, and humbly confess with Peter,
that Christ is the Son of the living God, is no scholar of Christ's
school, be he otherwise never so well learned, never so well seen in
other sciences.

"But now concerning the answer of Peter: Matthew here in this place
saith,-- he answered, Thou art the Christ, the Son of the living God:
St. Luke saith, he answered, Thou art the Christ of God: and St. Mark
saith, he answered, Thou art Christ.-- But, in all that, is no
variety; for to say, Christ the Son of the living God, and to say, The
Christ of God, and to say, Christ, is, in effect, all one, and no
diversity in it. For Christ alone is the whole, and he that confesseth
thoroughly Christ, is thoroughly a Christian man, and doth then
therein confess him to be the Lord and Saviour of the world.

"But now we must consider what Christ is. Christ was a sacrifice. He
was sent from the Trinity, to be our Mediator between God and us, and
to reconcile us to the favour of God the Father. He was the bishop
that offered for our sins, and the sacrifice that was offered. And as
he is our bishop, so is he our mean to pacify God for us, for that was
the office of a bishop, to sacrifice for the sins of the people, and
to make intercession for the people. And as he was our sacrifice, so
was he our reconciliation to God again. But we must confess and
believe him thoroughly, I say, for as he was our bishop then, so is it
he that still keepeth us in favour with God. And like as his sacrifice
then made was sufficient for us, to deliver us from our sins, and to
bring us in favour with God, so, to continue us in the same favour of
God, be ordained a perpetual remembrance of himself. He ordained
himself, for a memory of himself, at his last supper, when he
instituted the sacrament of the altar. Not for another redemption, as
though the first had not been sufficient, nor as though the world
needed a new redemption from sin; but that we might thoroughly
remember his passion, he instituted this sacrament by his most holy
word; saying,-- This is my body: which word is sufficient to prove the
sacrament, and maketh sufficiently for the substance thereof. And this
daily sacrifice he instituted to be continued amongst Christian men,
not for need of another redemption or satisfaction for the sins of the
world, (for that was sufficiently performed by his sacrifice of his
body and blood, done upon the cross,) neither that he be now our
bishop, for need of any further sacrifice to be made for sin; but to
continue us in the remembrance of his passion suffered for us; to make
us strong in believing the fruit of his passion; to make us diligent
in thanksgiving, for the benefit of his passion; to establish our
faith, and to make it strong in acknowledging the efficacy of his
death and passion, suffered for us. And this is the true understanding
of the mass: not for another redemption, but that we may be strong in
believing the benefit of Christ's death and blood-shedding for us upon
the cross.

"And this it is that we must believe of Christ, and believe it
thoroughly: and therefore, by your patience, as Peter made his
confession, so will I make confession. Wherein, by your Majesty's
leave and sufferance, I will plainly declare what I think of the state
of the Church of England at this day; how I like it, and what I think
of it; where I said of the mass, that it was a sacrifice ordained to
make us the more strong in the faith and remembrance of Christ's
passion, and for commending unto God the souls of such as be dead in
Christ. For these two things are the special causes why the mass was
instituted. The parliament very well ordained mass to be kept; and
because we should be the more strong in the faith and devotion towards
God, it was well done of the parliament, for moving the people more
and more with devotion, to ordain that this sacrament should be
received in both kinds. Therefore I say, that the act of parliament
for receiving of the sacrament of the altar in both kinds, was well
made. I said, also, that the proclamation which was made, that no man
should unreverently speak of the sacrament, or otherwise speak of it
than Scripture teacheth them, was well made: for this proclamation
stoppeth the mouths of all such as will unreverently speak of the
sacrament. For in Scripture is there nothing to be found that maketh
any thing against the sacrament, but all maketh with it. Wherefore if
they were the children of obedience, they would not use any unreverent
talk against the sacrament, nor blaspheme the holy sacrament; for no
word of the Scripture maketh any thing against it.

"But here it may be said unto me, 'Why, sir, is this your opinion? It
is good: you speak plainly in this matter, and halt nothing, but
declare your mind plainly without any colouring or covert speaking.--
The act for the dissolving and suppressing of the chantries seemeth to
make against the mass, how like you that act? What say you of it? or
what would you say of it, if you were alone?' I will speak what I
think of it. I will use no colourable or covert words. I will not use
a devised speech for a time, and afterward go from it again.-- If
chantries were abused by applying the mass, for the satisfaction of
sin, or to bring men to heaven, or to take away sin, or to make men,
of wicked, just, I like the act well; and they might well be
dissolved: for the mass was not instituted for any such purpose. Yet,
nevertheless, for them that were in them, (I speak now as in the cause
of the poor,) it were well done that they were provided of livings.
The act doth graciously provide for them during their lives, and I
doubt not but that your Majesty and the lords of your most honourable
council have willed and taken order, that they should be well looked
unto. But yet how shall they be used at the hands of under-officers?
God knoweth, full hardly, I fear. But as for the chantries themselves,
if there were any such abuse in them concerning the mass, it is no
matter if they be taken away. King Henry the Eighth, a noble and wise
prince, not without a great pain, maintained the mass; and yet in his
doctrine it was confessed, that masses of Scala cœli, were not to be
used nor allowed, because they did pervert the right use and
institution of the mass. For when men add unto the mass an opinion of
satisfaction, or of a new redemption, then do they put it to another
use than it was ordained for. I, that allow mass so well, and I, that
allow praying for the dead, (as indeed the dead are of Christian
charity to be prayed for,) yet can agree with the realm in that matter
of putting down chantries. But yet ye would say unto me, There be
fewer masses by putting away the chantries.' So were there when abbeys
were dissolved: so be there when ye unite many churches in one. But
this is no injury nor prejudice to the mass. It consisteth not in the
number, nor in the multitude, but in the thing itself; so that the
decay of the masses by taking away of the chantries, is answered by
the abbeys: but yet I would have it considered for the persons that
are in them, I speak of the poor men's livings.

"I have now declared what I think of the act of parliament, made for
the receiving of the sacrament of the body and blood of our Saviour
Jesus Christ in both kinds. Ye have my mind and opinion, concerning
the proclamation that came forth for the, same act; and I have showed
my mind therein, even plainly as I think. And I have ever been
agreeable to this precinct. I have oftentimes reasoned in it. I have
spoken and also written in it, both beyond the seas, and on this side
the seas. My books be abroad, which I cannot unwrite again. I was ever
of this opinion, that it might be received in both kinds: and it was a
constitution provincial scarce two hundred years ago, made by Peckham,
the archbishop of Canterbury, that it should be received in both
kinds: at leastwise, in ecclesiis majoribus, that is, in the greater
churches; for in the smaller churches it was not thought to be so
expedient. Thus have I ever thought of this matter. I have never been
of other mind, nor I have not changed my conscience; but I have obeyed
and followed the order of the realm: and I prayed you to obey orders
as I have obeyed, that we may all be the children of obedience.

"Now I will return to the text. When Simon had answered, Tu es
Christus, filius Dei vivi, Thou art Christ, the Son of the living God,
then Christ said unto him, Blessed art thou, Simon Bar-jona; for flesh
and blood hath not opened that unto thee, but my Father which is in
heaven. And I say unto thee, that thou art Peter; and upon this rock
will I build my church, and the gates of hell shall not prevail
against it. Blessed art thou, said he, for flesh and blood hath not
opened that unto thee. For otherwise, in Luke, Andrew told of Christ
and said, I have found the Messias, which is Christ. But that is not
enough. He that shall confess Christ, must have an inward teaching,
and must be spiritually taught by the Father of heaven; for Andrew's
confession were nothing but a carnal confession, and such a one as any
other might have made, by natural reason. But the confession of Peter
was above the reason of man; for Christ was there a very man, and
Peter's eyes told him, that he was a man and nothing else. But he was
inwardly taught by the Father of heaven, and had a secret knowledge
given him from heaven, not by flesh and blood, (that is to say, by
man's reason,) but inwardly, by the Father of heaven. And seeing this
was above reason, it is a marvellous thing, that reason should be used
to impugn faith. It is a precinct of carnal men, and such as use gross
reason. But Peter had another lesson inwardly taught him; and, because
he conned his lesson, Christ gave him a new name,-- for Petros is a
stone, a new name of a Christian man: For upon this confession of thy
faith here, I will build my church; that is, I will stablish all those
which I intend to gather unto thee; et demones non prevalebunt
adversus eam; that is, and the devils shall not prevail against it.
For he that with a good heart and sure faith confesseth this, he is
sure from all peril: this world nor Satan can do him no harm.

"But now for a further declaration. It is a marvellous thing, that
upon these words the bishop of Rome should found his supremacy; for
whether it be super petram, or Petrum, all is one matter. It maketh
nothing at all for our purpose, to make a foundation of any such
supremacy. For otherwise, when Peter spake carnally to Christ, (as in
the same chapter a little following,) Satan was his name: where Christ
said, Go after me, Satan. So that the name of Peter is no foundation
for the supremacy; but, as it is said in Scripture, Fundati estis
super fundamentum apostolorum et prophetarum; that is, by
participation, (for godly participation giveth names of things,) he
might be called the head of the church, as the head of the river is
called the head, because he was the first that made his confession of
Christ: which is not an argument for dignity, but for the quality,
that was in the man -- for the first man is not evermore the best. The
head man of a quest is not always the best man in the quest; but is
chosen to be the head man for some other quality that is in him.
Virtue may allure many, so that the inferior person in dignity may be
the better in place; as the king sometimes chooseth a mean man to be
of his council, of whom he hath a good opinion; yet is the king the
king still. And in some case the king of England might send to Rome;
and, if the bishop of Rome were a man of such wisdom, virtue, and
learning, that he were able, in matters of controversy concerning
religion, to set a unity in the Church of England, the king might well
enough send unto him for his counsel and help; and yet should not in
so doing give the bishop of Rome any superiority over the king. For if
a king be sick, he will have the best physician; if he hath war, he
will have the best captain; and yet are not those the superiors, but
the inferiors. A schoolmaster is a subject, a physician is a subject,
a captain is a subject, councillors are subjects; yet do these order
and direct the king. Wherefore, leaving the bishop of Rome, this I
say, to declare of what opinion I am. I do not now speak what I could
say. I have spoken beyond the seas; I have written; my books be
abroad; but this is not the place here. I say that this place maketh
nothing for the bishop of Rome, but for Christ only; for none can lay
any other foundation than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ.

"But now to go forth declaring my mind; in my time hath come many
alterations. First, a great alteration it was, to renounce the bishop
of Rome's authority; and I was one that stood in it. A great
alteration it was that abbeys were dissolved. A great alteration it
was that images were pulled down. And to all these did I condescend,
and yet I have been counted a maintainer of superstition; and I have
been called a master of ceremonies and of outward things; and I have
been noted to take that religion which consisteth in outward things,
as though he were a right Christian that fulfilled the outward
ceremonies.

"I promised to declare my conscience, and so will I; and how I have
esteemed ceremonies; and that I have never been of other opinion than 
I am, concerning ceremonies. And mine opinion I have gathered of
Augustine and Jerome, ancient fathers and doctors of the church.
Ceremonies serve to move men to serve God; and as long as they be used
for that purpose, they may be well used in the church. But when man
maketh himself servant to them, and not them to serve him, then be our
ceremonies brought to an abuse. If by over-much familiarity of them,
men abuse them, they do evil: for we must not serve creatures, but
God. We had monkery, nunnery, friary, of a wondrous number; much
variety of garments, variety of devices in dwelling, many sundry
orders and fashions in moving of the body. These things were first
ordained to admonish them to their duty to God, to labour for the
necessity of the poor, to spare from their own bellies to the poor;
and therefore was their fare ordained and provided. And because they
abused these things, and set them in a higher place than they ought to
do, (not taking monition thereby, the better to serve God, but
esteeming perfection to consist in them,) they were dissolved; their
houses and garments were taken away. But one thing King Henry would
not take away; that was, the vow of chastity. The vow of obedience he
converted to himself: the vow of chastity he willed still to remain
with them. We had many images whereto pilgrimages were done, and many
tombs that men used to visit; by reason whereof they fell in a fancy
of idolatry and superstition, above the things that the image might 
have been taken for: and because it had not the use that it was
ordained for, it was left. When men put the images in a higher place
than they served for, then were they taken clean away. As give a child
a gay book to learn upon, and then if he gaze upon the gorgeousness of
his book, and learn not his lesson according to the intent that the
book was given him for, the book is taken away from him again. So the
images, when men devised and fell to have them in higher place and
estimation than they were first set up in the church for, then they
might be taken away. And I was never of other mind, nor ever had other
opinion of it.

"Divers things there be in the church, which be in the liberty of the
ruler, to order as he seeth cause; and he that is ruler, may either
let it stand, or else may cause it to be taken away. There be two
manner of reformations we have had, of both sorts. There be things in
the church, the which if they be abused, may not be taken away; as for
baptism, if it be abused, there may not another thing be put in the
place of it, but the thing must be reformed and brought to the right
use again. Also preaching, if it be abused, may not be taken away, but
must be reformed and brought to the right use. But there be other
things used in the church, in which the rulers have liberty either to
reform them or to take them away. We have had many images, which be
now all taken away, for it was in the liberty of the rulers, for the
abuse of them, either to reform them or to take them away: and because
it was an easier way to take them away than to bring them to the right
use that they were ordained for, they were all clean taken away; and
so they might be.--'Yea, sir,' will ye say, 'but ye have maintained 
and defended them; and have preached against such persons as despised
them.' It is truth: I have preached against the despisers of them, and
have said, that images might be suffered and used in the church, as
laymen's books. Yet I never otherwise defended them, but to be used
for such purpose as they were first set up in the church for. But now
that men be waxed wanton, they are clean taken away; wherein our
religion is no more touched than when books were taken away for
abusing of them. There was an order taken for books not to be used,
wherein some might have said, 'The books are good, and I know how to
use them: I may therefore use them well enough. I will therefore use
them, though they be forbidden.' But if thou have any charity, thou
oughtest to be contented rather to have them all taken away, than to
declare thyself of another opinion than thou oughtest to have.

"As touching ceremonies, I esteem them all as Paul esteemeth them --
things indifferent; where he saith, The kingdom of God is not meat and
drink. So of ceremonies. Nevertheless, we have time, place, and
number: as a certain number of psalms to be said at times, which may
be used without superstition. But these things must serve us, and not
we serve them. Yet if an order be set in them by such as have power,
we must follow it; and we must obey the rulers that appoint such time,
place, and number to be kept. Ye may not say, 'If the time will not
serve me, then I will come an hour after.' No, sir, ye must keep this
time and this hour; because it is so appointed by the rulers: not for
the things, but for the order that is set. I have been ever of this
opinion. We had palms and candles taken away; which things may
indifferently have either of the two reformations above-said. When
they were in places, they should have put men in remembrance of their
duty and devotion towards God; but, because they were abused, they
were and might be taken away. But the religion of Christ is not in
these exercises; and therefore in taking away of them, the religion of
Christ is nothing touched nor hindered; but men must in such things be
conformable, not for the ceremony, but for obedience' sake. St. Paul
saith, that we should rebuke every brother that walketh inordinately.
I have told you my opinion, (and my conscience telleth me that I have
spoken plainly,) that ye may know what I am; and that ye may not be
deceived in me, nor be slandered in me, nor make any further search to
know my heart. I like well the communion, because it provoketh men
more and more to devotion. I like well the proclamation, because it
stoppeth the mouths of all such as unreverently speak or rail against
the sacrament. I like well the rest of the king's Majesty's
proceedings concerning the sacrament.

"I have now told you what I like; but shall I speak nothing of that I
mislike? ye will then say, I speak not plainly. I will therefore show
my conscience plainly. I mislike that preachers which preach by the
king's licence, and those readers which, by the king's permission and
sufferance, do read open lectures, do openly and blasphemously talk
against the mass, and against the sacrament. And to whom may I liken
such readers and preachers? I may liken them unto posts; for the
proverb says, that 'posts do bear truth in their letters, and lies in
their mouths.' And so do they. And to speak so against the sacrament,
it is the most marvellous matter that ever I saw or heard of. I would
wish, therefore, that there were a stay and an order in this behalf;
and that there might be but one order or ruler: for as the poet saith,
(I may use the verse of a poet well enough, for so doth Paul of the
great poet,) ??? a?a??? p???????a??? e?? ????a??? est? [Greek:Oych
agathon polykoiranie eis koiranos esto], that is, A government by many
is not good: let there be one king only. And let no man of his own
head begin matters, nor go before the king (they call it, 'going
before the king'): and such make themselves kings.

"Well, what misliketh me else? It misliketh me that priests and men
that vowed chastity, should openly marry and avow it openly; which is
a thing that since the beginning of the church hath not been seen in
any time, that men that have been admitted to any ecclesiastical
administration, should marry. We read of married priests, that is to
say, of married men chosen to be priests and ministers in the church;
and in Epiphanius we read, that some such, for necessity, were winked
at. But, that men being priests already, should marry, was never yet
seen in Christ's church from the beginning of the apostles' time. I
have written in it, and studied for it, and the very same places that
are therein alleged to maintain the marriage of priests, being
diligently read, shall plainly confound them, that maintain to marry
your priests -- or at the furthest, within two lines after.

"Thus have I showed my opinion in orders proceeding from the
inferiors, and in orders proceeding from the higher powers; and thus I
have, as I trust, plainly declared myself, without any covering or
counterfeiting. And I beseech your most excellent Majesty to esteem
and take me as I am; and not to be slandered in me; for I have told
you the plain truth as it is, and I have opened my conscience unto
you. I have not played the post with you, to carry truth in my
letters, and lies in my mouth; for I would not for all the world make
a lie in this place: but I have disclosed the plain truth as it lieth
in my mind. And thus I commit your most excellent Majesty, and all
your most honourable councillors, with the rest of the devout audience
here present, unto God. To whom be all honour, laud, and glory, world
without end!"

Thus, having comprised the sum and chief purpose of his sermon, with
such other matters above written, as appertain to time better opening
and understanding of the corrupt and blind ignorance of this bishop,
with his dissembling and double-face doings in matters of religion,
now it remaineth that we should proceed to the process of his
examinations, before the king's commissioners, with the full handling
of his cause in such order and process as things were done from time
to time, as here following is to be seen.

The first session.

THE first session or action against Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
was holden in the great hall of the manor of Lambeth, by the king's
Majesty's commissioners; that is to say, Thomas, archbishop of
Cantertury, Nicholas, bishop of London, Thomas, bishop of Ely, Henry,
bishop of Lincoln, Sir William Peter, one of the king's secretaries,
Sir James Hales, knight; Griffin Leyson, John Oliver, doctors of law;
Thomas Gosnold, esquire; Thomas Argall and William Say, notaries and
actuaries in that matter assigned, the 15th of December, A.D. 1550: at
which day and place, Master John Lewis, on the behalf of the king's
Majesty, presented certain letters of commission under the great seal
of England, the tenor whereof ensueth.

"Edward the Sixth, by the grace of God king of England, France, and
Ireland; defender of the faith, and of the Church of England and
Ireland in earth the supreme head: To the most reverend father in God,
our right trusty and right well-beloved councillor, Thomas, archbishop
of Canterbury, the right reverend fathers in God, our right trusty and
right well-beloved councillors, Nicholas, bishop of London, Thomas,
bishop of Ely, and Henry, bishop of Lincoln; our trusty and right
well-beloved councillors, Sir William Peter, knight, one of our two
principal secretaries, Sir James Hales, knight, one of our justices of
Common Pleas; Griffith Leyson, John Oliver, doctors of the law;
Richard Goodrick and John Gosnold, esquires, greeting.

"Whereas Stephen, bishop of Winchester, showing himself not
conformable to our godly proceedings touching the reformations of
sundry abuses in religion within this our realm -- and for that
amongst the multitude of our subjects not yet well persuaded therein,
his examples, sayings, preachings, and doings, are very much hurt to
the quiet furtherance, and humble receipt, of our said reformations
and proceedings -- was, for these and other great and urgent
considerations, by our council, with our express consent and assent,
willed, required, and commanded in our name, to preach and set forth
there, in open sermon before us, sundry matters before that time
justly ordered and reformed as well by our father of most noble
memory, as by authority of parliament; and otherwise, by the advice of
sundry learned men of our clergy; and whereas the said Stephen, bishop
of Winchester, was at the same time, for the avoiding of occasion of
our subjects, by our said council on our behalf, straitly charged and
commanded not to speak of certain other matters unfit in respect of
the time to be then spoken of, who, forgetting his bounden duty of
allegiance to us, did nevertheless openly in our own hearing, and in
the presence of our council, and a great number of our subjects,
disobey the said commandments given to him, to the danger and evil
example of all others, and great contempt of us, our crown, and
dignity royal: for the which contempt, the same being notorious, the
said bishop was then, by our authority, committed to our Tower of
London, where, notwithstanding sundry sendings unto him, he hath ever
since continued in this form of disobedience, and utterly and
expressly refused to acknowledge the same: And besides that, by other
ways and means increased in continuance and disobedience; for the
which, after many occasions, and clemency ministered unto him,
perceiving no hope of reconciling or conformity, we have further
proceeded to the sequestration of the fruits and possessions of his
bishopric; and given, eftsoons, strait commandment to obey and conform
himself within the space of three months, upon pain of deprivation of
the said bishopric, as by the record of our council, amongst other
things, fully appeareth:

"Forasmuch as the said bishop -- these our advertisements, monitions,
and other the premises notwithstanding -- doth yet still remain (as we
be informed) in his former disobedience, and thereby declareth himself
to be a person incorrigible, without any hope of recovery, we let you
wit, that like as hitherto, by the space of these two years or more,
we have suffered, and forborne to reform his offences with just
punishment, upon hope of amendment, using and causing to be used (of
our princely clemency, and certain knowledge) only such decrees and
lenity in proceeding, as is aforesaid: so, seeing now and well
perceiving by experience, that our long sufferance and great clemency
hath been and is of him totally abused, and he thereby not only grown
to a more wilfulness, but others also, by his example, much animated
to follow like disobedience, we can np longer suffer his aforesaid
misdemeanours and contempts to pass or remain unreformed; and
therefore let you wit, that, knowing your gravity's learning, approved
wisdoms, and circumspections, we, of our mere motion, certain
knowledge, and by the advice of our council, have appointed, and by
these presents do name and appoint, nine, eight, seven, six, five, or
four of you (whereof you the archbishop of Canterbury, the bishop of
London, the bishop of Ely, the bishop of Lincoln, Sir William Peter,
Sir James Hales, or one of you, to be always one) to be our
commissioners, substitutes, and delegates special; giving you nine,
eight, seven, six, five, or four of you, (whereof you the archbishop
of Canterbury, the bishop of London, the bishop of Ely, the bishop of
Lincoln, Sir William Peter, Sir James Hales, or one of you, to be
always one,) ample commission, and full power, jurisdiction, and
authority, not only to call before you at such days, times, and
places, as often as to you it shall be thought convenient, the said
bishop of Winchester, and all others, whatsoever they be, whom ye
shall think good or necessary to be called for the examination, trial,
proof, and full determination of this matter or any part thereof; but
also to require all and every such process, writings, and rescripts,
as have passed and been done in this matter as is aforesaid, to be 
brought in and exhibited before you. And finding the said bishop
either to continue in his former contempt, or that he hath not
conformed him according to our pleasure and the monitions given by our
council by commission from us; or if he, being called before you,
shall, eftsoons, refuse to conform himself, according to our said
commandments and monitions, our pleasure is, that you shall proceed
against him to deprivation of his bishopric, and removing of him from
the same, and further do, and cause to he done in the premises and in
all matters and causes annexed, incident or depending upon the same or
any part thereof, all and every such thing or things as to our laws
either ecclesiastical or temporal, statutes, ordinances, equity, and
reason, shall appertain, and to your good wisdoms may seem just and
reasonable; causing that that shall be decreed, judged, and determined
by you, or four of you, as is aforesaid, to be inviolably and firmly
observed: in the examinations, process, and final determinations of
which matter our pleasure is that ye shall proceed ex officio mere,
mixto, vel promoto, omni appellatione remota summarie et de plano,
absque omni strepitu et figura judicii, ac sola veritate inspecta:
willing that that which, by any four of you, is or shall be begun,
shall and may from time to time be continued and ended, by the same,
or any other four or more of you; so as you the archbishop of
Canterbury, the bishop of London, the bishop of Ely, the bishop of
Lincoln, Sir William Peter, or Sir James Hales, or one of you, be one.
And such persons as you shall send for, or command to appear before
you concerning this matter, if they appear not, or, appearing, do not
obey the precepts, we give you full and ample authority to punish them
and compel them, by such ways and means as to you, or four of you, as
is aforesaid, shell seem convenient; commanding and straitly charging
all and singular mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs, and other our ministers
and subjects whatsoever, to be aiding and assisting unto you in the
doings of the premises. In witness whereof, to this our present
commission, signed with our hand, we have caused our great seal of
England to be annexed and put unto.

"Given at our palace at Westminster the 12th day of December, and the
fourth year of our reign.

"Edward Somerset, 
William Paget, 
William Wiltshire, 
Thomas Cheney,
John Warwick,
Anthony Wingfield,
John Bedford, 
Thomas Darcy,
William North, 
William Herbert,
Henry Dorset, 
William Tirrell,
Edward Clinton, 
Edward North
Thomas Wentworth"

This commission being openly read, the archbishop with the rest of the
said commissioners (for the honour and reverence due to the king's
Majesty) took the charge and burden of the said commission upon them;
and decreed to proceed according to the form and effect thereof. And
thereupon his Grace, by consent of the rest, then and there assigned
William Say and Thomas Argall, jointly and severally, to be registrars
and actuaries of that cause, and assigned Master David Clapham and
Master John Lewis, proctors of the Arches, jointly and severally to be
necessary promoters of their office in that behalf. Which done, the
said promoters assigned, taking upon them the said office, and
promoting the office of the said commissioners, ministered unto him
certain positions and articles.

Whereupon they required the bishop of Winchester, then and there
personally present, to be sworn faithfully and truly to make answer;
and therewith the said bishop of Winchester requiring and obtaining
leave to speak, declared in manner following:

"That forasmuch as he perceived himself to be called to answer to
justice, he did most humbly thank the king's Majesty, that it had
pleased his Grace to be his good and gracious lord therein, and most
humbly did acknowledge his Majesty to be his natural sovereign lord;
and that he had [obeyed,] and always would obey, his Majesty's
authority and jurisdiction, and be subject thereunto. And that
forasmuch as his Grace had been pleased to grant him to use his lawful
remedy and defence in this behalf, therefore he, there and then,
openly protested, that by any thing then spoken, or to be thenceforth
spoken, or then done or to be done, or by his then personal
appearance, he intended not to consent unto the said judges, nor to
admit their jurisdiction any otherwise, nor further, than by the law
he was bound to do; nor to renounce any privilege which he might or
ought in this behalf to use, but to use the same to his most
advantage, and all other lawful defence meet and convenient to and for
him, as well by way of recusation of the same judges, or excepting
against their commission, as otherwise: which his said protestation he
willed and required to be inserted in these acts, and in all other
acts thenceforth to be sped and done in this matter."

And under the same his protestation he required a copy, as well of the
said commission, as also of these acts; which copies the judges did
decree unto him. And this done, the archbishop, by consent of the
rest, then and there did onerate the said bishop of Winchester with a
corporal oath, upon the holy evangelists by him touched and kissed, to
make a true and faithful answer to the said positions and articles,
and every part of them, in writing, by the Thursday next following,
between the hours of nine and ten before noon, in that place; and
delivered a copy of the said positions and articles, willing the
lieutenant of the Tower to let him have papers, pen, and ink, to make
and conceive his said answers, and other his protestations and lawful
defences in that behalf: the same bishop, under his form of
protestation giving the same oath, as far as the law did bind him, and
requiring to have counsel appointed him; which the archbishop, and the
rest of the commissioners, did decree unto him, such as he should
name.

This done, the said promoters produced Sir Anthony Wingfield,
comptroller of the king's Majesty's honourable household, Sir William
Cecil, secretary, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir Edward North, Dr. Coxe,
almoner, Sir Thomas North, Sir George Blage, Sir Thomas Smith, Sir
Thomas Challoner, Sir John Cheke, Master Dr. Ayre, Master Dr. Robert
Record, Master Nicholas Udall, and Thomas Watson, witnesses upon the
articles by them ministered as before. Which witnesses, and every one
of them, the archbishop, with the consent of his colleagues aforesaid,
did admit, and with a corporal oath in form of law did onerate, to say
and depose the whole and plain truth that they knew, in and upon the
contents of the said articles; and monished them, and every one of
them, to come to be examined accordingly: the said bishop of
Winchester, under his said former protestation, dissenting to the said
production, admission, and swearing; and protesting to say, as well
against the persons of the said witnesses, as their sayings, so far as
the same did or should make against them; and asking a time to
minister interrogatories against them: to whom it was assigned to
minister the said interrogatories by the Thursday immediately
following.

As touching the depositions of the witnesses above named, ye shall
have them, with all other attestations of the witnesses, as well of
nobility as of others produced and examined in this matter, (both
against the said bishop, and with him,) in the twentieth act of this
process, where publication of the most part of them was required and
granted. After this, the archbishop, with the consent of his
colleagues aforesaid, at the petition of the said promoters, continued
the cause, in the state it was, unto the Thursday following, between
the hours of nine and ten in the forenoon in that place.

The second session.

The second session or act against Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, was
held at Lambeth, on Thursday the eighteenth day of December.

The said eighteenth day of December, in the fore-named place, between
the hours as above prefixed, before the archbishop of Canterbury and
the rest of the commissioners, assembled as they were the last
session, in the presence of William Say and Thomas Argall, actuaries,
there was there presented to them a letter sent to them from the privy
council, the tenor whereof is this:

"After our right hearty commendation unto your good Lordships: It is
come to our knowledge by report of persons of good credit which were
present at Lambeth at your last session in the bishop of Winchester's
cause, that the said bishop did earnestly affirm in open court before
your Lordships, and in the hearing of a great multitude of people,
that we had made a full end with him at the Tower, for all the matters
for which he was then committed, in such sort as he verily thought
never to have heard any more thereof: which report seemed to us very
strange, and so much toucheth the honour of the king's Majesty, to
have him called to justice now for a matter determined: and our
fidelities to his Majesty, to have ended the same cause without
commission, that although the said bishop seem to defend his cause
with untruths, yet can we not suffer him to seek his credit by his
over-bold affirmation, amongst a multitude of so false and untrue
matters; and, therefore, we have thought it necessary, upon our
fidelities and honours to declare, that his said tale of our ending
the matter with him, is false and untrue: for neither did we make any
end of his matter, neither had we any commission from the king's
Majesty so to do; but only to hear and confer with him for his
obedience, and thereof to make report. And whereas he saith our end
was such, that he thought never to have heard thereof again, if he
meant to remember truths, as in this behalf he hath devised untruths,
he then can tell what we said to him, requiring more liberty, that we
had no commission to grant him that, or to take any order with him,
but only to commune with him.

"We be sorry to see him make so evil a beginning at the first day, as
to lay the first foundation of his defence upon so false and manifest
an untruth; and would wish his audacity and unshamefacedness were used
in allegation of truths; for this way, as the proverb saith, 'it doth
but feed the winds.' Forgetfulness is oftentimes borne with as a man's
excusation, but impudent avowal of falseness was never tolerable.
Wherefore, besides that we would admonish him hereof, because his
false report was openly made, and arrogantly against the truth told
him maintained, we pray you to cause this our declaration to be
manifested in like manner; that the truth may appear, and thereby the
said bishop may be taught to forbear further false allegations: and,
at the least, if he will help his cause no otherwise, yet to consider
whom he shall touch with his untruth. For although the king's Majesty
is well pleased he shall there, before you, use his defence, and have
good justice, yet must he think it is not granted him to become so
liberal a talker out of the matter, as his natural property and
condition moveth him, nor within the matter to become so arrogant, as
his sayings should be believed against other men's proofs: which two
things if he should amend, 'we will be most glad of it, and charitably
wish him a mild spirit, to remember he standeth in judgment for
contempt against his sovereign lord the king's Majesty. And so we bid
your Lordships most heartily well to fare. From Westminster, the 17th
day of December, 1550.

"Your good lords' assured loving friends,
Edward Somerset,
John Bedford,
William Wiltshire,
William North."

This letter, after they had read it to themselves, they commanded to
be openly read; the said bishop of Winchester, under his former
protestations, requiring that he might be heard speak before that they
would so openly read: for that as he said he had matter to say, that
should move the judges not to have it openly read. Which request of
the said bishop, because they granted him not, but willed the same
letter to be openly read, as it was, by the actuary, who was William
Say; and after, by the judges decreed, to remain among the acts: the
said bishop upon the said reading, declared among other things to
them, that they should have respect to all indifferently, and regard
no letters or particular advertisements, but to have God alone before
his eyes; under his former protestation protesting also, for that he
could not be heard speak as before.

After this, the said bishop, declaring that he had used all the
diligence he could possibly, to make ready his answers -- which for
the prolixity of them, and lack of a clerk, and shortness of time [he
had not been able to complete] -- yet, to declare his diligence in
this behalf, under his said protestations, exhibited his said answers;
being, as he said, the first original of his own hand-writing, which
he required and offered to read openly himself. And because of the
length of them, the judges were contented, that the said actuaries
should exemplify them, and after collation and conference made between
the said original and copy, with the said bishop in the Tower, by the
said actuaries, the said original to be delivered him again. Thus his
answers being exhibited, the commissioners did grant, (as is said,)
not only to redeliver them to him, but also granted to the said bishop
to alter and reform his said former answers, in case they should not
have been fully and truly made according to his mind; and the same
being fully made, to exhibit on Tuesday next in the place and at the
hours aforesaid.

Then the said bishop, under his former protestations, gave in certain
interrogatories against the witnesses sworn at the last session,
requiring them to be interrogated upon them accordingly. The tenor of
which interrogatories are these, as followeth:

Interrogatories ministered by Winchester against his witnesses.

"Inprimis: Whether they heard the bishop of Winchester say, in the end
of his sermon made before the king's Majesty, that he agreeth
thoroughly with the rulers and higher estate of the realm; but all the
fault he found was in the lower part, or such like words to that
sense?

"Whether the bishop of Winchester did not say unto him, when he came
with Sir Anthony Wingfield, that he thought so to have made his
sermon, as none of the council should have found fault with it?

"Whether the said bishop of Winchester required the same Sir Ralph
Sadler to show the lord of Somerset's Grace, that, by his advice, he
should never speak of the letter he sent unto the said bishops?"

These his interrogatories being thus laid in, the judges granted him,
at his request, a longer day, to minister more interrogatories, if he
were so disposed, against as many of the said witnesses as remained
about the city, and that they should not depart thence between that
and the next session. Then the said bishop, under protestation as
afore, required a copy of the sentence of sequestration and intimation
made against him in the last summer, and likewise to have a clerk, and
some temporal counsel. And the judges granted him to have a clerk to
be with him and his counsel, so long as his counsel remained there,
and willed him to send them the names of such temporal counsel as he
would have, and he should have answer therein as was meet. There was
also, by the said bishop, under his said protestation, exhibited a
letter missive, directed from the council to Dr. Standish, Dr.
Jeffrey, and Dr. Lewis, advocates of the Arches, and to Dockrel and
Clark, proctors of the same; the tenor whereof ensueth in these words:

Letter missive to Drs. Standish and Jeffrey, &c.

"To our loving friends Dr. Standish and Dr. Jeffrey, advocates of the
Court of the Arches, and Dockrel and Clark, proctors of the same.

"After our hearty commendations: Whereas the bishop of Winchester
(having counsel granted unto him by our very good lord the archbishop
of Canterbury, and other the king's Majesty's commissioners, as we be
informed) caused you to be required to be a counsel with him: these be
to advertise you the king's Majesty is pleased to, and by these our
letters doth, license you, not only to be counsel with him, but also
to repair to the Tower from time to time, for conference with him for
his defence in this matter. And this his Majesty is pleased,
notwithstanding one of you is his Majesty's chaplain. Fare you well.

"From Westminster, this present Tuesday, in December, 1550.

"Your friends, Edward Somerset,
W. North, 
William Wiltshire,
F. Huntingdon, 
J. Warwick,
E. Clinton, 
John Bedford,
Thomas Cheney."

By the said letter, as ye have heard, they were licensed, as well to
be a counsel with the bishop of Winchester in this his suit, as also
to repair to the Tower from time to time, for conference with him for
his defence in this matter. Which letter, under his said
protestations, he required to be registered, and the original to be to
him redelivered; and the same his counsel then present (Dr. Lewis only
absent) to be licensed also, by decree of the judges, to be of counsel
as afore; at whose desire the said judges decreed according to his
request.

The third session.

The third session or action was sped on Tuesday, the fourteenth day of
December, A.D. 1550, at the prefixed hours, at Lambeth aforesaid,
before the archbishop of Canterbury and the rest of the commissioners,
(Sir James Hales and Master Richard Goodrick only absent,) in presence
of the aforesaid William Say and Thomas Argall, actuaries. At the
which day and place, Gardiner bishop of Winchester was assigned to
exhibit his full answers to the positions and articles objected, and
to minister more interrogations to the witnesses not yet departed:
where and at what time, the said bishop of Winchester read an
appellation in writing afore the actuaries aforesaid, and required
them to make an instrument thereof.

This being done, the bishop, under his former protestation, and under
the protestation not to recede from the benefit of his said appeal,
did exhibit his answers to the said positions, being fully made as he
said; and required a copy thereof, and also his first original answer,
to be redelivered to him: which was decreed, due collation first made
of the said original; the tenor of which his fuller answers, word for
word, ensueth:

Answer of the bishop of Winchester to the request of a more full
answer in certain articles objected unto him.

"The seventh article is not fully answered, where you say, 'I remember
not:' 'At any time, that I remember.' First, for that it is required
to make a more full answer to the seventh article, containing such
general matter as is referred to two years and a half by-past and
gone, than do the words 'as I remember,' the said bishop saith his
answer therein, uttering as much as is presently in his conscience,
doth satisfy all law and reason; and that the word credo in Latin, (I
believe,) whereby all such positions be answered unto, containeth in
effect no more virtue and strength, than do the words 'as I remember'
in English; because no man can think of himself to be true, that he
remembereth not, except as a man may think of himself generally, that
(knowing his direct intention ever to do well) may think well of
himself, as the said bishop hath, in the latter general clause of his
answers, said; where he saith, Credit all his affirmations and denials
in his said answer to be true, as his conscience now testifieth unto
him. And therefore, because he answereth to the said seventh article,
that he was never but once called in all his life, and at that time
declared the matters wherefore he was called; and how, in the end of
that examination, the said bishop answereth, that he so departed as he
durst; and did allege for himself that he was no offender, and ought
not in that sort to tarry by commandment, it must needs, by the matter
contained in his said answer, sufficiently appear, he hath fully
answered that article; and that (being such a personage as he is and
hath been) he ought not -- after vexation in prison so long time (two
years and a half) in such manner of solitary keeping as he might
reasonably forget that, and the world also -- be now thus travailed
with, whereby to touch the integrity of his conscience, and, without
cause, indirectly to impute to him, as though he had not satisfied his
oath: specially considering that the answer of the said bishop hath
been willingly made to such articles; as else by the direct order of
the law, he ought not to be compelled to make answer unto: offering,
nevertheless, that when by the judges any further specialty shall be
objected unto him, he will, and is ready (in such case as the law bind
him to answer unto it) to make such answer as the law bindeth him unto
in that behalf.

"The eighth wanteth answer to this part; namely, You were called
before the kings Majesty's council, in the month of June, in the
second year of his Majesty's reign, and by them, in his Highness's
behalf, commanded to preach a sermon before his Majesty, and therein
to declare the justness and godliness,' &c.

"To the eighth article the said bishop saith that full answer is made,
in that the whole process of the fact, as it can come to the said
bishop's remembrance, is plainly told (in what sort that matter of
preaching was opened, and where, and with whom) by a clause, that
'otherwise the said bishop was not spoken with concerning preaching.'
Which preciseness he nevertheless doth understand according to his
present memory and conscience, wherein the said bishop can say no
more, but as his conscience now testifieth the fact to have been;
declaring with whom he was, with whom be spake, and what they said to
him; which, as touching the time, he thinketh was done in the month of
June; and his being with the duke of Somerset, to have been the Monday
sevennight before the said bishop preached: And the determination of
the bishop being such as he intended faithfully to speak of the
matters in the papers, after his conscience, (as he indeed ought to
think himself in general estimation of his own integrity,) he did --
and it cannot be to him prejudicial to have been commanded to preach,
and therefore he mindeth not to make contradiction, or any state of
question therein, although he must presently answer as his conscience
telleth him, and so doth in his answer to the said article.

The ninth is not sufficiently answered, where you said, 'If I did
omit:' and, 'If I did perchance omit any thing, whereof I can make now
none assurance: But if I did omit: If it were true, as I know it not
to be:' and, 'If I promised to speak plainly: If I had broken it,' &c.

"To the ninth, the said bishop saith his answer to that fact (of two
years and a half by-past) of so many divers particularities to be by
him touched in special, in a sermon, whereunto he came so troubled as
in his said answer is declared, cannot be required to be made now more
certain than it is made. And in case of omission, (as is here
objected,) which may be by oblivion, and, considering the said
bishop's intent, if it happened, was so, and no otherwise; no man can
affirm precisely what he forgat, if it were true he did forget; for he
that forgetteth, in that he forgetteth, knoweth it not, being
forgotten then. And seeing the said bishop determined to speak of all
requisite to be spoken of, according as was answered he would, be may
then say, If he forgat, it must be by oblivion, and not of purpose.
And it is a position uncertain and dangerous for conscience, whereunto
the law bindeth no man to answer, to bring the said bishop's faith in
slander, to answer more precisely to the fact than is already done.
Wherefore all the 'ifs' that be made in the bishop's said answer in
that article, be to declare the exclusion of contempt and
disobedience, if any thing were indeed omitted, as the said bishop
knoweth not any to have been, and without prejudice of granting by
implication, what ought not to be granted in fact; which was by
oblivion, if it were. And therefore, in all law and reason, the said
answer as it was first made, is sufficient and reasonable cause by the
said bishop now alleged, why none other should now be made or required
of him.

"To the tenth, concerning that you were commanded and inhibited, on
the king's Majesty's behalf, &c., you answer nothing.

"To the tenth, sufficient answer is made by declaration of the fact as
it was; whereupon whether an inhibition and commandment may be
grounded and proved, shall appear in the discussion of that letter
sent by the duke of Somerset's Grace; which letter the said bishop
answereth, in his said answer, to lie of no force in his conscience;
declaring the reason of the causes why, and more intendeth to declare,
by matter specially to be alleged hereafter for the same. And
therefore, seeing commandment and inhibition to be terms of law, the
force whereof riseth upon estimation of the fact thereupon to be
denied, what is commandment and inhibition, as what is none; the said
bishop esteemeth himself discharged in law, to tell for answer the
mere fact done in that matter -- with the sincerity of his conscience,
how he esteemed and doth esteem it; and is bound by no law to bring
his credit in slander upon a point of law, and either to grant to his
prejudice that to be a commandment or inhibition, which, in his
conscience, is none, or, by denial, incur danger of slander of his
conscience, if others would esteem it a commandment or inhibition;
and, therefore, he telleth the fact, as it was, of the receipt of the
said letter: which letter he is ready to exhibit, as he doth offer in
his said answer, for more ample understanding of the said answer.

"The last hath no answer concerning your submission, reconcilement,
and reformation, &c. To the last article the said bishop said, that,
seeing he denied in his answer all contempt on his part, he answereth
it sufficiently, seeing the cause of reconciliation and reformation,
after the judgment of his conscience, failing, the same ought not to
be by him offered with prejudice of his innocency, which he is bound
to maintain and defend; because, being an honest man, he is somewhat
worth to the king his sovereign lord; and having cast his innocency
willingly away by the untrue testimony of himself, he is nothing worth
to the world nor himself either. As touching 'submission,' being an
ambiguous word, to justice and mercy, the said bishop would think
himself not worthy to live, if he should not submit himself to the
king's Majesty's justice willingly and humbly, which he hath always
done, as shall appear hereafter, now doth, and will do during his
life. And when, by examination of his cause by justice, the said
bishop shall appear in any point faulty, he will humbly submit himself
to such punishment as shall be appointed to that fault, if there be
any; and, by that means, honour (as his duty is) the king's Majesty
and his laws, as every good subject should do. But otherwise, by
submission to mercy whereby to imply an offence in himself, whereof
the said bishop in his conscience knoweth he is not guilty, and
whereof the said bishop is by no order of law convinced, is what the
said bishop dare affirm, and is persuaded, the king's Majesty would
wittingly require of no man; but will graciously permit every man to
be tried and taken as he is.

"You lack well near (in your answer) to every article and position
this clause --'and otherwise,' &c.-- without which your answer
remaineth imperfect and uncertain.

"Finally, as touching the general clause 'and otherwise,' &c., seeing
this is a special matter, specially used, and handled in such a
special form as the said bishop thinketh was never heard of in a
special personage, and in a special time; the said bishop desireth,
that among so many specialties he be not bound to such a general
clause as no law requireth in special terms; and such a clause as
needeth not in this matter, nor can serve to any other use, but to
bring the faith of the said bishop in slander, answering as he doth
upon his oath: in consideration whereof, seeing the said bishop hath
to such articles made answer, as by law he is not bound to answer unto
-- declaring thereby his desire to have the fact opened and known,
uttering for his part as much as his conscience testifieth to be
truth, and as much as upon these generalities he can call to
remembrance--the said bishop (his protestations in the acts repeated
and preserved) desireth his answers may be so by you the judges
accepted and taken; considering also the said bishop offereth himself
ready, as any other specialty, according to law and equity, shall be
asked of him, he will be and is always ready to make such answer as
the law bindeth him, as afore is always said."

These his full answers, as he said, being perused and considered by
the commissioners, then the promoters alleged, that the bishop had not
fully answered to the seventh, eighth, ninth, and nineteenth
positions, referring themselves to the same answers and to the law;
and therefore, accusing his contumacy in that behalf, did require him
to be pronounced contumacious; and in pain thereof to be declared as
confessed, upon the same, whereunto he had not fully answered; the
said bishop, under his said protestations, saying that he had fully
answered, referred himself to the said answers: whereupon the judges
had assigned him to make full answer to the said positions, in case
his answers already made were not full, the next court day; having
first declaration made from the said judges, by St. John's day next,
wherein it was not fully answered.

Then the said promoters alleged, that there were certain acts, orders,
and other processes concerning that matter, making for the proof of
the articles by them ministered in that cause, remaining in the books
of the registry of the king's most honourable council, which they
desired might there be exhibited. Whereupon Master Armigil Wade, and
Master William Thomas, clerks of the said council, by commandment of
the said judges did present two books, being, as they affirmed,
originals of the said register, with certain copies extracted
therefrom, concerning that matter; and, upon a corporal oath to them
proffered by the judges, at the promoter's request they affirmed the
same to be the very true and original books of the said register; and
forasmuch as the books contained many secret matters not to be opened
abroad, therefore the said judges, at the request of the promoters,
decreed collation to be made between the said originals and copies, by
the said clerks, and the foresaid actuaries; and that after collation
made, as full faith should be given to the said copies as to the
originals, as well as if the said bishop were present at the same
collations.

After which decree, the said bishop, under his said protestations
dissenting to the said exhibition, and protesting of the nullity
thereof, and of the exhibits, and alleging the same to be but private
writings, and not authentic, nor such whereunto faith sufficient in
law ought to be given, nevertheless, without prejudice of his said
protestation, consenting that collation thereof might be made in his
absence, reserving power to him to object against the said exhibits,
as far as by the law he might in that behalf do, as if he were
personally present at the said collation.

After this the judges, at the promoters' request, published the
depositions of the witnesses produced by them, (the which witnesses,
as heretofore I have declared, ye shall read in the twentieth act of
this process,) the said bishop, under his said protestation dissenting
thereunto, and protesting not to take knowledge or understanding of
the said depositions, for that he intended to propose a matter
justificatory, directly contrary to the articles proposed.

After this the judges, at the promoters' request, assigned to the said
bishop to propose a matter, if he had any, upon Thursday next after
the feast of the Epiphany, at the hours and place [specified,] the
bishop, under his said protestations, dissenting, and asking a copy,
as well of the acts, as of the exhibits aforesaid; to whom it was so
decreed.

The fourth session.

The fourth session or act against the bishop of Winchester, was before
the aforesaid commissioners, sitting in judgment in the hall of the
manor at Lambeth, in the presence of William Say and Thomas Argall,
notaries, the eighth day of January, anno 1551, upon Thursday, before
noon.

It was assigned to the bishop of Winchester this day and place, to
make full answer to the sixth, eighth, ninth, and nineteenth
positions, before not fully answered; and also to propose a matter, if
he had any to propose; whereupon the said bishop of Winchester,
repeating his former protestations,and under the same, and also such
protestations as he said were contained in his matter, did then and
there exhibit a matter in writing, which he required to be admitted,
and a competent term assigned to him to prove the same, to all the
effects of the law, and to all intents, purposes, and effects,
contained in his said matter, with compulsory process, and other as
shall be requisite for him to have, for proof of the said matter.

Now, to proceed further: in this fourth act the said Gardiner, after
this matter thus exhibited as is above-said, did also, under his said
protestation, exhibit a certain letter, to him (as he said) sent from
the duke of Somerset, inasmuch as the same concerned his full answers
to the positions, and made for his full answers; and not otherwise.
And therewith he also gave in his answers to the positions afore not
fully answered, the promoters accepting the contents as well of the
said letters, as of his answers, as far as they made for the office,
and not otherwise; and further alleging, that the bishop had not fully
answered; and therefore requiring, that he be pronounced contumacious;
and in pain thereof, be declared as confessed upon those positions
whereunto it was not fully answered: the said bishop, under his said
protestation, alleging that he had fully answered, as far as he was
bound by law, referring himself to all his answers, and to the law,
and to the letters and matters aforesaid.

Then the promoters (protesting of the nullity and generality,
invalidity and inefficacy, of the said matter) alleged that the same
did not conclude in law, and therefore ought not to be admitted; and
therefore they required the same to be rejected: the said bishop,
under his said protestations, requiring the same to be admitted as
afore. Then the judges assigned to hear their pleasure as well upon
the said answers as upon the said matters, upon the Monday following,
at the same time and place, to which assignation the said bishop
(under his said protestations) dissented, and required a letter by
him, as before exhibited, to be registered, and the original to be to
him re-delivered: which was decreed.

The fifth session against Gardiner.

The fifth appearance or session of the aforesaid bishop was on the
twelfth day of January, anno 1551, in the forenoon of that day, before
the judges, and in the place, as it was in the last session; the said
actuaries being present. It was assigned, then and there, to hear the
judges' pleasure upon the bishop's answer, and the matter by him
proposed.

"The promoters did allege, that the bishop had not fully answered to
the seventh, eighth, ninth, and nineteenth positions, as by them is
before alleged, (referring themselves to the answers, and to the law,)
and therefore did accuse the contumacy of the bishop. And he, being
commanded to make full answer thereunto, and not full answering, they
did, as afore, desire him to be pronounced contumax; and, in pain
thereof, to be declared pro confesso, upon the parts of those
positions, whereunto he had not fully answered:-- the said bishop,
under his former protestations, saying, that he ought not to be so
pronounced and declared, for that he did not refuse to make answer,
but upon the judge's decree and declaration made: that wherein he hath
not fully answered, he would then make answer accordingly. And after
disputation had on both sides upon the matter, the judges admonished
the said bishop to make full answers to the said positions already not
fully answered, on Monday, the twenty-sixth day of the same month, the
same time and place, under pain of the law. After this, the said
judges, at the said bishop's request, under his former protestation,
admitted the matter aforesaid, inasmuch as the law would the same
matter to be admitted, and not otherwise; the said promoters accepting
the contents in the said matter, as far as the same did make for the
office, and none otherwise.

"Then the said judges assigned to the said bishop (for a term to prove
the contents of his said matter) Monday, the twenty-sixth day of
January, the same time and place; and every judicial day between this
and that, to produce his witnesses upon intimation thereof made to the
promoters of the office; and further offered to the said bishop, that
in case he would nominate his witnesses, he should have (if he would
require) letters from the said judges to the said witnesses, to
command them with speed to come to answer, and be examined without
further compulsory process."

The copy of the letter sent to the several witnesses here followeth.

The letter from the judges to Gardiner's witnesses.

"After our commendations, we signify unto you, that whereas the bishop
of Winchester thinketh your testimony necessary for declaration and
proof of the truth, as he saith, in a cause depending before us and
others, the king's Majesty's commissioners, and doubteth lest, upon
his own request, ye will not willingly come, without certain
advertisement from us, thereby to mean no displeasure or danger: these
shall be to do you to wit, that ye may, without all blame and lack,
upon request unto you made, repair to bear witness in that matter
afterthe truth, and your conscience. And, to the intent the matter now
depending by your absence be not delayed and deferred, we likewise
charge you and command you, upon sight hereof, to repair to London
with all convenient speed, to depose and testily in the said matter as
afore: and therefore will you to use what diligence you can, whereby
to avoid that may be objected unto you for the contrary. Thus fare ye
well.

"Your loving friends,
T. Canterbury,
John Oliver,
N. London,
John Gosnall,
William Peter,
Griffith Leyson.
"From Lambeth, the 16th day of January, anno 1551."

"And further the said judges declared, that if at that day (the bishop
in the mean time using due diligence for production of his witnesses)
there should appear sufficient cause to grant him a longer day to
prove, that then they would prorogue his said term further, as should
be requisite: the bishop, under his said protestations, dissenting to
the assignation to prove, for shortness of the time assigned. After
this, upon motion made that the bishop should constitute proctors, to
produce his said witnesses for him, the said bishop, under his said
protestation, alleging and protesting that these causes were criminal,
and that he therefore could not, by the law, constitute a proctor;
nevertheless, under protestation also that by his constitution he
intended not to alter the nature of his cause, did constitute Master
Thomas Dockwray, John Clerk, proctors of the Arches, James Basset,
James Wingfield, and Thomas Somerset, gentlemen, jointly and severally
his proctors, to appear for him, and in his name, before the said
judges; and to produce witnesses necessary in that behalf, and to
require them to be received, sworn, and examined; and, further, to do
all things needful and requisite in that behalf, promising to ratify
and stand to their doings in the premises and other his said
protestations; requiring a copy of all the acts and exhibits in this
cause: to whom it was so decreed."

The sixth act against Gardiner.

Another act or session was held on Saturday, the seventeenth day of
January, in the bishop of London's palace, before the said bishop, and
the bishops of Ely and Lincoln, Master Dr. Oliver, and Master Gosnall,
commissioners, in the presence of Thomas Argall and William Say,
actuaries.

"The said day and place, appeared before the said judges Master Thomas
Somerset, one of the bishop of Winchester's proctors, by him
constituted the last court day; and, under the said bishop's former
protestations, he exhibited the said proxy, and, making himself party
for the said bishop, produced William Coppinger and John Davy, for
witnesses upon articles XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. LV. LVI. LXVIII.
LXXIX. LXXX. and LXXXI. of the matter laid in by the bishop; requiring
them to be charged with a corporal oath in form of law, to testify the
truth thereupon. At whose request the judges did onerate the said
witness with a corporal oath upon the holy evangelists, to depose the
whole and plain truth as well upon the said articles as upon the whole
cause, and upon such interrogatories as should be ministered unto
them, in presence of Masters Lewes and Clapham, promoters of the
office, protesting to say against them and their sayings, in ease and
as far as they should depose against the office. The copy of the which
interrogatories, as well against Coppinger and Davy, as others
undernamed, followeth in these words:--"

Interrogatories ministered against William Coppinger, John Dary, and
William Bell, Nicholas Lentall, and Richard Hampden, John Seton,
doctor of divinity, William Medon, clerk, Thomas Watson, clerk, and
Robert Massey, pretended witnesses, brought in and sworn in, of the
bishop of Winchester's part.

"First, it was asked of every of the said pretended witnesses, Whether
he is or hath been servant retained or belonging to the said bishop,
and how long he hath been servant so retained or belonging; and what
wages, livery, annuity, or advancement, he hath or hath had, of the
said bishop.

"Item, Whether he hath any affection, and what affection, toward the
said bishop and his matter, in this cause moved and depending against
the said bishop.

"Item, Whether they or any of them do earnestly covet and desire that
the bishop may overcome in this matter, and have the victory: yea or
nay.

"Item, If any of the said witnesses shall at any time seem to say any
thing prejudicial unto the office promoted against the said bishop, or
sounding to his discharge, let him be asked of the cause of his
knowledge, and let him express the same."

And thus much for the interrogatories against Coppinger and others.
Concerning the depositions of the witnesses here produced, ye shall
see more at large in the twentieth session, until the which session we
have deferred all other depositions of witnesses, as well of the one
part as of the other, there the whole to be read and seen together.

The seventh session against Gardiner.

The seventh appearance or action of the forenamed bishop was in the
council-chamber at Greenwich, on Monday, the nineteenth day of
January, anno 1551, before the bishops of Ely and Lincoln, Master
Secretary Peter, and Master Doctor Leyson, judges delegate; the
actuaries, as before, being present.

"The said day and place appeared Master James Wingfield, and Master
James Basset, proctors, constituted at the last session (which was the
twelfth day of January) in this cause, by the bishop of Winchester;
and, under the bishop's former protestations, did exhibit the proxy to
them in that behalf made, and produced the right honourable personages
here undernamed, being of the king's Majesty's most honourable privy
council; that is to say, the duke of Somerset's Grace, on articles I.
II. III. IV. X. XVII. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVII. XXVIII. XLV.
XLVII. XLVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII.
LXXVI. LXXVII.: the earl of Wiltshire, lord treasurer, on articles I.
II. III. IV. X. XVII. XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. XXVIII.
XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX. L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. LV. LVII. LVIII.
LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXIX. LXX. LXXI.
LXXII. LXXIII. LXXVI. LXXV II.: the earl of Warwick, lord great
master, on articles I. II. III. IV. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII.
LXXVI. LXXVII.: the earl of Bedford, lord privy seal, on articles I.
II. III. IV. LVII. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII. LXIV. LXV. LXVI.
LXVII.: the marquis of Northampton, lord great chamberlain, on
articles I. II. III. IV. V. LII. LVIII. LIX. LX. LXI. LXII. LXIII.
LXIV. LXV. LXVI. LXVII. LXXVI. LXXVII.: Sir William Harbert, master of
the horse, on articles I. II. III. IV. LXIX. LXX. LXXI. LXXII. LXXIII.
LXXIV. LXXV. LXXVI. LXXVII.: the Lord Chobham, on articles LXIII.
LXIV. LXV. LXVI. and LXVII. of the matter proposed by the bishop.
Which said honourable personages they required to be admitted, sworn,
and examined, as witnesses thereupon, as the law in that behalf
required; the said honourable personages declaring, that such
personages of dignity as they, were privileged, by the laws of the
realm, not to be sworn after the common form, as other persons and
witnesses are accustomably sworn: nevertheless promising, upon their
truth to God, their allegiance to our sovereign lord the king's
Majesty, and their honours and fidelities, to depose the very truth
that they knew in that behalf. Whom the said judges did so onerate
upon their truth and allegiance to God, and the king's Majesty, and
upon their honours and fidelities, to depose the very truth, as well
upon the said articles, as also upon the whole cause, in presence of
Master Clapham, promoter of the office, then and there requiring them
to be so onerated upon the whole cause, and with due reverence
approving the honourable personages of the said witnesses; protesting,
nevertheless, to use the benefit of the law against their sayings,
(their honours always saved,) in case and as far as the same should be
seen in law to make against the office; and requiring them to be
likewise examined upon such interrogatories as should be ministered
unto them by the office; they likewise, as afore, promising, and by
the judges onerated, to declare and answer the truth thereunto,
according to their knowledge in this behalf."

The eighth session against Gardiner.

The eighth session or court day was holden upon the cause of the
bishop of Winchester, in the place of the lord chancellor Lord Riche,
at Great St. Bartholomew's, before the archbishop of Canterbury, and
the rest of the king's commissioners, in the presence of the aforesaid
actuaries, on the twelfth day, the twentieth day of January, anno
1551.

"The same day and place appeared before the said judges Master James
Basset, one of the bishop of Winchester's proctors, constituted the
last court day; and, under the said bishop's former protestations he
exhibited the said proxy; and, making himself party for the said
bishop, produced the right honourable lord chancellor of England, as
witness upon articles I. II. III. IV. XLV. XLVI. XLVII. XLVIII. XLIX.
L. LI. LII. LIII. LIV. and LV. of the matter laid in by the bishop;
whom he required to be admitted, sworn, and examined, as a witness,
according to the law; the said lord chancellor declaring, that
honourable personages being of dignity and office, (as he was,) are by
the laws of the realm privileged not to be sworn in common form, as
other witnesses accustomably do swear; promising nevertheless, upon
his truth to God, his allegiance to our sovereign lord the king's
Majesty, and upon his fidelity, to testify the truth that he doth
know, in this behalf: whom the said judges did so onerate upon his
truth to God, allegiance to the king's Majesty, and upon his honour
and fidelity, to depose the plain and whole truth, as far as he knew,
as well upon the said articles, as also upon the whole cause, in
presence of Master Clapham, promoter of the office, approving the
honourable personage of the said lord, and yet protesting to say
against his sayings, in case and as far as they should he seen in law
to make against the office; and requiring his Lordship to be examined
upon such interrogatories as should be ministered unto him by the
office; his Lordship (like as afore) promising, and by the judges
onerated, to declare and answer the truth thereunto, according to his
knowledge."

Concerning this noble personage of the lord chancellor here produced,
who was then Master Wriothesley, understand, gentle reader, that
though we find him here produced and sworn, yet we find not his
depositions in any place. Whether he did depose at all, or not, I am
not able to say. And this, by the way, concerning that man. Now to the
matter.

"This being done, the said James Basset, proctor aforesaid, and under
the protestations above recited, did intimate to the said lord
chancellor, the appellation and querelation made by the said bishop of
Winchester, as he said; and did show the instrument thereof made.

"After this, the said James Basset, under the former protestations,
did produce the worshipful John Baker, knight, upon articles I. II.
III. and IV. of the matter aforesaid, requiring that he might swear
and be examined upon the same. At whose request the said judges did
onerate the said Sir John Baker with an oath upon the holy
evangelists, to declare the truth he knew upon the same articles, and
upon the interrogatories that should be ministered by the office; the
aforesaid Master Clapham approving his person, and yet protesting, as
before he protested of the lord chancellor."

Interrogatories ministered by the office.

"I. Imprimis: Whether ye know, or have heard say, that the late king
of famous memory, King Henry the Eighth, father of our sovereign lord
the king's Majesty that now is, (for sundry causes him moving, and
specially for that he judged and esteemed the bishop of Winchester
nothing well pleased with the proceedings of the realm in matters of
religion,) misliked the said bishop, and was much offended with him?

"II. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that for the suspicion
conceived of the said bishop, as is aforesaid, his Highness did
forbear and refuse to have him named among other bishops and learned
men, which were appointed to make the books last set forth by his
Majesty, touching a uniformity in matters of religion?

"III. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that for the causes
aforesaid, and other great considerations him specially moving, he
reputed the said bishop for a man vehemently suspected to favour the
bishop of Rome?

"IV. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that the said late
king, expressly willed him (the said bishop) no more to be of the
privy council with the king's Majesty our sovereign lord that now is;
and omitted, and expressly refused, to have him named among other
councillors, in his testament, to be of the council, as is aforesaid?

"V. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that the said bishop,
being aforenamed as an executor in the testament of the said late
king, was, a little before his death, at his declaring of his last
will, put out by his Highness, and so by him refused to be one of his
said executors? for what causes the said bishop was so put out, and
what the said late king said of the said bishop at the same time?

"VI. Item, Whether you know, or have heard say, that the said bishop
is, and in the time of our late sovereign lord hath been, commonly
reputed and accepted a man much favouring the authority and
proceedings of the bishop of Rome, and, as such a one, an adversary to
the king's Majesty's godly proceedings for reformation of abuses in
religion in the court, in his diocese, and elsewhere, among such as be
men of good understanding; and knoweth him commonly accepted and taken
as such, and that such is the common and public fame in the court, in
his said diocese, or elsewhere in this realm?

"VII. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that to such of his
diocese as favour the king's Majesty's godly proceedings, he hath been
and is an offence or slander; and whether it is probably thought by
them, that he, the said bishop, hath been and is a great hinderance to
the said proceedings; and for such a one hath been and is by them
commonly reputed and taken.

"VIII. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that he -- being
commanded in the king's Majesty's name, for the avoiding of tumult,
and upon other urgent considerations, not to treat of any thing in
controversy concerning the communion or sacrament of the altar and the
mass -- contrary to that commandment, spake, among other things, these
words following, or like in effect; namely, That the very presence of
Christ's most precious body and blood is present in the sacrament, to
feed us, which was given to redeem us, and that Christ consecrated
himself to be a memorial of himself; and that it was the same Christ
that was offered then, and is now either sacrificed, or else
remembered in the mass; and that private masses might be and were well
retained in this realm of England?

"IX. Item, Whether ye know, or have heard say, that as well before the
time of the sermon made by the bishop of Winchester on St. Peter's
day, in the second year of the king's Majesty's reign, as at the time
of the sermon, there was much contention, strife, debate, and
controversy, among divers of the king's Majesty's subjects, as well in
the city of London, as elsewhere within this realm of England,
concerning the presence of Christ's body and blood to be in the
sacrament of the altar, and the retaining and use of private masses,
whether the same might stand with God's word or no."

Then Basset required the lord chancellor to be examined as a witness
on the Monday following.

The ninth session against Gardiner.

The ninth session or action upon the cause of Gardiner was held in the
house of Cuthbert, bishop of Durham, called Cold Harbour, before
Thomas and Henry, bishops of Ely and Lincoln, with the other
commissioners judicially sitting, with the presence of the above-named
notaries, on Wednesday, the twenty-first of January, 1551.

"The said day and place appeared before the said judges James Basset,
one of the bishop of Winchester's proctors, and under former
protestations produced Cuthbert, bishop of Durham, on articles I. II.
III. and IV.; William Bell, clerk, on articles XXXIV. and XXXV.;
Nicholas Lentall and Richard Hampden on article XV.; John Seton,
doctor of divinity, on articles XV. XXIX. XXXIV. XXXV. and XXXVIII.;
William Medow, clerk, on articles I. II. III. X. XV. XXV. XXXIII.
XXXIV. XXXV. and XXXVIII.; Thomas Watson, clerk, on articles VII. XI.
XII. XIV. XVI. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXIX. XXXI. XXXIII. XXXVI. XXXVIII. and
LXVIII.; and Robert Massey on articles XIII. and XVI. of the matter
purposed by the bishop of Winchester; requiring that they and every of
them might be onerated with an oath, to say and depose the truth in
that they knew. At whose request the judges did onerate the same
witnesses, and every of them, with an oath corporal, taken in due
form, to testify the truth as well upon the said articles, as also
upon the whole cause, and, upon such interrogatories as should be
ministered unto them, and every of them, when they should be examined
in the presence of David Clapham, one of the said promoters of the
office, approving the person of the said Cuthbert, bishop, and yet
protesting to say against his sayings, and the persons and sayings of
the other witnesses, in case they should say or depose any thing
against his office.

"These things done, appeared before the said commissioners then and
there judicially sitting, as before, Thomas Dockwray, one of the
proctors of the bishop of Winchester, constituted and appointed by
him, and under former protestations made by the said bishop, he did
exhibit his proxy for the said bishop, made in the acts, and made
himself party for him. And also, under the said protestations, he gave
and exhibited certain positions additional unto the matter already
purposed by the said bishop of Winchester, which he desired to be
admitted in the presence of the aforesaid David Clapham, one of the
promoters, protesting of the nullity, generality, invalidity,
inefficacy, and undue specification, of the same; and desiring the
same to be rejected.

"Then the judges assigned to hear their pleasure upon the said
positions upon the Monday following at Lambeth, at the hour
accustomed, and heretofore already assigned. Consequently the said
Thomas Dockwray, proctor aforesaid, under former protestations, &c.,
did lay in and give a matter in writing, conceived against the
exhibits, desiring the same to be admitted by the judges in the
presence of the aforenamed David Clapham, promoter, protesting as he
did of the positions additional afore given; and further, alleging the
same not to conclude in law, and therefore desiring the same matter to
be rejected. Hereupon the judges assigned their pleasure to be heard
upon the admission, or else the rejection, of the said matter, the day
and place assigned; concerning which positions additional, with the
matter, also, by the aforesaid proctor, exhibited, the tenor thereof
here followeth."

Articles additional exhibited by Gardiner.

Here follow the positions and articles additional and declaratory of
the matter, and letter, of late purposed and exhibited by the bishop
of Winchester, before the pretended commissaries or judges delegate,
named in the same matter, which the said bishop gave under the
protestations made by him in the matter aforesaid.

"First, That the bishop of London that now is, then being bishop of
Rochester, did openly in his sermon made at Paul's Cross in the month
of November or December, or thereabouts, in the first year of the
king's Majesty's reign that now is, very earnestly and vehemently
preach and teach the true presence of Christ's most precious body to
be in the sacrament of the altar.

"Item, That Dr. Redman, in a sermon which he preached before the
king's Majesty in Lent, the second year of his Majesty's reign, did
preach and teach to be believed for the true catholic faith, that the
true presence of Christ's body and blood was in the sacrament of the
altar.

"Item, That my lord archbishop of Canterbury,about the time that the
bishop of Winchester aforesaid preached a sermon on St. Peter's day at
Westminster, before the king's Majesty, in a book by him translated,
called Catechism, did affirm, publish, and set forth, the true
presence of Christ's most precious body and blood to be in the
sacrament of the altar; and, to the intent the same should so he
believed, observed, acknowledged, and taught to be the true and
catholic faith, did cause the same to be printed in his name, and as
his translation; which books, so printed into great number of books,
were, after their imprinting, to the intent aforesaid, openly and
commonly sold by many and sundry booksellers, as well of London as of
other places, and came about to all the parts of this realm, or to
many parts of the same, and were openly and commonly known, declared,
published, read, and heard, of all sorts of the king's Majesty's
subjects of this realm. And this was and is true, public, notorious,
manifest, and famous.

"Item, That in the months November and December, in the second year of
the king's Majesty's reign, the bishops of Durham, Carlisle, London,
Chichester, Worcester, Norwich, Hereford, and Westminster, (being of
the most ancient bishops and best learned in this realm,) did openly,
in the parliament then kept at Westminster, defend the very and true
presence of Christ's body and blood to be in the sacrament of the
altar.

"Item, That in sundry open and solemn disputations, made as well in
the university of Oxford, as of Cambridge, the third year of the
king's Majesty's reign, the same true presence of the very body and
blood of Christ to be in the sacrament of the altar, was maintained
and defended by the great number of the chief and well learned of the
said universities. And this was and is true, public, notorious,
manifest, and famous.

"Item, That the truth of Christ's most precious body and blood in the
sacrament of the altar, hath not been nor was impugned, by any famous
clerk, or yet by any named learned man in any part of all Christendom,
either in the Greek or in the Latin church, by our time; specially at
the time of the letters sent by the same duke of Somerset to the said
bishop, mentioned in this matter aforesaid; but only by Œcolampadius,
Zuinglius, Vadianus, and Carolostadius, the impugning whereof was most
manifest error; and, in England, no learned man named had, or yet did,
openly defend or favour that error. And this is true, public,
notorious, manifest, and famous.

"Item, That the said bishop said not to Master Cecil that the mass was
the chief foundation of our religion, for Christ himself is the only
foundation; and in the mass, as now in the communion, [is] the showing
forth of Christ's death; which is a sacrifice recordative of that only
sacrifice of the cross, used in the church according to Christ's
institution till his coming; the substance of the sacrifice being all
as one, and the manner of the offering only differing. And after this
manner and sort, in effect, the bishop, in his speaking of the mass to
Master Cecil, as is aforenamed, declared to him, and no otherwise, if
he had then rightly taken, perceived, and afterwards so uttered and
reported the same.

"Item, That by our late sovereign lord the king's Majesty's father
that now is, and by his testament and last will, it was provided,
ordered, and (upon just considerations then moving his Majesty for the
preservation and quietness of this his then realm) decreed, that his
Majesty's councillors of his privy council, then being named and
appointed in the same testament, or the more part of them, with
further execution in that behalf, should have the whole order and
governance of the same realm, during the minority of his only treasure
under God, the king's Majesty that now is, which things, according to
these effects, were thus declared, before the king's Majesty that now
is, by the mouth of the lord chancellor, who was at that time in the
Tower of London, then being present as well the said bishop of
Winchester, as other of the lords of the council, and divers others
hearing the same, whereby the authority of the protectorship was
clearly restrained.

"Item, That the digression of the said duke from that order aforesaid,
and the breaking thereof, was afterwards, among other matters, with
the body of the king's Majesty's privy council, objected to him as a
fault and offence."

The tenth session.

The tenth session against Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, was holden
in the house of the bishop of Ely, in Warwick Lane, before the said
bishops of Ely and London, Master Leyson, and other the king's
commissioners, with their notaries above mentioned, on Friday, the
twenty-third day of January, 1551, in the fourth year of Edward the
Sixth.

"The said day and place appeared before the said commissioners Master
Thomas Somerset, one of the bishop of Winchester's proctors, and under
former protestations made, &c., he produced Sir John Markham, knight,
on articles XL. XLI. XLII. XLIII. XLIV. LVI. LXVIII. and LXXXI.;
Thomas White, esquire, on articles I. II. III. and XIII.; John Norton,
esquire, on articles I. II. and III.; John Cooke, esquire, on articles
I. II. III. VIII. and XIV.; Master John White, warden, on articles I.
II. III. XV. XXIX. and XXXVII.; Francis Allen, on articles VII. VIII.
XI. XII. XXXVI. XXXVIII. XLV. and LXVIII.; John Potinger, on articles
I. VIII. and XV.; Peter Langridge, on articles I. VIII. and XV.; Roger
Ford, on articles I. and VIII.; William Laurence and Giles White, on
the XVth; William Lorking, vicar of Farnham, on the XIVth; Herman
Bilson, on the XVth; Thomas Williams, John Hardy, Robert Braborne,
Robert Quinby, John Reade, on XIVth; Thomas Crowte, on the XVth and
LXVIIIth; George Bullock, George Smith, Hugh Weston, Philip Morgan,
Richard Bruerne, John Weak, clerks, on the articles XXXIV. XXXV. and
XXXVII; Alexander Deringe, William Browne, on articles I. VIII. IX.
and XV.; John Temple, on articles I. II. and III.; Thomas White,
prebendary, on the XVth; and John Glasiar, on the VIIIth and IXth
articles of the matter given by the bishop of Winchester: which said
witnesses, and every one of them, the said bishop of London, by the
consent of his colleagues, and the desire of the said Thomas Somerset,
proctor aforesaid, did overate with a corporal oath on the holy
evangelists, to depose the whole truth as well upon the same articles,
that they were so specially produced on, as the whole cause and
matter, and upon such interrogatories as should be ministered to them,
as far as they knew, in the presence of Master Davy Clapham, one of
the promoters of the office; dissenting from the said production, and
approving the persons of the aforesaid Sir John Markham and Master
Ralph Hopton; but yet protesting to say against their sayings, in case
they should depose against the office; and desiring that they might be
examined of such interrogatories as should be ministered by the
office; and protesting against the persons and sayings of all the
other witnesses and of every of them, in case they or any of them
should depose against the office; and repeating against them the
interrogatories last ministered by the office. This done, the said
Master Somerset, proctor aforesaid, alleged that Master Doctor Redman,
and Doctor Steward, were necessary witnesses for to prove certain
things contained in the aforesaid matter, which Master Redman had been
and then was sick, and the said Master Steward in durance. Wherefore
he desired a commission for the examination of the said Master Redman,
and means had, that the said Master Steward might come to be sworn and
examined; and also required temporal counsel to be assigned to the
said bishop."
The eleventh session.

The eleventh session upon the matter of Gardiner, bishop of
Winchester, was in the house of the Lord Paget, without Temple Bar,
before the aforesaid commissioners judicially sitting, (Thomas Argall,
notary, being present,) the day aforesaid; that is, the twenty-third
of January, 1551.

"At that time and place Master Davy Clapham, and John Lewis, promoters
of the office, did produce Sir William Paget, knight of the order of
the garter, Lord Paget, upon the articles laid in by the office; whom
they desired to be sworn and examined as a witness, according to law;
the said Lord Paget declaring, that honourable personages being of
dignity as he was, were, by the laws of this realm, privileged not to
be sworn in common form, as other witnesses usually did swear;
promising, nevertheless, upon his truth to God, his allegiance to our
sovereign lord the king's Majesty, and upon his fidelity, to testify
the truth that he did know in this behalf; whom the said judges did so
overate upon his truth to God, allegiance to the king's Majesty, and
upon his honour and fidelity, to depose the plain and whole truth, as
far as he knew, as well upon the said articles, as also upon the whole
cause and interrogatories that should be ministered, in the presence
of Thomas Somerset, proctor to the bishop of Winchester, under
protestation, &c., dissenting to the production, and protesting of the
nullity, &c.; and to say against his person and sayings (if he should
depose against the said bishop in this matter); and requiring that he 
might be examined upon such interrogatories as should be ministered
against him; and requiring, also, that he might be sworn with a
corporal oath upon the evangelists."

The twelfth session against Gardiner.

The twelfth session upon the matter of Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
was within the bishop of Ely's house, before the bishops of London and
Ely, with the rest of the commissioners delegate, one of the aforesaid
two actuaries being present, the twenty-fourth day of January, 1551.

"The same day and place appeared James Basset, one of the bishop of
Winchester's proctors, and, under protestations before made, and
always reserved, 	he produced Sir Thomas Smith, on articles XVII.
XXII. XXIII. XXIV. XXV. XXVI. XXVII. and XXVIII.; Robert Willerton,
John Young, and Edmund Bricket, clerks, on articles XXXIV. XXXV. and
XXXVII.; whom and every one of them the said judges, at his desire,
did onerate with a corporal oath, for to say and depose the truth upon
the said articles, the whole cause and interrogatories, in the
presence of Master Clapham, approving the person of Sir Thomas Smith,
and protesting to say against his sayings, and the persons and sayings
of the other witnesses, in case they or any of them should depose
against the office; repeating the interrogatories already ministered
against all the said witnesses, saving Sir Thomas Smith.

The thirteenth session against Gardiner.

The thirteenth session wherein appeared the said bishop of Winchester
was held at Lambeth, before the archbishop of Canterbury, with all the
other judges except Master Hales and Master Goodrick; the two
aforesaid actuaries being withal present, on Monday in the forenoon,
which was the twenty-sixth day of January, 1551.

This said day and place, the bishop of Winchester, under his former
protestations, exhibited an allegation in writing touching the
admonishment given to him the last court day to make answer to the
seventh, eighth, ninth, and nineteenth positions or articles; the copy
and tenor of this allegation, so by him exhibited, hereafter
followeth.

The allegation of Winchester, touching the pretended admonishment.

"The said bishop, repeating his protestations in the acts, said, that
discoursing, and particularly debating, the last court day the answers
made by him to the said articles, and agreeing, as he took it, with
the judges therein, and so departing, it had been, and was besides,
his expectation to hear, in the acts, mention of such admonishment.
Nevertheless, the said bishop, for the declaration of himself, how
ready he was to obey always, for satisfaction of that admonishment
laid in his allegations; and therewith declared, that according to the
testimony of his conscience, he had fully answered the said articles,
weighing together all that he had answered already and proved, so far
as the same opened. And further declared the matter of the said
answer, without captious understanding, whereof the bishop protested.
And yet, if the judges should declare any special point of any the
said articles, wherein a more full answer ought by law to be made, the
said bishop offered himself, without any further delay, to make such
answer as the law should bind him; and thereby eschew, as much as in
him was, the report of disobedience not to answer, when he might
answer, or not so fully as he might, with his conscience.'

"This allegation thus exhibited by the said bishop -- furthermore, by
word of mouth, for fuller answer [he] alleged, that he thought he
spake of every article particularly, saving of the king's authority in
his young years, and except St. Nicholas and St. Edmund, and such
children's toys. And also he said, that he always submitted himself to
justice; and for that he knew not himself guilty, he called not for
mercy within the time of three months expressed in the said articles:
which time of three months ran not, because it was suspended by his
appellation made from the sequestration mentioned in the said
articles.

"After this the judges, at the said bishop's request, under his former
protestations, admitted the positions additional, and the matter
lastly laid in on his behalf, and before inserted in the ninth
session, (as far as the same should or ought in law to be admitted,
and none otherwise,) in presence of the promoters protesting of the
over-much generality, impertinency, and inefficacy, of the said
positions additional and matter; and alleging, that the same ought
not, by the law, to be admitted. Then the bishop, under his former
protestations protesting that he intended not to renounce the benefit
of the law which he ought to have, in the production and swearing of
such witnesses as he alleged were received afore in his absence --
touching their oath, gave certain interrogatories in writing against
the Lord Paget, being a witness received and sworn against him; the
promoters alleging that none were received but either [in] his own
presence or that of his proctors."

The fourteenth session against Gardiner.

The fourteenth action, or session, was in the bishop of Winchester's
lodging, within the Tower of London, on Tuesday, the twenty-seventh
day of January, in the presence of William Saye, one of the aforesaid 
two actuaries.

"The said day and place, in presence of William Saye, notary, the
bishop of Winchester, under his former protestations, (that by this
act he intended not to alter the nature of the cause,) did constitute
Master Thomas Dockwray, John Clerke, (proctors of the Arches,) Thomas
Somerset, James Basset, and James Wingfield, his proctors; jointly and
severally -- for him and in his name -- to produce witnesses upon his
matters purposed, and to be purposed, in this matter: and further, to
do therein as he himself ought or should do, at all times, as well
when he was present as absent. And likewise did constitute William
Bucknam and Master Mitch, fellows in Trinity Hall in Cambridge,
jointly and severally his proctors, to produce Dr. Redman before the
king's Majesty's sub-delegates, and to require him to be received,
sworn, and examined, upon the articles to the commission annexed; and
promised to ratify the doings of his said proctors herein, being
present hereat Master Dr. Jeffrey, William Coppinger, and John Davy,
&c."

The fifteenth session against Gardiner.

The fifteenth action, or session, upon the matter of the bishop of
Winchester was holden before Dr. Oliver, one of the king's
commissioners, in the presence of Thomas Argall, one of the two
actuaries.

"The said day Master Thomas Somerset, one of the bishop of
Winchester's proctors, according to the assignation made, and under
former protestations, &c., did exhibit certain minutes, letters, and
escripts, to declare the said bishop's conformity from time to time,
since the death of King Henry the Eighth, unto this present time; and
also exhibited the same, as much as they should make for him in this
cause, and not otherwise; videlicet first, five original letters,
whereof three [were] from the duke of Somerset, one from Master Cecil,
and the others from Master Brig and other the king's visitors.

"Item, A book of statutes set forth in the second and third year of
the king's Majesty that now is; wherein is contained An Act of
Uniformity of the Service, and the Administration of the Sacrament,
throughout the realm.

"Item, The bishop of Winchester's proxy exhibited in the visitation.

"Item, The copy of a letter printed and directed unto the preachers,
from the duke of Somerset and others of the council.

"Item, Minutes of two letters from the bishop of Winchester to the
duke of Somerset, then protector, from Winchester, before the said
bishop's committing to the Fleet, with copies of them.

"Item, Minutes of letters from the bishop of Winchester to the bishop
of Canterbury -- in No. 3, with their copies.

"Item, Minutes of letters from the bishop of Winchester to the lords
of the king's Majesty's council, before his committing to the Fleet --
in No. 2, with their copies.

"Item, Minutes of letters from the bishop of Winchester to the lord
protector out of the Fleet --in No. 4, with their copies.

"Item, Minutes of letters from the bishop of Winchester to the lord
protector, when he was committed to ward in his house -- in No. 1.

"Item, Minutes of letters from the bishop to the lord protector, from
Winchester -- in No. 1."

In the mean time before the bishop's sending for to London, at which
time he was sent to the Tower, all these said originals the said
Master Somerset required to have, when they were collated and
conferred.

The sixteenth session against Gardiner.

Another action or session upon the cause of Gardiner was in the house
of the bishop of Ely, before the bishops of Ely and Lincoln, Master
Leyson, and Master Oliver, (Thomas Argall, actuary, being present,) on
Thursday, the twenty-ninth day of January, 1551.

"The same day and place James Basset, one of the bishop of Winchesters
proctors, under the bishop's former protestations, exhibiting his
proxy, &c., produced the reverend father Thomas, bishop of Norwich, on
articles I. II. III. IV. of the first matter, and the IVth and Vlth of
the additionals; Sir Edward Carne, on the articles I. II. and III. of
the first matter; Thomas Babington, on articles I. VII. X. XI. of the
last matter; Maurice Griffith, clerk, on articles III. IV. XXXV. and
XXXVII. of the first matter, and the first article of the additionals,
and on the twentieth of the last matter; Christopher Moulton, on
articles III. IV. XXXV. and XXXVII. of the matter, and on the XXth of
the matter contra exhibited; William Glyn, clerk, on the Vth of the
additionals; Thomas Nave, on articles XV. XVI. and XX. of the last
matter; Oliver Wachell, on articles XIII. XV. XVI. and XVIII. of the
last matter; Thomas Cotisforde, on the VIIth of the last matter; Henry
Burton, on articles IX. XV. and XVI. of the last matter; Thomas
Skerne, on the XVth and XVIth of the last matter; Osmond Coware, on
the IXth, XVth, and XVIth of the last matter; John Cliff, on the XVth
and XVIth of the last matter; John Warner, on the XVth and the XVIth
of the last matter; John Seton, clerk, on articles IV. VII. XIV. XV.
XVI. XVII. XVIII. and XX. of the last matter; William Medowe, clerk,
on the Ist of the additionals, and on articles IV. V. VI. VII. IX.
XIV. XV. XVI. XVIII. and XX. of the last matter; Thomas Watson, clerk,
on the Ist of the additionals, and on articles IV. VII. IX. XIII. XIV.
XV. XVI. XVII. and XX. of the last matter; John Potinger, on articles
II. III. V. VI. XV. and XVI. of the last matter; John Temple, on the
XIIIth of the last matter; Alexander Dering, on the XVth and XVIth of
the last matter; William Browne, on the IId, IIId, Vth, and VIth of
the last matter -- which witnesses the said judges did onerate with an
oath, to depose of and upon all and singular such articles as they
were produced upon, and the whole cause, and such interrogatories as
should be ministered in the presence of Clapham and Lewis; approving
the persons of the said bishop of Norwich, and Sir Edward Carne; and
protesting to say against their sayings, and the persons and sayings
of all the other witnesses; and repeating the interrogatories before
ministered, and requiring them to be examined on the same, and others
to be ministered by them. Which done, the same James Basset (under the
said bishop's former protestations) alleged that the bishops of 
Durham, Worcester, and Chichester, were necessary witnesses to prove,
&c.; and to have a commission for the examination of Dr. Steward,
being prisoner in the Marshalsea. Whereupon the said judges, by one
assent, committed their power to the bishop of Ely and Dr. Oliver, for
the examination of the bishop of Durham; Master Leyson for the
examination of Dr. Steward; and the bishop of Lincoln for the
examination of the bishops of Worcester and Chichester in the Fleet."

And forasmuch as mention is made, in this act, of certain
interrogatories, as well of such as were to be ministered, as of the
others being repeated before, the copy of them, which were afterwards
ministered, here followeth in these words:

Interrogatories upon the first articles additional.

"I. Whether the bishop of London, in his said sermon, speaking of the
presence of Christ in the sacrament, did use any of these words: 'the
real, corporal, or substantial presence,' or the same adverbially; or
any such like, and of the same effect, and what they were?

"II. Item, Whether he did not bid his auditory to be content to delay
the discussion of the secret of that matter, till it should be
afterwards judged by learning and authority?

"Item, Whether he did not say, that he would, and did, show them the
sentence of an old author, which was both a great learned man, and
martyr; and only did cite the same for the manner of Christ's presence
in the sacrament, and who was the author, and what was the place?"

The seventeenth session against Gardiner.

Another action upon the cause of Winchester was holden at Cold
Harbour, before the bishops of Ely and Lincoln, and Master Doctor
Oliver, with the presence of Thomas Argall, actuary, on Friday, the
thirtieth day of January, 1551.

"James Basset, under the bishop of Winchesters former protestations,
produced Cuthbert, bishop of Durham, upon the IVth and VIth positions
additional; John Bourne, clerk, on the Ist article of the same
additionals; Owen Oglethorp, doctor, on the articles III. IV. and
XXXVII. of the first matter or matter justificatory, the Vth article
of the additionals, and the Xth article against the exhibits; whom the
said judges did admit and onerate with an oath, to say the truth and
the whole truth upon those articles, and such interrogatories as
should be ministered in behalf of the office, in the presence of David
Clapham, one of the promoters; approving the person of the said bishop
of Durham: protesting, nevertheless, to say against his depositions,
and the persons and sayings of the other witnesses, in case they
deposed any thing prejudicial against the office; and repeating the
interrogatories afore ministered, requiring the witnesses to be
examined upon the same.

The eighteenth session against Gardiner.

The same Friday they also met in the Marshalsea in Southwark, Master
Doctor Oliver and Thomas Argall being present, on the cause of
Winchester.

"James Basset, under the bishop of Winchester's former protestations,
produced Master Edmund Steward, clerk, on articles I. II. III. VIII.
IX. XV. of the matter justificatory; and on articles II. III. V. VI.
VII. XIV. XV. XVI. and XVIII. of the matter against the exhibits; whom
the said Master Doctor Oliver, at the petition of the same James
Basset, did admit and onerate with an oath upon the premises, in the
presence of David Clapham, one of the promoters aforesaid, protesting
to say against the said witness and his testimony, in case he deposed
against the office, and repeating these interrogatories afore
ministered.

"The same Friday, in the Fleet, [before] Henry, bishop of Lincoln, in
the presence of Thomas Argall, &c., the said James Basset, under the
former protestations, produced Nicholas, bishop of Worcester, in his
chamber where he lieth there, and George, bishop of Chichester, in
another chamber where he lieth, of and upon the IVth and VIth articles
of the positions additional; when the bishop of Lincoln, them and
either of them, did respectively onerate with an oath, to depose the
whole truth that they and either of them knew, upon the said articles,
and all such interrogatories as should be ministered unto them, in
presence of David Clapham; protesting to say against them and their
sayings, in case they deposed against the office."

The nineteenth session against Gardiner.

Saturday, the last day of January, 1551, there was a session in the
house of Thomas Argall, before Master John Oliver; the said Argall
being present.

"James Basset, proctor, &c., under the bishop's former protestations,
did produce John Cooke, a witness before sworn, upon articles II. III.
V. VI. and XIV. of the matter against the exhibits; whom the said
Master Oliver did admit and swear, at the petition of the said Basset,
in the presence of David

Clapham, one of the promoters; protesting, &c., and repeating the
interrogatories afore ministered."

The twentieth session against Gardiner.

The twentieth session or action upon the cause of Winchester, with his
appearance at Lambeth before the archbishop of Canterbury and the rest
of the commissioners, (Master Gosnall only absent, Thomas Argall and
William Say being, present,) was on Tuesday, the third day of
February, anno 1551.

"The term probatory assigned to the bishop of Winchester, was
prorogued to this day by nine of the clock afore noon; and, by the
same time, it was assigned to transmit the examination of Dr. Redman.
And it was also assigned to the said bishop of Winchester, to see
further process, in this cause, between the hours of ten and eleven
afore noon of this day. The said day, one Paul Hampcoats, on the
behalf of Master Edward Leedes, and Master Michael Dunning, presented
the process of the examination of Master Doctor Redman, at Cambridge,
being sealed, and in authentical form, in the presence of the bishop
of Winchester; under his former protestations, protesting that he
intended not to revoke his proctors exhibiting the same process, as
far as it made for him, and not otherwise; the promoters protesting to
say against the said process, in case and as far as it should seem to
make against the office.

"Then the bishop, under his former protestations alleging Master James
Basset and Master Jacques Wingfield to be necessary witnesses for
proof of certain articles by him purposed, desired that they might be
admitted and sworn; at whose requiring the judge admitted them as far
as the law would them to be admitted, and not else: whom they did then
and there onerate with a corporal oath, to depose the truth, as they
knew, upon such articles as they should be examined upon; the
promoters protesting of the nullity of their production, for that they
were the said bishop's proctors, and had exercised in this cause for
him; and, in case the production were of force in law, protesting to
say against them and their sayings, in case and as far as the same
should make against the office, and to repeat the interrogatories
heretofore ministered against the other witnesses produced by the said
bishop. And the said bishop, under his said protestations, for further
satisfaction of the term assigned him to prove, did exhibit these
writings ensuing; videlicet first, an original letter from the king's
Majesty that dead is; and another original letter from the king's
Majesty that now is, as much as the same did make for his intent, and
not otherwise; the promoter accepting the contents of the same letters
as far as they made for the office; and none otherwise."

The tenor and words of these two letters, sent to Gardiner from the
aforesaid kings, albeit they seem to me not much to make for the
bishop, yet, forasmuch as he doth here allege them, I thought not to
omit them; the copies whereof thus ensue:--

Copy of a letter sent from King Henry the Eighth to the bishop of
Winchester.
"Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well-beloved, we greet
you well. Understanding, by your letters of the second of this
instant, your mind touching such matter as hath lately, on our behalf,
been opened to you by certain of our council, we have thought good,
for answer, to signify that if your doings heretofore in this matter
had been agreeable to such fair words as ye have now written, neither
you should have cause to write this excuse, nor we any occasion to
answer the same; and we cannot but marvel at this part of your letter,
that you never said nay, to any request made unto you for those lands,
considering that this matter being propounded, and, at good length,
debated with you, as well by our chancellor and secretary, as also by
the chancellor of our Court of Augmentations, both jointly and apart
you utterly refused to grow to any conformity in the same, saying,
That you would make your answer to our own person: which, as we can be
well contented to receive, and will not deny you audience at any meet
time, when you shall make suit to be heard for your said answer, so we
must, in the mean time, think, that if the remembrance of our benefits
towards you had earnestly remained in your heart indeed, as you have
now touched the same in words, you would not have been so precise in
such a matter, wherein a great number of our subjects, and, amongst
others, many of your own coat, (although they have not had so good
cause as you,) have yet, without indenting, dealt both more lovingly
and more friendly with us. And, as touching you, our opinion was, that
if our request had been for a free surrender, as it was for an
exchange only, your duty had been to have done otherwise in this
matter than you have: wherein, if you be yet disposed to show that
conformity you write of, we see no cause why you should molest us any
further therewith, being the same of such sort as may well enough be
passed without officers there.

"Given under our signet, at our manor of Oatlands, the 4th of
December, the thirty-eighth year of our reign."

Also. then and there the said bishop did, under his said
protestations, exhibit a letter written from Louvain by one Francis
Driander, the contents whereof are hereunder expressed in English,
whereof, as much as to the present purpose appertaineth, here
followeth.

Part of a letter of Francis Driander.

"Before my departure from the city of Paris, I wrote unto you by our
friend the Englishman, &c. Now the narration of your bishop of
Winchester, shall satisfy and content you. He (the said bishop) as
appertained to the ambassador of so noble a prince, came to Louvain
with a great rout and bravery, and was there, at a private man's house
called Jeremy's, most honourably entertained and received; where the
faculty of divines, for honour's sake, presented him wine in the name
of the whole university. But our famous doctors, and learned masters,
for that they would more deeply search and understand the learning and
excellency of the prelate, perused and scanned a certain oration made
by him, and now extant, entitled De vera Obedientia, which is as much
as to say, in our English tongue, Of true Obedience; in the which his
oration he did greatly impair and subvert the supremacy of the bishop
of Rome, and preferred his lord and king's authority before the holy
apostolic see, as they were wont to term it: which being read and
considered by them, they did not only repent them, for attributing
such their honour unto him, but also recanted what they had done
before; and, like impudent persons, did not so much honour him afore,
but now twice so much, with many obloquies and derisions, disabled and
dishonoured his person. But, in conclusion, Richard Lathomus,
interpreter of the Terms, with the favourers of this fraternity, and
other the champions of the falling church, boldly enterprised to
dispute with him concerning the pope's supremacy. The bishop stoutly
defended his said oration. The divines, contrary, did stiffly maintain
their opinion, and, divers times openly, with exclamation, called the
said bishop an excommunicate person, and a schismatic; to the no
little reproach and infamy of the English nation.

"I will not here repeat the arguments and reasons which were alleged
on both parts, for the defence of the opinions of each side, for that 
lest, perhaps, to learned men, they shall not seem all of the
strongest; and also, because it becometh me to save and preserve the
estimation of either party. The bishop not long after, minding to say
mass in St. Peter's church, they did deny unto him, as to an
excommunicate person, the ornaments and vestments meet for the same;
wherewith being highly offended, he suddenly hastened his journey from
thence. The dean, the next day after, made an eloquent oration,
wherein he openly disgraced and defamed his person. I lament greatly
their case, who so rashly, without any advisement, gave themselves to
be mocked among grave and witty men. You have heard now a true story,
for our doctor was the chief and principal doer of that tragedy."

After this, the said bishop also exhibited a minute of a letter, sent
by the said bishop out of the Fleet, to the duke of Somerset, the copy
whereof ensueth.

A letter of Gardiner to the lord protector, out of the Fleet..

"After my most humble commendations to your good Grace: This day I
received your Grace's letters, with many sentences in them, whereof in
some I take much comfort, and especially, in sending a physician; and
for the rest that might grieve me, do so understand them as they
grieve me not at all. If I have done amiss, the fault is mine; and I
perceive your Grace would not he grieved with me, unless I had
offended. As for the council, I contend not with their doings, no more
than he that pleadeth 'not guilty' doth blame the judge and quest that
hath indicted him, and requireth on him. I acknowledge authority: I
honour them and speak reverently of them; and yet, if my conscience so
telleth me, I must plead 'not guilty,' as I am not guilty of this
imprisonment. And so must I say, unless I would accuse myself
wrongfully; for I intended ever well. Howsoever I have written or
spoken, I have spoken as I thought; and I have spoken it in place
where I should speak it; at which time I was sorry at your Grace's
absence, unto whom I had used like boldness, the rather upon warranty
of your Grace's letter. But I have written truth, without any
affection other than to the truth, and could answer the
particularities of your Grace's letter shortly, were it not that I
will not contend with your Grace's letters; unto whom I wrote simply
for no such purposes as they be taken (not by your Grace, but by
others); for I trust your Grace will not require of me to believe,
that all the contents of your Grace's letter proceed specially from
yourself, and, in the mean time, I can flatter myself otherwise than
to take them so. Whereupon, if it shall further be applied unto me,
that I do your Grace wrong, being in the place ye represent, not to
take your Grace's letters as though every syllable were of your
Grace's device, being your hand set to them, I will be sorry for it.
Thus I take the sum of your Grace's writing: that I should not, for
any respect, withstand truth; andof that conformity I am. And to agree
against the truth can do your Grace no pleasure, for truth will
continue, and untruth cannot endure; in the discerning whereof if I
err, and, when all the rest were agreed if that were so, I only then
cannot agree, yet I am out of the case of hatred: for I say as I
think. And, if I think like a fool, and cannot say otherwise, then it
shall be accounted as my punishment, and I to be reckoned among the
indurate, who, nevertheless, heretofore had used myself (when no man
impeached me for religion) as friend to friends; and although I were
not (as is of some now thought) a good Christian man, yet I was no
evil civil man; and your Grace, at our being with the emperor, had
ever experience of me, that I was a good Englishman.

"Now I perceive I am noted to have two faults: one, not to like
Erasmus's Paraphrase; another, not to like my Lord of Canterbury's
Homily of Salvation. Herein if I mislike that all the realm liketh,
and, when I have been heard speak in open audience what I can say, can
show no cause of my so doing, or else it cannot so be taken, yet
should it be taken for no wonder, seeing the like hath been seen
heretofore. And, though your Grace will be sorry for it, I am sure you
will love men never the worse: for I adventure as much as any man hath
done, to save my conscience. And I do it, if it may be so taken, in
the best fashion I can devise: for I accuse not the council, which I
confess ought to be honoured; and yet it is not always necessary for
those which be committed by the council to prison, evermore to appear
guilty; for then should every prisoner plead guilty, for the avoiding
of contention with the council. And, howsoever your Grace be informed,
I never gave advice, nor ever knew man committed to prison, for
disagreeing to any doctrine, unless the same doctrine were established
by a law of the realm before. And yet now it might be, that the
council, in your Grace's absence, fearing all things, as rulers do in
a commonwealth, might, upon a cause to them suspected, and without any
blame, commit me to prison; with whom I have not striven in it, but
humbly declared the matter with mine innocency, as one who never had
conference in this matter with any man but such as came to me; and
with them thus -- to will them to say nothing. Because I thought
myself, if I spake, would speak temperately, and I mistrusted others;
being very loth of any trouble to ensue in your Grace's absence, and
specially such absence as I feared in vain, (thanks be to God!) as the
success hath showed: but not altogether without cause, seeing war is
dangerous in the common sense of man, and the stronger hath had
evermore the victory.

"I allege, in my letter to your Grace, worldly respects, to avoid
worldly reasons against me; but I make not my foundation of them. The
world is mere vanity, which I may learn in mine own case, being now
destitute of all such help as friendship, service, familiarity, or
gentleness, seemed to have gotten me in this world. And if I had
travailed my wit in consideration of it since I came hither, (as, I
thank God, I have not,) it might have made me past reasoning ere this
time.

"I reserve to myself a good opinion of your Grace, being nothing
diminished by these letters; in remembrance of whose advancement to
honour, when I spake of chance, if I spake 'ethnically,' as you termed
in your Grace's letters, then is the English Paraphrase to be
condemned for that cause besides all other, wherein that word 'chance'
is over common in my judgment. And yet, writing to your Grace, I would
not (being in this case) counterfeit a holiness in writing otherwise
than my speech hath been heretofore, to call all that comes to pass,
God's doings; without whose work and permission nothing indeed is, and
from whom is all virtue. And yet, in common speech, wherein I have
been brought up, the names 'fortune' and 'chance' have been used to be
spoken in the advancement to nobility, and commended when virtue is
joined with them. Wherein, me thinketh, it is greater praise, and more
rare, to add virtue to fortune, (as your Grace hath done,) than to
have virtue go before fortune; which I wrote, not to flatter your
Grace, but to put you in remembrance what a thing it were, that,
bearing in hand of such as might have credit with you, should cause
you to enterprise that which might indirectly work what your Grace
mindeth not, and, by error in a virtuous pretence to the truth,
advance that which is not truth: wherein I ask no further credit than
that I can show shall persuade, which is one of the matters I kept in
store to show against the Paraphrase, intending only to say truth,
with suit to be heard, and instant request rather to be used, to utter
that I can say, than to be here wasted after this sort. I can a great
deal, and a great deal further than I have written to your Grace; and
yet am so assured of that I have already written, as I know I cannot
therein be convicted of untruth. As for Erasmus himself, I wrote unto
your Grace what he writeth in his latter days, only to show you the
man thoroughly. And [how] in speaking of the state of the church in
his old days, [he] doth not so much further the bishop of Rome's
matters as he did in his young days, being wanton; which Paraphrase if
I can, with expense of my life, let from going abroad, I have done as
good a deed, in my opinion, as ever was done in this realm, in the let
of an enterprise: in which book I am now so well learned, and can show
the matters I shall allege so plainly, as I fear no reproach in my so
doing. And as for the English, either my Lord of Canterbury shall say,
for his defence, that he hath not read over the English, or confess
more of himself than I will charge him with. Therefore I call that,
the fault of inferior ministers whom my lord trusteth. The matter
itself is over far out of the way, and the translating also. In a long
work (as your Grace toucheth) a slumber is pardonable; but this
translator was asleep when he began, having such faults.

"I cannot now write long letters, though I would; but, to conclude, I
think there was never man had more plain evident matter to allege than
I have, without winches, or arguments, or devices of wit. I mean
plainly, and am furnished with plain matter, intending only plainness,
and destitute of all man's help, such as the world, in man's judgment,
should minister. I make my foundation only on the truth, which to
hear, serveth for your Grace's purpose towards God, and the world
also; and, being that, I shall say truth in deed and apparent. I doubt
not your Grace will regard it accordingly, for that only will maintain
that your Grace hath attained; that will uphold all things, and
prosper all enterprises: wherein if I may have liberty to show that I
know, I shall gladly do it: and, otherwise, abide that [which] by
authority shall be determined of me, as patiently and quietly as ever
did man; continuing your Grace's beadman, during my life, unto
Almighty God; who have your Grace in his tuition!"

And thus have ye the aforesaid letter sent from the Fleet to the lord
protector. After this the said bishop did also exhibit another minute
of a letter by him sent to the said duke from Winchester. Also another
minute of a letter to the said duke from Winchester. Also another
minute of a letter sent to the said duke from the said bishop when he
was prisoner in his house, as he affirmed; the copy of which letters
we have above specified. Also another minute of a letter in Latin, by
him sent to Master Cecil. And also a minute of a letter written from
Ratisbon, to the king's Majesty that dead is, by the said bishop,
subscribed with the hand of Sir Henry Knivet, as he affirmed; which 
two last letters here mentioned be not yet come to our hands. All
these letters abovesaid, he, under his former protestations, did
exhibit as far as they made for his intent, and not otherwise; and
required the same to be registered, and the originals to be to him
delivered: which was decreed in presence of the promoters, protesting
of the nullity of the exhibition of these letters, and of the same
exhibits; alleging the same to be private writings, and not authentic,
and such whereunto there ought no faith to be given in law; and
accepting the contents of the said exhibits as much as they made for
the office, and not otherwise. The said bishop, also, under like
protestation as before, exhibited a book of Statutes of Parliament, of
the first year of the king's Majesty's reign that then was, concerning
his general pardon. And, lastly, two papers of articles, which the
bishop affirmed were sent to him to preach, which likewise he did
exhibit inasmuch as they made for his intent, and not otherwise, the
promoters accepting the contents thereof, as far as they made for the
office, and not otherwise.

After all this, the judges, at the request of the said promoters, did
publish the sayings and depositions of the witnesses examined in this
cause, reserving the examinations of the two witnesses lastly sworn as
afore; the bishop, under his former protestations, dissenting to the
said publication.


Witnesses produced, sworn, and examined, upon the articles ministered
by the office, against Stephen, bishop of Winchester.

Sir Anthony Wingfield, Master Secretary Cecil, Sir Ralph Sadler, Sir
Thomas Chaloner, Sir Thomas Wrothe, Master John Cheke, Sir Thomas
Smith, Dr. Richard Coxe, Thomas Watson, Master William Honing, Dr.
Giles Ayre, Dr. Robert Record, Sir George Blage, Nicholas Udall, Sir
Edward North, Edward duke of Somerset, William earl of Wiltshire,
William lord marquis of Northampton, John earl of Bedford, the Lord
Paget, Andrew Beynton, the lord chancellor Riche, the earl of Warwick,
George Lord Cobham, Sir William Harbert, Sir John Baker, Sir Edward
Caine, the lord bishop of Durham, the lord bishop of Norwich, Sir
Ralph Hopton, Sir John Markham, William Coppinger, John Davy, Jacques
Wingfield, John Seton, Nicholas Lentall, Richard Hampden, Master
William Bell, Master William Medowe, Robert Willanton, Herman Bilson,
John Reade, William Laurence, Peter Langridge, Giles White, Roger
Hurd, William Lorking, John Smith, Thomas Williams, John Glasiar,
Richard Bruerne, John Hardy, Morgan Phillips, Robert Quinby, Robert
Braborne, Edmund Bricket, Alexander Dering, John Potinger, William
Browne, Thomas Crowte, Robert Massie, Hugh Weston, John White, John
Young, George Bullocke, John Norton, Francis Allen, Philip Paris,
Christopher Malton, James Basset, Thomas Redman, John Redman, Nicholas
bishop of Worcester, George bishop of Chichester, Owen Oglethorpe,
Cuthbert bishop of Durham, Thomas bishop of Norwich, Maurice Griffith
archdeacon of Rochester, Master Gilbert Bourne, William Glyn, Thomas
Cotisforde, Thomas Skerne, John Clyffe, Henry Burton, Thomas
Babington, John Warner, Osmond Coward, John Temple, John Cooke, Thomas
Neve.

Notes for the reader.

A brief table or index of such notes and specialties, whereunto
Stephen Gardiner did agree and grant; concerning reformation of
religion.

It may seem to thee, loving reader, we have been too prolix and
tedious in reciting the multitude of so many witnesses, which needed
not here, peradventure, to have been inserted, considering, matters
more necessary, and the greatness of the volumes: but the cause moving
us thereunto was so reasonable, that we could not leave them out. For
seeing there be so many yet to this day, that stick so much to
Gardiner's wit, learning, and religion, taking him for such a champion
and a firm pllar of the popish church -- for such, as hitherto have
been so deceived in him, we have taken here a little pains: so that if
they will either credit his own words, works, sermons, writings,
disputations, or else will be judged by his own witnesses on his own.
part here produced, they shall see how clearly and evidently he
withstandeth the popes supremacy:

First, In his writings, as in his book De vera Obedientia.

Secondly, In his disputations and defensions at Louvain, and other
places.

Thirdly, In his open sermons and preaching, as where he expoundeth the
place Thou art Peter, nothing at all to make for authority of the
Romish bishop, marvelling how the pope could usurp so much to take up
that place to build upon, when Christ had taken it up before to build
his church.

Item, That the confession of Peter was the confession of all the
apostles, like as the blessing given to Peter pertained as well to all
the apostles.

Item, That the place, Feed my sheep, was special to Peter alone, but
general to all the apostles. Also that the Greek Church did never
receive the said bishop of Rome for their universal head.

Item, That the authority of the bishop of Rome was not received of
most part of Christian princes.

Item, He would not grant, that the said authority was received
generally.

Item, That the church was builded upon Christ's faith, and not upon
Peter; and though Peter was called chief of the apostles, that was
nothing else but like as it is in an inquest, where the foreman or
headman, is not so called because he is best or chiefest of that
company; but because he speaketh first.

Item, When the keys were given, they were given generally to all the
apostles.

Item, He taketh away all such scriptures which are thought to serve
for the pope's supremacy, as on this rock: feed my sheep: chief of the
apostles: proving, that they serve nothing for his authority.

Item, In his book De vera Obedientia, he did not only write against
the pope's supremacy, but also did defend the same at Louvain.

And moreover in his sermons he did allege and preach the same, and
that vehemently -- pithily - earnestly -- very earnestly -- very
forwardly.

And not only did so vehemently, pithily, earnestly, and forwardly,
preach himself against the pope's supremacy, but also did cause Master
White (then schoolmaster, after bishop of Winchester) to make certain
verses extolling the king's supremacy against the usurped power of the
pope, encouraging also his scholars to do the like.

Item, For the space of fourteen years together, he preached against
the pope's supremacy in divers sermons, and especially in one sermon
before King Henry.

Item, For ceremonies and images, which were abused: to be taken away
by public authority, he did well allow it, as a child to have his book
taken from him, when be abuseth, or delighteth only in the golden
cover.

Item, For dissolving of monkery, nunnery, or friary, and for
dissolution of monasteries, he granteth they were justly suppressed.

Concerning images being by King Edward's injunctions abolished, he
exhorted the people in his sermons to be contented therewith.

Monks and friars he calleth flattering knaves. Friars he never liked
in all his life.

Monks he counted but belly-gods.

The going about of St. Nicholas, St. Katharine, and St. Clement, he
affirmeth them to be children's toys.

For taking away or transposing of chantry obits, ,he referreth it to
the arbitrement of the politic rulers, granting that in dissolving
them it might well be so done.

Item, He wisheth them to be committed to a better use.

The observing of days, hours, number, time, and place, if they be
orderly and publicly commanded by the rulers, it is but to set the
church in an outward and public order. But if a man inwardly and
privately be addicted to the same, thinking his prayer otherwise not
availing, but by observing of the same, it is an error.

The Communion set out by King Edward, he liked well.

The Book of Common Service, he was content both to keep it himself and
caused it to be kept of others.

For the Homilies he exhorted the people, in his preaching, to come to
the church to hear them read.

In sum: to all injunctions, statutes, and proclamations, set forth by
the king and superior powers, he yieldeth and granteth.

Item, Cardinal Pole, coming to the French king to stir him up against
England, Winchester caused him to be expelled out of France.-- 
Witness: Cuthbert, bishop of Durham.

Item, The said bishop sworn against the pope by express clauses in his
proxy.

Now, gentle reader, lay these his writings, preaching, and doings,
with his doings in Queen Mary's time, and thou shalt see how variable
he was, how inconstant and contrary to himself, how perjured, and far
differing from the report of one, who, in an English book, set out in
Queen Mary's time, reported, (as it appeareth in the said book to be
seen,) that there were three only in England, whose consciences had
been never distained in religion, of whom, he said, the aforesaid
bishop of Winchester was one.

Notes and points concerning reformation of religion, whereunto he
would not grant.

Contrary to the real and natural presence of the body in the
sacrament, and to transubstantiation, he would not agree or subscribe.

Contrary to the mass, he would not clearly grant; but saying it did
profit the quick and the dead. Although against the mass of scala
cœli, masses satisfactory, and masses in number, he could not find
them by Scripture.

To the marriage of priests he would not agree. To the article of
justification he would not agree; and divers other places.

Also, here is to be noted in these aforesaid depositions, especially
in the depositions of Andrew Beynton, and of Master Chalenor, how
falsely, and traitor-like, Winchester behaved himself against King
Henry the Eighth at Ratisbon, insomuch that the said king, for the
secret informations which he had of the bishop, caused in all pardons
afterward, all treasons committed beyond the seas to be excepted,
which was most meant for the bishop's cause.

Item, He did exempt the said bishop out of his testament, as one being
wilful and contentious, and that would trouble them all.

Item, That the said King Henry, before his death, was certainly
believed to abhor the said bishop more than any Englishman in his
realm.

Item, That the said king exempted also out of his testament the bishop
of Westminster, for that he was schooled in Winchester's school.

Item, The said bishop of Winchester was found to be the secret worker,
that, three years before the king's death, divers of the privy chamber
were indicted of heresies; for the which the said king was much
offended.

Thus thou seest, reader, Stephen Gardiner here described, what in all
his doings he is, and what is to be thought of him; as who is neither
a true protestant, nor a right papist: neither firm in his error, nor
yet stedfast in the truth: neither a true friend to the pope, nor yet
a full enemy to Christ: false in King Henry's time; obstinate in King
Edward's time; perjured, and a murderer, in Queen Mary's time; but
mutable and inconstant in all times. And finally, whereas in his
letters to the lord protector and others, usually he vaunteth so much
of his late sovereign lord King Henry the Eighth that is dead, and of
the great reputation that he was in with him, behold, in the
depositions of the Lord Paget; and there ye shall see, that the king,
before his death, both excepting him out of his pardons, and quite
striking him out of his last will and testament, so detested and
abhorred him as he did no Englishman more. And whereas the Lord Paget,
being sent in message from the king to the bishop, by other words than
the king's mind and will was, of his own dexterity gave to him good
and gracious words: then, indeed, the king neither knew, nor yet by
him sent the same. Whereupon the bishop, persuading himself otherwise
of the king's favour towards him than it was in deed, was far
deceived.

And this, now, being sufficient concerning the witnesses and their
depositions, let us return to the rest of the twentieth act and
session of the process, where we left off.

The publication of the witnesses, which next before I have put, being
had, as you have heard and granted, the judges, at the like petition
of the promoters, did assign to hear final judgment and decree, in
this matter, on Friday, the thirteenth day of this month of February,
between the hours of eight and ten afore noon, in this place: The said
bishop of Winchester under like protestation as afore dissenting also
to the said assignation.

The twenty-first session.

The twenty-first act or session was held on Friday, the thirteenth day
of February, between the aforesaid hours, and in the place assigned,
before all the judges and commissioners, in the presence of Thomas
Argall and William Say, actuaries.

"Here, and at this time, final judgment being assigned to be heard,
the bishop of Winchester, under his former protestations, did exhibit
for proof of his matters and additionals, five books in print:
videlicet, one entitled thus, Stephani Winton, de Vera Obedientia
Oratio: item, another of Peter Martyr, called, Tractatio de
Sacramentis Eucharistię: item, another called, Catechismus, set forth
by my Lord archbishop of Canterbury: item, another entitled De
divinis, apostolicis, atque ecclesiasticis Traditionibus, auctore
Martino Peresio Guadixiensi, Epistola: item, Injunctions given by the
king's Majesty that now is, to all his subjects, as well of the
clergy, as the laity: also, A Proclamation against those that do
innovate, alter, or leave done, any rite or ceremony in the church, of
their private authority: all which he did exhibit (as far as they made
for him, and none otherwise) in presence of the promoters, accepting
the contents of the same exhibits, as far as they made for the office;
and as much as they made against the office, protesting of the nullity
and invadility of the exhibits aforesaid, (saving only the king's
Majesty's injunctions and proclamation,) and alleging the same to be
such, whereunto no faith ought to be given."

And as concerning the aforesaid five books, with the injunctions and
proclamation, before by the bishop exhibited, because they are in
print (here omitting them) we thought best to refer you to the
perusing of the same. The said bishop also, under his said
protestations, did exhibit certain exceptions in writings against the
witnesses, which he desired to be admitted: the promoters protesting
of the nullity, inefficacy, over-much generality, and invalidity of
the same exceptions; and alleging that they were such, whereunto no
faith ought to be given nor the same to be admitted. The exceptions,
although they were not admitted, yet for divers considerations I
thought good to recite them.

Exceptions given, and laid in by the bishop of Winchester; against
such witnesses as were produced against him.

"The bishop of Winchester -- under all and singular protestations,
heretofore by him made in this matter, and the same always to him
saved and reserved, accepting and approving all and singular such
parts of the depositions of the witnesses produced and examined
against him and by him in this behalf, as the law bindeth him, and as
they make for his part, and for this intent and none otherwise saith,
that forasmuch as certain of the witnesses, brought forth by the said
bishop and against him, be of the king's Majesty's most honourable
council; that is to say, the duke of Somerset, the lord treasurer, the
lord great master, the lord privy seal, the lord great chamberlain,
the Lord Cobham, the Lord Paget, Sir William Harbert: unto whom, for
that respect, and also in consideration of their estate, duty
requireth seemly and convenable speech to be used of them: [in] which
mind of his behaviour in language towards them, the said bishop
protestet1, and by way of exception allegeth; and excepting saith,
that the said noblemen have been, without any corporal oath by them
taken, contrary to the order of the ecclesiastical laws, examined and
deposed: unto whom, because the said oath-giving was not by special
consent remitted, but especially and expressly by the part of the said
bishop required, their deposition by the ecclesiastical laws hath no
such strength of testimony, as the judge should or might, for the
knowledge of truth, have regard to them. For, albeit the quality of
their estate be such, and their sayings also, in words declared to
proceed of their faith and honour, with which it becometh no private
man to contend, nor to affirm, by objection, that they would otherwise
say or depose upon a corporal oath, than they do now: yet, because the
order of the law ecclesiastical requireth the oath corporal, lately
practised in this realm, in persons of like estate; the said bishop
dare the more boldly allege this exception: and so much the rather,
that the Lord Paget hath, in his deposition, evidently and manifestly
neglected honour, faith, and honesty, and showeth himself desirous,
beyond the necessary answer to that was demanded of him, (only of
ingrate malice,) to hinder, as much as in him is, the said bishop, who
was in the said lord's youth his teacher and tutor, afterward his
master, and then his beneficial master; to obtain of the king's
Majesty that dead is, one of the rooms of the clerkship of the signet
for him: which ingrate malice of the said Lord Paget, the said bishop
saith, in the depositions manifestly doth appear, as the said bishop
offereth himself ready to prove and show. And moreover, the said
bishop against the Lord Paget allegeth, at such time as the said Lord
Paget was produced against the said bishop, the same Lord Paget
openly, in the presence of the judges, and others there present, said,
how the said bishop did fly from justice, which made him notoriously
suspected, not to be affected indifferently to the truth (as seemed
him); and without cause therein to speak, as enemy to the said bishop.
Objecting against the Lord Paget, as afore in especial, and generally
excepting the omission of the corporal oath in the rest, he saith
further -- that the sayings of the said noblemen, as they in some
points depose only upon hearsay, in some points speaking in general,
declaring no specialty, in some points declaring a specialty without
such quality as the proof of the fact requireth; without giving such a
reason of their saying, as the law in the deposition of a witness
requireth, when there is deposition of such matter: the same their
sayings do not in law conclude, nor make proof of any matter
prejudicial to the said bishop, as upon the consideration of the
depositions may appear. And finally, the said bishop, by way of
exception, allegeth, and excepting saith, that the Lord Paget, being
produced against the said bishop, was by the office examined, as
appeareth, upon the interrogatories ministered by the office, without
making the bishop privy what the said interrogatories were, to the
intent he might understand what new matter were deduced, to use his
just defence in that behalf. And, although the bishop produced those
noblemen, as witnesses to prove his behaviour, at their repair unto
him in the Tower, and at his coming to them, when he was commanded to
appear before them at the king's Majesty's palace, whereby his sayings
and answers before them might appear, with their testimony in general
of the bishop's estimation in our late sovereign lord's days: yet the
same personages be produced again for the office, to be taken and used
as witnesses against the said bishop in the principal matter of that
they themselves supposed to be true in their process, thereby, with
their own testimony, to justify their own doings: whereupon they did
proceed so as it appeareth, that the same personages be the judges in
the first sentence, and brought here witnesses, whereby to approve the
justness of their own former doings; which is against all law, equity,
and justice. And touching the other witnesses, such as appear in the
acts, to have made a corporal oath,-- amongst which be also four of
the king's most honourable council, Sir Anthony Wingfield, Sir Ralph
Sadler, Sir Edward North, and Master Cecil,-- the said bishop, with
due respects to their worships, saith their sayings and depositions,
where they be general, and declare no specialty against the said
bishop, wherein he should especially offend, conclude no proof in law,
nor ought to be prejudicial to the said bishop, as by consideration of
the depositions may appear.

"And where Master Cecil deposeth upon the Xth article, he is therein
singular, and concludeth no proof in such a matter of weight, and
telleth not that matter touching the king's Majesty's young age, as he
uttered it, and calleth it a commandment that he uttered not so,
leaving out the joining of the council to limit the king's authority;
as the said bishop, upon his oath, in answer hath affirmed: and in the
VIIIth article, the declaration of his knowledge of commandment given
to the bishop to preach, by knowledge, from Master Smith, (as he
saith,) varieth from Master Watson, a witness in that part produced.
And as for Master Coxe, Master Ayre, Master Honing, Master Cheke,
Master Chalenor, Master Record, and Master Smith, the bishop,
excepting, allegeth, that either they depose generally, or by hearsay,
not concluding any proof, or else so utter their own affection, as
they be worthy of no credit, or else show themselves so loth to seem
to remember any thing that might relieve the bishop, as they ought to
be reputed not indifferent. And moreover, the said bishop saith, that
Master Coxe had his conversation so touched in the latter end of the
bishop's sermon, for priests to marry contrary to a law, and against
order, that it was no marvel though he were offended. Master Ayre
declareth himself to have complained of the said bishop, whose
complaint by witness already produced is reproved. Master Record,
saying that the bishop is yet disobedient, and so wrongfully judging
of the bishop in his private prejudice, is unworthy of all faith in
the matter. Master Chalenor showeth himself to mistake the matter, not
distinguishing Hampton Court from Westminster. Master Smith, in
declaring of his treating with the bishop, doth plainly confound the
month of February with June. Master Honing's deposition hath no matter
substantial in form of proof declared. And also the said bishop,
excepting as afore and under his protestation above mentioned,
allegeth, that all and singular the witnesses aforesaid, examined
against the said bishop, be, in their pretended depositions, variable,
singular, discrepant, repugnant, and contrary one to another; and not
proving, in any wise, such things as they go about and endeavour
themselves to depose of. All which matters the said bishop allegeth as
they be above respectively mentioned, touching the witnesses
concerning the premises against them, as is aforesaid, objected and
excepted, as well for the causes before respectively specified, as
other causes contained in their pretended depositions: to whose
sayings, credit and faith, sufficient by the law, ought not to be
given, as is required for proof and testimony of truth in process, as
by their said pretended depositions more plainly appeareth; unto which
and unto the law, (as is expedient for him and none otherwise,) the
said bishop referreth himself in this behalf. And under his said
protestations he allegeth, that these things before by him
respectively excepted against the said witnesses, were and be true and
notorious, as by the acts and depositions of the same witnesses, and
by other records and things had, exhibited, done, and made in this
matter, doth appear; and also, by proof to be further made by the said
bishop, if he may be admitted thereunto, shall appear; and therewith
to what is already deposed, to which (as is aforesaid) the bishop
answereth himself so far forth as they make for him and none
otherwise."

Besides the premises, the said bishop also, under like protestations
as afore, did exhibit, for the better information of the judges in
this matter, certain papers: one, containing a collation made of the
depositions in both parts, what was said, and how it was said in the
bishop's sermon; and of the charge and discharge in the same: which
collation, for that I have before comprehended it in the table and
index of notes, I thought it not here necessary to occupy any more
room.-- Item, another abridgement of collections touching the said
bishop's sermon.-- Item, another touching the articles of the council
sending to the said bishop to the Tower.-- Another entitled, A note of
the bishop's conformity in prison, with confutation of that which hath
been in general terms called in him, obstinacy and disobedience.--
Another entitled, Answers by evident deeds, to such matter at large in
words, as is surmised against the bishop of Winchester. the promoters
protesting also of the nullity of the same exhibits, and requiring
judgment to be given.

Then and there the judges assigned again to hear judgment, on the
following day, between the hours of nine and eleven of the clock
before noon, in the same place: the bishop, under his protestation,
dissenting to the said assignation, and protesting of a grief, for
that he hath not yet all the exhibits again, nor space sufficient to
consult with his learned counsel in this behalf: and also requiring
another temporal counsellor, because one of them already assigned unto
him cannot tarry longer in these parts.

The twenty-second session.

The twenty-second act or session, wherein appeared Gardiner, bishop of
Winchester, personally, was sped in the hall of the manor at Lambeth,
on Saturday, the fourteenth day of February, before all the judges
delegate, in the presence of Thomas Argall and William Say, actuaries.

"On this day and place, according to the assignment in that behalf,
between the hours prefixed, the promoters delivering to the archbishop
the sentence in writing, required the same to be given in presence of
the bishop of Winchester, who, under his former protestations, before
the said actuaries and the multitude there assembled, making a certain
appellation from the said judges to our sovereign lord the king's most
excellent Majesty, according as was contained in certain paper-leaves,
which he then and there openly read; and upon the reading thereof,
required the said actuaries to make him an instrument thereof; and the
witnesses there present, to bear testimony thereunto: protesting also,
that from thenceforth he intended not, by any of his doings or
sayings, to recede from the benefit of his said appellation. The copy
of which appellation so by the bishop read here followeth.

The appeal of the bishop of Winchester before the sentence definitive.

"In the name of God, Amen. Before you judges delegates, or
commissaries pretended, under named, and before you notaries public,
and authentic persons: and also before you witnesses here present, I,
Stephen, by the permission of God bishop of Winchester, to the intent
to appeal, and likewise principally of nullity to querell under the
best and most effectual way, manner, and form of law which I best and
most effectually ought to do, and to all purposes and effects of the
law that may follow thereof, say, allege, and in this writing propone
in law -- That, although I have obtained, and do obtain, hold, keep,
and occupy the said bishopric of Winchester lawfully; and the same,
(so by me lawfully had and obtained,) with all the rights and
appurtenances of the same, have possessed, by many years, peaceably
and quietly; and so (saving always such things and griefs, as be under
written) do possess now, at this present time; and, for the very and
true bishop, and lawful possessor aforesaid, have been and am commonly
taken, named, had, holden, and reputed, openly and notoriously: and
albeit I was and am (as I thought to be) in peaceable possession of
the law, to take, have, and receive the fruits, rents, provents,
obventions, and other rights and profects, whatsoever they be, in any
wise to the bishopric aforesaid appertaining, and of the same
bishopric, by any manner of means, coming or happening: and though
also I was, and am, a man of perfect and full integrity and of good
name and fame, and also of life, manners, and conversation laudable;
not suspected, not excommunicated, nor interdicted; neither with any
crime, at least notorious or famous, nor with any disobedience or
contentions against any my superiors, noted, respersed, or convicted;
but to obey the law, and to stand to the commandments, precepts, and
monitions of the most noble prince, and our sovereign lord, Edward the
Sixth, (by the grace of God, king of England, France, and Ireland,
defender of the faith, and in earth of the Church of England and
Ireland supreme head,) as far forth as they be consonant, conformable,
and agreeable with the laws, statutes, parliaments, and injunctions of
the said king's Majesty, and ordained by his authority, published,
made, and admitted -- being not repugnant to the same: and as I may
obey the same, saving the integrity of my conscience, am always ready
likewise, as hitherto I have always been, as far as I am bound, duly
to obey the same, and, with God's help, so do intend to do hereafter,
and all other my superiors:-- Yet, nevertheless, the most reverend 
father in God, Thomas, by the sufferance of God archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and metropolitan; Nicholas, bishop
of London; Thomas, bishop of Ely, one of the king's Majesty's privy
council; Henry, bishop of Lincoln; Sir William Peter, knight, one of
the king's Majesty's principal secretaries, and one of the king's
Highness's privy council; Sir James Hales, one of the justices of the
Common Pleas; John Oliver, and Griffith Leyson, doctors of the civil
law; John Gosnall, Richard Goodrick, esquires, commissaries or judges
delegate, as they pretend themselves, by virtue of commission to them
committed by the king's Majesty's proceeding against me, (the bishop
aforesaid,) of their pretended office, necessarily promoted, as is
pretended: laying and objecting against me certain articles, as well
for the generality of them as otherwise, of no value, efficacy, or
effect: and thereupon, and upon other interrogatories ministered
privately by them, without the knowledge of the said bishop, taking
away his just defence in that behalf: examining also divers and sundry
witnesses upon them, contrary to the due order and deposition of the
law, and without any corporal oath due and accustomed in that behalf,
to them given, or by them taken, notwithstanding the said witnesses
were, and be, laymen, and the cause original (as it is pretended) very
urgent, tending to the deprivation of a bishop: which judges, or
pretended commissaries, earnestly and vehemently defend the same,
against the said bishop, and, showing themselves manifestly judges not
indifferent, but very much affectionate against me; and to be therein
to me, and to the truth of my just cause, vehemently, notoriously, and
worthily suspected: and that my Lord of Canterbury aforesaid, was one
of the judges that caused and commanded me (the said bishop) to the
prison in the Tower of London, where I am now prisoner; and upon that
commandment have remained as prisoner almost these three years
continually: also Master James Hales, Master Goodrick, and Master
Gosnall, commissioners pretended aforesaid, were of counsel. and gave
their counsel and advice concerning the same sending of me to the
Tower, and imprisonment aforesaid: moreover my Lord of Canterbury, my
Lord of London, and my Lord of Lincoln, commissioners pretended
aforesaid, do, contrary to the laws ecclesiastical of this realm,
teach and set forth the manifest and condemned error against the very
true presence of Christ's body and blood in the sacrament of the
altar; and because I (the said bishop) am, and have been always, of
the true catholic faith, contrary to them, (who in that, as well by my
writings as otherwise, have and do set forth, according to the truth
and verity of Christ's word, and the catholic faith and doctrine, that
in the same sacrament of the altar is the very presence of Christ's
body and blood,) therefore the same archbishop and bishops have and do
show themselves unduly affected against me, and be notoriously in the
truth adversaries unto me: and Sir William Peter was one of the
judges, that decreed the fruits of my bishopric (not according to the
order of law, or upon cause sufficient) unjustly, contrary to the
laws, to be sequestered; and did sequester them, de facto, sed non de
jure: and now is judge in his own cause, concerning his own fact; and
so entreateth, and affecteth the maintenance of the same against me
(the said bishop) as his own proper cause, both in the place of
judgment, and other places: and also all the said judges have so
notoriously handled, used, and openly manifested themselves in the
distrust, and in their proceeding in this matter against me, (the said
bishop,) that they seem, and appear openly, to indifferent men them
hearing and perceiving, rather to be parties, than indifferent judges;
and show, and declare manifestly, in words and deeds, their undue
affection towards me, in my matter aforesaid; and more earnestly,
fervently, and rigorously saying, imagining, and intending, with all
their endeavours and industry, what they can possibly say and do
against me, than any other of them, that be of counsel against me, do
or can imagine, or invent to say, or do; and at no time do show
themselves like indifferent judges, to say, speak, declare, or do in
word or deed, any thing or matter besides granting of process, that
might touch or return to my just innocency, and just and lawful
defence, notoriously known to them as judges in this behalf, opening
and manifesting thereby, and by other the premises, their undue
affection, purpose, and intent they have to deprive me from my
bishopric, and to make their determination by sentence against me: and
that notwithstanding the copies of such necessary writings, and
exhibits, as were exhibited in this cause by the part of me the said
bishop, which be very necessary and expedient for the proof of my part
in this behalf, be not yet delivered me, where upon I might consult
with my counsel: and that the fact and state of the cause is not yet
fully opened or declared, the said judges having, for their
affections, and other the causes aforesaid, no respect thereunto, nor
to minister justice in this behalf, having as yet little or no
knowledge at all of the cause; and show themselves ready, and, with
all their affections, industry, and endeavour, prepare themselves to
give sentence of deprivation against me; and, in effect, uttered the
same openly in judgment. And to the intent the verity of the fact, and
due proof thereof, whereby the innocency of me (the said bishop) might
evidently appear, should pass over unknown, and to have the same
concealed, cloaked, and hid, the said pretended commissaries sitting,
and unjustly and unlawfully proceeding, in this matter yesterday,
being the thirteenth of this present month of February, then being the
first time, that, in the matter, was assigned to hear sentence, and
the first opening or declaring of any part of the fact, after the
publication and other probations made; having no respect to any of the
premises, nor yet that it was almost three of the clock that I
returned home to the Tower, to repose and refresh myself; whereunto,
without any consideration had in any the premises, [they] assigned the
next morrow; videlicet, this day, at nine of the clock afore noon, to
hear definitive sentence in this matter; not first admitting the
exceptions laid before them by the said bishop, but refusing so to do,
and thereby rejecting the same, no day being of respect betwixt the
said days; whereby it is notorious, that the said time assigned was
and is so short, that the counsel of me the said bishop dwelling about
St. Paul's, and I remaining prisoner in the Tower, where the gates be
shut at five of the clock in the evening, and till after six in the
morning, that there was no sufficient time for me, and my counsel, to
peruse and examine such witnesses, proofs, and writings, as were, as
well of my part, as against me, in this behalf produced and exhibited,
and deliberately to consult thereupon together; especially this cause
being a very urgent, weighty, and arduous cause, concerning the
deprivation (as it is intended) of a bishop of many years' continuance
therein, from his bishopric; and that I, being of long time kept in
close prison, was so pestered the said thirteenth day, being
yesterday, with the populous audience, that I repair this day with the
great travail of my body, and make my personal appearance again to the
said place of judgment. And that the said injuries and griefs
aforesaid, and other the premises, under manner and form above
specified, done, and made, were and be true, public, notorious,
manifest, and famous. Whereupon I, (the said bishop,) feeling and
perceiving to be grieved of and upon the premises, and of such other
things, as, of the acts, facts, doings, and proceedings of the said
commissioners may be duly collected, do, from them, and from every of
them, appeal in this writing to the king's Majesty aforesaid; and ask
apostules, first, secondarily, and thirdly, instantly, more instantly,
and most instantly, to be given and delivered to me, with the effect,
and of the nullity of the premises do libel principally, and querell:
and I protest, that there be not ten days since griefs of appeal have
been done unto me, and that these griefs be daily continued: and I
protest to add, correct, reform, diminish this my appellation, and to
subtract from it, and to reduce and conceive the same in a better and
more competent form, according to the counsel of such as be expert and
have knowledge of the law; and to intimate the same to all and
singular persons, that have or may have any interest in this behalf,
for time and place convenient, as the manner and style of the law
requireth."

After this, upon debate and discussion of the principal matter had,
made, and used on both sides, my Lord's Grace of Canterbury, with
consent of all the rest of the said judges his colleagues there
personally and judicially sitting, gave and read openly a final
sentence conceived in writing against the said bishop of Winchester,
whereby, amongst other, he judged and determined the said bishop of
Winchester to be deprived and removed from the bishopric of
Winchester, and from all the right, authority, emoluments,
commodities, and other appurtenances to the said bishopric in any wise
belonging, whatsoever they be: and him did deprive, and remove from 
the same, pronouncing and declaring the said bishopric of Winchester
to all effects and purposes to be void, according as in the same
sentence is more fully contained; the copy whereof here ensueth:

"In the name of God, Amen. By authority of a commission by the high
and mighty prince our most gracious sovereign Lord Edward the Sixth,
by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of
the faith; and of the Church of England, and also of Ireland, in earth
the supreme head, the tenor whereof hereafter ensueth: Edward the
Sixth, &c.-- We, Thomas, by the sufferance of God, archbishop of
Canterbury, primate of all England, and metropolitan, with the right
reverend fathers in God, Nicholas, bishop of London, Thomas, bishop of
Ely, and Henry, bishop of Lincoln, Sir William Peter, knight, one of
our said sovereign lord's two principal secretaries, Sir James
Hales,knight, one of our said sovereign lord's justices of his Common
Pleas, Griffith Leyson and John Oliver, doctors in the civil law,
Richard Goodrick and John Gosnall, esquires, delegates and judges
assigned and appointed, rightfully and lawfully proceeding according
to the form and tenor of the said commission, for the hearing,
examination, debating, and final determination of the causes and
matters in the said commission mentioned and contained, and upon the
contents of the same, and certain articles objected of office against
you, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, as more plainly and fully is
mentioned and declared in the said commission and articles, all which
we repute and take here to be expressed; and after sundry judicial
assemblies, examinations, and debatings of the said cause and matters,
with all incidents, emergents, and circumstances to the same or any of
them belonging; the same also being by us oft heard, seen, and well
understood, and with good and mature examination and deliberation
debated, considered, and fully weighed and pondered, observing all
such order and other things, as by the laws, equity, and the said
commission, ought or needed herein to be observed, in the presence of
you, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, do proceed to the giving of our
final judgment and sentence definitive in this manner following.

"Forasmuch as by the acts enacted, exhibits and allegations proposed,
deduced, and alleged, and by sufficient proofs, with your own
confession, in the causes aforesaid had and made, we do evidently find
and perceive that you, Stephen, bishop of Winchester, have not only
transgressed the commandments mentioned in the same, but also have of
long time, notwithstanding many admonitions and commandments given
unto you to the contrary, remained a person much grudging, speaking,
and repugning against the godly reformations of abuses in religion,
set forth by the king's Highness's authority within this his realm;
and forasmuch as we do also find you a notable, open, and contemptuous
disobeyer of sundry godly and just commandments given unto you by our
said sovereign lord and by his authority, in divers great and weighty
causes touching and concerning his princely office, and the state and
common quietness of this his realm; and forasmuch as you have, and yet
do, contemptuously refuse to recognise your notorious negligences and
misbehaviours, contempts and disobediences,remaining still, after a
great number of several admonitions, always more and more indurate,
incorrigible, and without all hope of amendment -- contrary both to
your oath sworn, obedience, promise, and also your bounden duty of
allegiance; and for that great slander and offence of the people arise
in many parts of the realm, through your wilful doings, sayings, and
preachings, contrary to the common order of the realm; and for sundry
other great causes by the acts, exhibits, your own confession, and
proofs of this process, more folly appearing; considering withal that
nothing effectually hath been on your behalf alleged, proposed, and
proved, nor by any other means appeareth, which doth or may impair or
take away the proofs made against you, upon the said matters and other
the premises:

"Therefore we, Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, primate of all
England, and metropolitan, judge delegate aforesaid, having God before
our eyes, with express consent and assent of Nicholas, bishop of
London, Thomas, bishop of Ely, Henry, bishop of Lincoln, Sir William
Peter, knight, Sir James Hales, knight, Griffith Leyson and John
Oliver, doctors of the civil law, Richard Goodrick and John Gosnall,
esquires, judges and colleagues with us in the matters aforesaid, and
with the counsel of divers learned men in the laws, with whom we have
conferred in and upon the premises, do judge and determine you,
Stephen, bishop of Winchester, to be deprived and removed from the
bishopric of Winchester, and from all the rights, authority,
emoluments, commodities, and other appurtenances to the said bishopric
in any wise belonging, whatsoever they be; and by these presents we do
deprive and remove you from your said bishopric, and all rights and
other commodities aforesaid; and further pronounce and declare the
said bishopric of Winchester, to all effects and purposes, to be void
by this our sentence definitive, which we give, pronounce, and declare
in these writings."

"This sentence definitive being given, the said bishop of Winchester,
under his former protestations, dissented from the giving and reading
thereof, and from the same, as unjust, and of no efficacy or effect in
law; and in that the same containeth excessive punishment, and for
other causes expressed in his appellation aforesaid, he did then and
there, immediately after the pronouncing of the sentence, by word of
mouth appeal to the king's royal Majesty, first, secondly, and
thirdly, instantly, more instantly, most instantly; and asked
apostules, or letters dimissorial, to be given and granted unto him:
and also, under protestation not to recede from the former
appellation, asked a copy of the said sentence; the judges declaring
that they would first know the king's pleasure and his council's
therein. Upon the reading and giving of which sentence, the promoters
willed William Say and Thomas Argall to make a public instrument, and
the witnesses then and there present to bear testimony thereunto; and
the bishop of Winchester required us also to make him an instrument
upon his said appellation, and the said witnesses to testify
thereunto; being present as witnesses at the premises: namely, the
earls of Westmoreland and Rutland; the lord William Haward, the Lord
Russel; Sir Thomas Wrothe, Sir Anthony Brown, knights; Master John
Cheke, esquire; John Fuller, Richard Lyall, Galfride Glyn, William
Jefferey, Richard Standish; David Lewis, doctors of law; Master
Serjeant Morgan, Master Stamford, Master Chidley, Master Carell,
Master Dyar, temporal counsellors; and many others in a great
multitude then assembled."

And thus have you the whole discourse and process of Stephen Gardiner,
late bishop of Winchester, unto whom the papistical clergy do so much
lean (as to a mighty Atlas, and upholder of their ruinous religion);
with his letters, answers, preachings, examinations, defensions,
exhibits, and attestations, of all such witnesses as he could produce
for the most advantage to his own cause, with such notes also, and
collections gathered upon the same; whereby, if ever there were any
firm judgment or sentence in that man to be gathered in matters of
religion, here it may appear what it was, as well on the one side as
on the other.

And thus an end of Winchester for a while, till we come to talk of his
death hereafter, whom as we number amongst good lawyers, so is he to
be reckoned amongst ignorant and gross divines, proud prelates, and
bloody persecutors, as both by his cruel life and Pharisaical doctrine
may appear, especially in the article of the sacrament, and of our
justification, and images, and also in crying out of the Paraphrase,
not considering in whose person the things he spoken; but what the
paraphrast uttereth in the person of Christ, or of the evangelist, and
not in his own, that he wresteth unto the author, and maketh thereof
heresy and abomination.

The like impudency and quarrelling also he used against Bucer, Luther,
Peter Martyr, Cranmer, and almost against all other true interpreters
of the gospel. So blind was his judgment, or else so wilful was his
mind, in the truth of Christ's doctrine, that it is hard to say,
whether in him unskilfulness or wilfulness had greater predomination.

$

233. DOCTOR REDMAN EXPOUNDS THE TRUE FAITH ON HIS DEATHBED

But against this Dr. Gardiner, we will now set and match, on the
contrary side, Dr. Redman, forasmuch as he, departing this transitory
life the same present year 1551, cometh now, by course of history,
here to be mentioned; who, for his singular life and profound
knowledge, being inferior in no respect to the said Gardiner, shall
stand as great a friend in promoting the gospel's cause, as the other
seemeth an enemy, by all manner of ways to impair and deface the same:
for the more assured declaration whereof we will hereto adjoin (the
Lord willing) the learned communication between the said Dr. Redman
lying on his death-bed, and Master Wilkes, Master Alexander Nowel, Dr.
Young, and other witnesses more; whereof the said Master Wilkes thus
recordeth, speaking in his own person, and his own words, as
followeth:

"I, (the aforesaid Richard Wilkes,) coming to Dr. Redman lying sick at
Westminster, and, first saluting him after my ordinary duty, wished
him health both in soul and body; not doubting, moreover, but he did
practise the godly counsel in himself, which he was wont to give to
others being in his case; and, thanks be to God, said I, who had given
him stuff of knowledge to comfort himself withal. To whom he,
answering again, said in this wise: 'God of all comfort, give me grace
to have comfort in him, and to have my mind wholly fixed in him!'
Master Young and I said, 'Amen.'

"Then I communed with him of his sickness, and of the weakness of his
body, and said, that though he were brought never so low, yet he, if
it were his pleasure, that raised up Lazarus, could restore him to
health again. 'No, no,' saith he, 'that is past, and I desire it not;
but the will of God be fulfilled!'

"After this, or a little other like communication, I asked if I might
be so bold, not troubling him, to know his mind for my learning, in
some matters and points of religion. He said, 'Yea,' and that he was
as glad to commune with me in such matters, as with any man. And then
I said to his servants, I trusted I should not trouble him. No,' said
Ellis, his servant, 'my Lord of London, Master Nowel, and others, have
communed with him, and he was glad of it.' Then said Master Redman,
'No, you shall not trouble me. I pray God ever give me grace to speak
the truth, and his truth, and that which shall redound to his glory,
and send us unity in his church;' and we said 'Amen.'

"I said, he should do much good in declaring his faith, and I would be
glad to know his mind as touching the sacrament of the body and blood
of Christ.-- He said, 'As man is made of two parts, of the body and
the soul, so Christ would feed the whole man: but what (saith he) be
the words of the text? let us take the words of the Scripture.' And he
rehearsed the text himself thus: 'Christ took bread; wherein his will
was to institute a sacrament. Take, eat. Here he told the use of it.
What did he give to them? He calleth it his body.'

"Then I asked him of the presence of Christ.-- He said, Christ was
present with his sacrament, and in those that received it as they
ought. And there was a wonderful union (for that word was named)
betwixt Christ and us, as St. Paul saith, Ye be bone of his bone, and
flesh of his flesh; the which union was ineffable.

"Then I asked him, what he thought of the opinion, that Christ was
there corporally, naturally, and really.-- He answered, 'If you mean
by corporally, naturally, and really, that he is there present, I
grant.'

"Then I asked, how he thought of that which was wont commonly to be
spoken, that Christ was there flesh, blood, and bone, as I have heard
the stewards in their Leets give charge when the six articles stood in
effect, and charge the inquest to inquire, that if there were any that
would deny that Christ was present in the sacrament of the altar, in
flesh, blood, and bone, they should apprehend them.-- He said, that it
was too gross, and could not well be excused from the opinion of the
Capernaites.

"Then I asked him, Inasmuch as Christ is there were, how do we receive
him? in our minds and spiritual parts, or with our mouths, and into
our bodies; or both?-- He said, 'We receive him in our minds and souls
by faith.'

"Then, inasmuch as he was much on this point, that there was 'a
marvellous union' betwixt us and Christ, in that we were 'bone of his
bone, and flesh of his flesh;' I desired to know his opinion, whether
we received the very body of Christ with our mouths, and into our
bodies, or no?-- Here he paused and held his peace a little space; and
shortly after he spake, saying, 'I will not say so; I cannot tell; it
is a hard question: but surely,' saith he, 'we receive Christ in our
soul by faith. When you do speak of it other ways, it soundeth
grossly, and savoureth of the Capernaites.'

"Then I asked him, what he thought of that which the priest was wont
to lift up and show the people betwixt his hands?--He said, It is the
sacrament.'

"Then said I, 'They are wont to worship that which is lifted up.'--
'Yea,' saith he, 'but we must worship Christ in heaven; Christ is
neither lifted up nor down.' 'I am glad,' said I, 'Master Doctor, to
hear you say so much. I would not speak of the holy sacrament
otherwise than reverently; but I fear, lest that sacrament, and the
little white piece of bread so lifted up, hath robbed Christ of a
great part of his honour.'-- Then said he, looking up and praying,
'God grant us grace that we may have the true understanding of his
word, whereby we may come to the true use of his sacraments;' and
said, he would never allow the carrying about of the sacrament, and
other fond abuses about the same.

"Then, after a little while pausing, said I, 'Master Doctor, if I
should not trouble you, I would pray you to know your mind in
transubstantiation.' 'Jesus! Master Wilkes,' quoth he, 'will you ask
me that Sir,' said I, 'not if I should trouble you.' -- 'No, no, I
will tell you,' said he. 'Because I found the opinion of
transubstantiation received in the church, when I heard it spoken
against, I searched the ancient doctors diligently, and went about to
establish it by them, because it was received. And when I had read
many of them, I found little for it, and could not be satisfied. Then
I went to the school doctors, and namely to Gabriel, and weighed his
reasons. The which when I had done, and perceived they were no
pithier, my opinion of transubstantiation waxed feeble: and then,'
saith he, I returned again to Tertullian and Irenęus, and when I had
observed their sayings, mine opinion that there should be
transubstantiation was quite dashed.'

"Then said I, 'You know that the school doctors did hold, that bread
remained not after the consecration, as they called it.'-- 'The school
doctors,' saith he, 'did not know what consecratio meaneth:' and here
he paused awhile.

"'I pray you,' said I, 'say you what consecratio means?'-- Saith he,
It is tota actio, in ministering the sacrament as Christ did institute
it. All the whole thing done in the ministry, as Christ ordained it,
that is consecratio; and what,' said he, 'need we to doubt, that bread
remaineth? Scripture calleth it bread, and certain good authors that
be of the later time, be of that opinion.'

"After that I had communed with Master Redman, and taken my leave of
him, Master Young came forth into the next chamber with me, to whom I
said that I was glad to see Master Doctor Redman so well minded. Then
said Master Young to me, I am sure he will not deny it; I assure you,'
saith he, 'Master Doctor hath so moved me, that whereas I was of that
opinion before, in certain things, that I would have burned and lost
my life for them; now,' saith Master Young, 'I doubt of them. But I
see,' saith he, 'a man shall know more and more by process of time,
and reading and hearing of others, and Master Doctor Redman's saying
shall cause me to look more diligently for them.'

"Also Ellis, Master Doctor Redman's servant, showed me, that he did
know, that his master had declared to his Majesty King Henry the
Eighth, that faith only justified,; but that doctrine, as he thought,
was not to be taught the people, lest they should be negligent to do
good works.

"The said Master Young hath reported, (the which also I heard,) that
Master Doctor Redman should say, that the consent of the church was
but a weak staff to lean to; but did exhort him to read the
Scriptures, for there was that which should comfort him, when he
should be in such case as he was then."

Another communication between Dr. Redman, lying in his death-bed, and
Master Nowel, then schoolmaster in Westminster, and certain others,
with notes of his censure and judgment touching certain points of
Christ's religion.

"Imprimis, the said Dr. Redman sent for Master Nowel, of his own mind,
and said, he was willing to commune with him of such matters as he had
moved the said Dr. Redman of a day or two before; and he, being
desired of the said Master Newel to declare his mind concerning
certain points of our religion, first said, Ask me what ye will, and I
will answer you, before God, truly as I think, without any affection
to the world or any worldly person.

"Witnesses: Alexander Nowel, Richard Burton, Ellis Lomas, John Wright.

"II. Item, The said Dr. Redman said, that the see of Rome in these
latter days is 'a sink of all evil.'

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Rich. Burton, John Wright, Edward
Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.

"III. Item, That purgatory, as the schoolmen taught it, and used it,
was ungodly, and that there was no such kind of purgatory as they
fancied.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw.
Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, John Wright.

"IV. Item, That the offering up of the sacrament in masses and
trentals for the sins of the dead is ungodly.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Now el, Rich. Burton, Edward Cratford,
Ellis Lomas.

"V. Item, That the wicked are not partakers of the body of Christ, but
receive the outward sacrament only.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw.
Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, John Wright.

"VI. Item, That the sacrament ought not to be carried about in
procession; for it is taught what is the use of it in these words,
Take, eat, and drink, and Do this in remembrance of me.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Rich. Burton, John Wright, Edward
Cratford, Ellis Lomas.

"VII. Item, That nothing which is seen in the sacrament, or perceived
with any outward sense, is to be worshipped.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Ellis Lomas, Rich. Burton."

"VIII. Item, That we receive not Christ's body corporally, that is to
say, grossly, like other meats, and like as the Capernaites did
understand it.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Richard Burton, Edw. Cratford,
Ellis Lomas, John Wright.

"IX. Item, That we receive Christ's body so spiritually, that
nevertheless truly.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alexander Nowel, Richard Burton, Edward
Cratford, Ellis Lomas, John Wright.

"X. Item, As touching transubstantiation, that there is not, in any of
the old doctors, any good ground or sure proof hereof, or any mention
of it, as far as ever he could perceive, neither that he seeth what
can be answered to the objections made against it.

"Witnesses: John Young, Richard Burton, Ellis Lomas.

"XI. Item, Being asked of Master Wilkes, what that was, which was
lifted up between the priest's hands, he answered, 'He thought that
Christ could neither be lifted up nor down.'

"Witnesses: John Young, Richard Burton, Ellis Lomas.

"XII. Item, That priests may, by the law of God, marry wives.

"Witnesses: Alex. Newel, Ellis Lomas.

"XIII. Item, That this proposition, that only faith doth justify, so
that faith do signify a true, a lively [faith,] and a faith resting in
Christ, and embracing Christ, is a true, godly, sweet, and comfortable
doctrine; so that it be so taught that the people take none occasion
of carnal liberty thereof.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Novel, Rich. Burton, John Wright, Edw.
Cratford, Rich. Elithorne, Ellis Lomas.

"XIV. Item, That our works cannot deserve the kingdom of God and life
everlasting.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw.
Cratford, Richard Elithorne, John Wright.

"XV. Item, That the said Dr. Redman, at such times as we, the
aforesaid persons who have subscribed, heard his communication
concerning the aforesaid points of religion, was of quiet mind, and of
perfect remembrance, as far as we were able to judge.

"Witnesses: John Young, Alex. Nowel, Rich. Burton, Ellis Lomas, Edw.
Cratford, Richard Elithorne, John Wright."

Also Master Young, of himself, doth declare further, touching the
former articles, in this wise:

"To the fifth article.-- Imprimis, That Dr. Redman said more, whereas
St. Augustine said, that Judas received the same that Peter did, he
said, that he understood that of the sacrament; and that after the
same phrase a man might say, 'That Simon Magus received the same
baptism that the apostles did,' when he did receive only the outward
sacrament to his condemnation; for he said, that he thought Christ
would not vouchsafe to give his holy flesh to an ungodly man: and
this, he said, was always his mind, though he knew that other men did
otherwise think.

"To the sixth.-- Item, He said, he never liked the carriage about of
the sacrament, and preached against it about sixteen years since in
Cambridge.

"To the tenth.-- Item, When he was demanded of transubstantiation, he
said, that he had travailed about it, and thinking that the doubts
which he perceived did rise thereon, should be made plain by the
schoolmen, did read their books; and after that he had read them, the
opinion of transubstantiation was every day weaker and weaker, and
that there was no such transubstantiation as they made; adding
thereto, that the whole school did not know what was meant by
consecration, which he said was the whole action of the holy
communion.

"To the thirteenth.-- Item, He said, that he did repent him, that he
had so much strived against justification by faith only.

"To the fourteenth.-- Item, That works had their crown and reward, but
that they did not deserve eternal life, and the kingdom of God; no,
not the works of grace; for everlasting life is the gift of God."

Although these testimonies above alleged may suffice for a declaration
touching the honest life, sound doctrine, and sincere judgment of Dr.
Redman, yet I thought not to cut off in this place the testimonial
letter or epistle of Dr. Young, written to Master Cheke, specially
concerning the premises: which epistle of Dr. Young, as I received it
written by his own hand in the Latin tongue, the copy which he himself 
neither hath nor can deny to be his own, and is extant to be read in
the former Book of Acts and Monuments, so I have here exhibited the
same faithfully translated into the English tongue, the tenor whereof
followeth:

"Although, right worshipful, I am stricken into no little damp and
dolour of mind for the unripe (but that it otherwise pleased Almighty
God) and lamentable death of that most blessed and learned man Dr.
Redman, insomuch that, all astonied with weeping and lamenting, I
cannot tell what to do or think; yet nevertheless, perceiving it to be
your Worship's will and pleasure, that so I should do, I gladly call
my wits together, and purpose, by God's grace, here, in these my
letters, sincerely and truly to open and declare what I heard that
worthy learned man speak and confess at the hour of his death, as
touching the controversies of religion, wherewith the spouse of Christ
is, in these our days, most miserably troubled and tormented.

"This Dr. Redman, (being continually, by the space of twenty years, or
somewhat more, exercised in the reading of the Holy Scripture,) with
such industry, labour, modesty, magnanimity, and prayers to Almighty
God, tried and weighed the controversies of religion, that in all his
doings, as he would not seem to approve that which was either false or
superstitious; so he would never improve that, which he thought to
stand with the true worship of God. And albeit in certain points and
articles of his faith, he seemed to divers, which were altogether
ignorant of that his singular gravity, either for softness, fear, or
lack of stomach, to change his mind and belief, yet they, to whom his
former life and conversation, by familiar acquaintance with him, was
thoroughly known, (with them also which were present at his
departure,) may easily perceive and understand, how, in grave and
weighty matters, not rashly and unadvisedly, brit with constant
judgment and unfeigned conscience, he descended into that manner of
belief, which at that time of his going out of this world he openly
professed.

"I give your wisdom to understand, that when death drew near, he,
casting away all hope of recovery, attended and talked of no other
thing (as we which were present heard) but of heaven and heavenly
matters, of the latter day, of our Saviour Jesus Christ, with whom
most fervently he desired to be; whose incredible love towards us
miserable sinners most worthily, and not without tears, he oftentimes
used to extol and speak of: and us which were there present he
earnestly moved and exhorted to prepare ourselves to Christ, to love
one another, and to beware of this most wretched and corrupt world.
And besides that, he promised, (calling God to witness thereunto, to
whom he trusted shortly to come,) if any would demand any question,
that he would answer him what he thought in his judgment to be the
truth. At that time there was present Master Alexander Nowel, a man
earnestly bent to the true worshipping of God, and one that had alway
singularly well loved the said Master Redman, to whom he spake on this
wise:

"'Your excellent learning, and purity of life, I have ever both highly
favoured, and had in admiration; and for no other cause (God be my
judge) I do ask these things of you which I shall propound, 	but
that I might learn and know of you what is your opinion and belief
touching those troublous controversies which are in these our days;
and I shall receive and approve your words, as oracles sent from
heaven.'

"To whom, when Dr. Redman had given leave to demand what he would, and
had promised that he would faithfully and sincerely answer (all
affection set aside) what he thought to be the truth, Master Nowel
said, 'I would,' quoth he, 'right gladly; but that I fear, by my talk
and communication, I shall be unto you, so feeble and now almost
spent, a trouble and grief.' Then said Dr. Redman, replying, 'What!
shall I spare my carcass,' quoth he, 'which hath so short a time here
to remain? Go to, go to,' said he, 'propound what you will.'

"Then Master Nowel put forth certain questions, which in order I will
here declare; whereunto the said Dr. Redman severally answered, as
hereafter followeth.

"The first question that he asked of him was, What he thought of the
bishop of Rome: unto whom Dr. Redman answered, 'The see of Rome, in
these our later days, hath much swerved from the true religion and
worshipping of God, and is with horrible vices stained and polluted;
which I, therefore,' quoth he, 'pronounce to be the sink of all evil;
and shortly will come to utter ruin by the scourge of God, except it
do fall the sooner to repentance:' wherewith he briefly complained of
the filthy abuse of our English church.

"Being then asked, what his opinion was concerning purgatory, and what
the schoolmen judged thereof, he answered, that the subtle reasons of
the schoolmen concerning purgatory, seemed to him to be no less vain
and frivolous, than disagreeing from the truth; adding thereunto, that
when we be rapt to the clouds, to meet Christ coming to judgment with
a great number of angels, in all glory and majesty, then every one
shall be purged with fire, as it is written, 'The fire shall go before
him, and shall flame round about his enemies, and the fire shall burn
in his sight; and round about him shall be a great tempest;' saying,
that divers of the old writers approved this his sentence concerning
purgatory.

"When he was asked, whether wicked and ungodly people, in the holy
communion, did eat the body of Christ, and drink his blood, he
answered, that such kind of men did not eat Christ's most blessed
flesh but only took the sacrament to their own damnation; saying, that
Christ would not give his most pure and holy flesh to be eaten of such
naughty and impure persons, but would withdraw himself from them. 'And
that,' quoth he, 'that is objected by St. Augustine, that Judas
received the selfsame thing which Peter received, that I think to be
understood of the external sacrament. And the like kind of phrase of
speaking,' said he, 'we may use concerning the baptism of Magus,--
that Simon Magus received that which the apostles did receive. Indeed,
as concerning the sacrament of the external baptism, Simon Magus
received that which the apostles did; but that internal grace
wherewith the apostles were endued, and that Holy Spirit wherewith by
baptism they were inspired, he lacked. And so,' quoth he, 'the wicked
and forsaken people, which rashly presume to come to the holy table of
the Lord, do receive the sacrament, and the selfsame which good and
godly men receive; but the body of Christ they do not receive, for
Christ doth not vouchsafe to deliver it them.' And thus, he said, was
his opinion and belief, although he knew others to be of a contrary
judgment.

"Being then after this demanded, whether he thought Christ's presence
to be in the sacrament, or no; he answered, that Christ did give and
offer to faithful and Christian men his very real body and blood
verily and really, under sacraments of bread and wine; insomuch that
they which devoutly come to be partakers of that holy food, are, by
the benefit thereof, united and made one with Christ in his flesh and
body. And therefore, he said, that Christ did distribute his body
spiritually; that he gave it truly: yet not so, nevertheless, that by
these and the like words, we should conceive any gross and carnal
intelligence, such as the Capernaites once dreamed of; but that (quoth
he) we might labour and endeavour to express, by some kind of words,
the ineffable majesty of this mystery. For the manner whereby Christ
is there present, and ministereth to the faithful his flesh, is
altogether inexplicable; but we must believe (quoth he) and think,
that by God's mighty power, and the holy operation of his Spirit, that
so notable a mystery was made; and that heaven and earth were joined
together in that moment, as the blessed man St. Gregory saith, 'The
lowest parts are joined with the highest;' by which is understood that
holy food, whereby they which be regenerate by the Holy Ghost in
baptism, are nourished to immortality. And further he said, that
Christ's body was received in the said sacrament by faith; which being
received, both body and soul were quickened to everlasting life.

"Being then required to say his mind about transubstantiation, he gave
answer, that he had much travailed in that point, and that he first
much favoured and inclined to that part which maintained
transubstantiation; in searching the verity whereof most studiously he
had been no little while occupied,and found to arise thereabout
infinite and almost inexplicable absurdities, in confuting whereof,
when he had but smally contented himself, (he said,) he took in hand
the schoolmen's works, and perused Gabriel and other writers of that
sort; for that, by their help and aid, he hoped that all
inconveniences which did spring and arise by maintenance of
transubstantiation, might be clean convinced and wiped away. Of which
his hope he was utterly frustrate, (said he,) for that he did find in
those books many fond and fantastical things, which were both too
foolish to be recorded in writing, and also to be alleged, about such
a mystery; and truly (said he) ever after the reading of them, my
former zeal and opinion touching the maintenance of
transubstantiation, did every day more and more decrease; and
therefore, in conclusion, he persuaded himself to think, that there
was no such transubstantiation as the schoolmen imagined and feigned
to be; saying, that indeed the ancient writers were plainly against
the maintenance thereof; amongst whom he recited by name, Justin,
Irenęus, and Tertullian, notorious adversaries to the same.
Furthermore he added hereunto, that the whole school understood not
what this word consecratio was, which he defined to be the full entire
action of the whole communion. Being demanded also, whether we ought
to worship Christ present in his holy supper; he told us, that we are
bound so to do, and that it was most agreeing to piety and godly
religion.

"Likewise being asked, whether he would have the visible sacrament to
be worshipped, which we see with our eyes, and is lifted up between
the priest's hands, he answered, that nothing which was visible, and
to be seen with the eye, is to be adored or worshipped, nor would
Christ be elevated into any higher, or pulled down into any lower
place, and that he can neither be lifted up higher, nor pulled down
lower.

"Again, being asked his opinion about the custom and manner in
carrying about the sacrament in solemn pomps, processions, and
otherwise; he said, that he always misliked and reproved that order;
insomuch that about sixteen years ago, openly in the pulpit at
Cambridge, he spake against that abuse, and disallowed that ceremony;
showing that Christ had expressed, by plain and evident words, a very
fruitful and right use of this sacrament, when he said, 'Take ye,' (by
which phrase, quoth he, he doth express that he will give a gift,)
'eat ye' (by which words he doth declare the proper use and order of
that his precious gift): 'This is my body' (whereby he doth evidently
and plainly show what, by that gift, they should receive, and how
royal and precious a gift he would give them): and, therefore, he
judged such pompous and superstitious ostentations utterly to be
condemned, and taken as plain mockeries and counterfeit visors.

"His judgment also being asked about the commemoration of the dead,
and the remembrance of them in orisons, whether he thought it
profitable or no; he answered, that it seemed to him, to be no less
profitable, than religious and godly; and that might be well proved
out of the books of Maccabees: the which books, although St. Jerome,
adjudging as not authentic, thought good to be read in the temples
only for the edifying of the church, and not for the assertion of
opinions; yet with him, [Dr. Redman,] the opinions of the other
writers, by whom those books are allowed as canons, prevail, which he,
in that point, thinketh good to be read.

"Being, furthermore, required to show his mind about trental masses,
and masses of scala cœli; he showed them that they were altogether
unprofitable, superstitious, and irreligious, flowing out of the
filthy and impure fountain of superstition, not yielding the fruit
which they promised to bring forth. The sacrifice of the supper of the
Lord -- the eucharist I mean -- that sacrifice, he said, could not be
offered for the sins of the quick and the dead.

"Finally, of his own voluntary will, and no man (as far as I can call
to remembrance) demanding of him, he showed his opinion concerning
justification by Christ. 'I lament,' said he, 'and repent, beseeching
God forgiveness of the same, that too seriously and earnestly I have
withstood this proposition, that only faith doth justify; but I always
feared that it should be taken to the liberty of the flesh, and so
should defile the innocency of life which is in Christ. But that
proposition, that only faith doth justify, is true,' quoth he, 'sweet,
and full of spiritual comfort, if it be truly taken, and rightly
understood.' And when he was demanded what he thought to be the true
and very sense thereof, 'I understand,' quoth he, 'that to be the
lively faith, which resteth in our only Saviour Jesus Christ, and
embraceth him; so that in our only Saviour Jesus Christ, all the hope
and trust of our salvation be surely fixed. And as concerning good
works,' saith he, 'they have their crown and merit, and are not
destitute of their rewards; yet, nevertheless, they do not merit the
kingdom of heaven. For no works,' said he, 'could purchase and obtain
that blessed, happy, and everlasting immortality; no, nor yet those
things which we do under grace, by the motion of the Holy Ghost: for
that blessed and immortal glory is given and bestowed upon us, mortal
men, of the heavenly Father, for his Son our Saviour Christ's sake, as
St. Paul testifieth, The gift of God is eternal life.'

"And these be the solutions which I heard him give to the questions of
Master Nowel proposed; from which his sentence and judgment, so heard
by me, and of him uttered, (as I remember,) he never declined or
varied.

"I beseech our Lord Jesus Christ to cease these troublous storms
wherewith the church is tossed, and vouchsafe, for his holy name's
sake, tenderly to behold and look upon his poor wretched flock, so
miserably scattered and dispersed; beseeching him also, of his
goodness, to preserve your worship.

"At London, the third of November."

$

234. WILLIAM GARDINER, MARTYRED IN PORTUGAL

The history, no less lamentable than notable, of William Gardiner, an
Englishman, suffering most constantly in Portugal, for the testimony
of God's truth.

Coming to the next year following, now we will for a time depart, and
leave the coasts and country of England, whereupon our style hath now
long stayed; and with open sails, as it were, following the tempests
of persecution, pass over into Portugal amongst the popish merchants
there, whereunto William Gardiner, an Englishman, of necessity calleth
me, who was burned in Lisbon, the chief city of Portugal, in the year
of our Lord 1552. A man verily, in my judgment, not only to be
compared with the most principal and chief martyrs of these our days,
but also such a one as the ancient churches, in the time of the first
persecutions, cannot show a more famous, whether we do behold the
force of his faith, his firm and stedfast constantness, the invincible
strength of his spirit, or the cruel and horrible torments; the report
only and hearing whereof were enough to put any man in horror or fear.
Yet notwithstanding, so far off it was that the same did discourage
him, that it may be doubted whether the pain of his body or the
courage of his mind were the greater; when as indeed both appeared to 
be very great.

Wherefore, if any praise or dignity amongst men, as reason is, be due
unto the martyrs of Christ for their valiant acts, this one man,
amongst many, seemeth worthy to be numbered, and also to be celebrated
in the church, with Ignatius, Laurentius, Ciriatius, Crescentius, and
Gordianus. And if the church of Christ do receive so great and
manifold benefits by these martyrs, with whose blood it is watered, by
whose ashes it is enlarged, by whose constancy it is confirmed, by
whose testimony it is witnessed, and, finally, through whose agonies
and victories the truth of the gospel doth gloriously triumph; let not
us, then, think it any great matter to requite them again with our
duty, by committing them to memory, as a perpetual token of our good
will towards them. Albeit they themselves receive no glory at our
hands, and much less challenge the same, but, referring it wholly unto
the Lord Christ, from whom it came, whatsoever great or notable thing
there was in them: notwithstanding, forasmuch as Christ himself is
glorified in his saints, we cannot show ourselves thankful unto him,
except we also show ourselves dutiful unto those by whom his glory
doth increase.

Hereupon I think it came to pass, that the ancient Christians, in the
time of the first persecutions, thought good to celebrate yearly
commemorations of the martyrdom of those holy men, not so much to
honour them, as to glorify God in his soldiers, unto whom all glory
and praise doth worthily belong; and moreover that we, being
instructed by their example, might he the more prompt and ready in the
policies of those wars, to stand more stoutly in battle against our
adversaries, and learn the more easily to contemn and despise this
world. For, in considering the end and death of these men, who will
greatly long or lust after this life, which is so many ways miserable,
through so many afflictions dolorous, through so many casualties
ruinous, wherein consisteth so little constancy, and less safety,
being never free from some hard calamity one or other? What good man
would have this world in reputation, wherein he seeth so many good men
so cruelly oppressed, and wherein no man can live in quietness, except
he be wicked? Wherefore I do not a little marvel, that in this great
slaughter of good men, with so many spectacles and examples of cruel
torment, Christians do yet live, as it were, drowned in the foolish
desires of this world; seeing daily before their eyes so many holy and
innocent men yield up their spirits under the hands of such
tormentors, to lie in filthy prisons, in bonds, darkness, and tears,
and, in the end, to be consumed with fire. We see so many prophets of
God, even Christ himself, the Son of God, to be so cruelly and many
ways afflicted in this world, turmoiled, scourged, and crucified; and
yet we laugh, drink, and give ourselves unto all looseness of life,
and all lasciviousness. For honour and great possessions we contend;
we build; we study and labour by allmeans to make ourselves rich: unto
whom it loth not suffice, that we, with safety and freedom from their
afflictions, racks, wheels, scourges, irons red-hot, gridirons, flesh-
hooks, mallets, and other kind of torments, may serve our Christ in
peace and quiet; but being herewith not content, will give over
ourselves to all kind of wickedness, to be led away at the will and
pleasure of Satan.

But what do we think in so doing? Either we must reckon those men to
be most miserable in this life, or else ourselves to be most unhappy.
But if their blessedness be most certain and sure, then let us direct
the course of our life to the same felicity. These men have forsaken
this life, which they might have enjoyed. But if we cannot willingly
put off this life, yet let us not be slow to correct and amend the
same; and though we cannot die with them in like martyrdom, yet let us
mortify the worldly and profane affections of the flesh, which strive
against the spirit; and, at the least, let us not run thus headlong
into the licentious desires of the world, as we do. As the life of
Christian men is now, I pray thee, what do these bonds, prisons, these
wounds and scars, these great fires, and other horrible torments of
martyrs, but upbraid unto us our slothful sluggishness, and worthily
make us ashamed thereof? which martyrs, if in their lives they lived
so innocently, and in their deaths continued so constant, what then is
to be deemed of us, which suffer nothing for Christ, and will not take
upon us the small conflict against vices and our own affections? How
would we suffer the cruel looks of tyrants, the fearful kinds of
torments, or the violent assaults of the tormentors, in any quarrel of
godliness, if in peace and quietness we are (and that with every small
breath or wind of temptation) blown away from God -- so faint-hearted
without any resistance, that we are carried headlong into all kinds of
wickedness and mischief? One singeth songs of love; another watcheth
all the night at dice: some spend their life and time day by day in
hawking and hunting; some tipple so at taverns, that they come home
reeling. Others, whatsoever desire of revenge doth put into their
heads, that, by and by, they seek to put in practice. Some gape after
riches; some swell with ambition; some think they are born for no
other purpose but for pleasure and pastime. All the world is full of
injury and perjury; nay, rather, it is so rare a thing patiently to
suffer injuries done unto us, that except we have the sleight to do
injury to others, we think ourselves scarce men. There is no love
almost, nor charity among men; neither is there any man that regardeth
the good name or fame of his neighbour.

But amongst all the rest, unsatiable covetousness and avarice so
reigneth, that no man almost is contented with any tolerable estate of
life, either that will prescribe himself any measure in having that he
possesseth, or in prowling for that which he lacketh; never quiet, but
always toiling; never satisfied, but always unsatiable. But now,
setting apart these complaints spent in vain, we will prosecute our
purposed story touching good William Gardiner.

And first, as concerning his kindred, he was of an honest stock, born
at Bristol, a town of merchandise on the sea-coast of England;
honestly brought up, and, by nature, given unto gravity; of a mean
stature of body, of a comely and pleasant countenance, but in no part
so excellent as in the inward qualities of the mind, which he always,
from his childhood, preserved without spot of reprehension. Also his
handsome and indifferent learning, did not a little commend and
beautify his other ornaments. When he grew unto those years at which
young men are accustomed to settle their minds to some kind of life,
it happened that he gave himself to the trade of merchandise, under
the conduct and guiding of a certain merchant of Bristol, called
Master Paget, by whom he was at the last (being of the age of twenty-
six or thereabout) sent into Spain; and by chance the ship arriving at
Lisbon, (which is the chief city of Portugal,) he tarried there about
his merchandise, where, at the last, he, having gotten understanding
of the language, and being accustomed to their manners, became a
profitable servant both unto his master and others, in such things as
pertained unto the trade of that vocation; whereunto he did so apply
himself, that nevertheless he, in that popish country, reserving still
the religion of his own country of England, ever kept himself sound
and undefiled from the Portuguese superstition. There were also,
besides him, divers other good men in the same city. Neither did he
lack good books, or the conference of good and honest men, unto whom
he would oftentimes bewail his imbecility and weakness, that he was
neither sufficiently touched with the hatred of his sins, nor yet
inflamed with the love of godliness.

Whilst he was there abiding, it happened that there should be a solemn
marriage celebrated the first day of September in the year abovesaid,
betwixt two princes; that is to say, the son of the king of Portugal,
and the Spanish king's daughter. The marriage day being come, there
was great resort of the nobility and estates. There lacked no bishops
with mitres, nor cardinals with their hats, to set out this royal
wedding. To be short, they went forward to the wedding with great
pomp, where a great concourse of people resorted, some of good will,
some for service' sake, and some (as the matter is) to gaze and look.
Great preparation of all parties was there throughout the whole city,
as in such cases is accustomed, and all places were filled with mirth
and gladness. In this great assembly of the whole kingdom, William
Gardiner, who albeit he did not greatly esteem such kind of
spectacles, yet being allured through the fame and report thereof, was
there also; coming thither early in the morning, to the intent he
might have the more opportunity, and better place, to behold and see.
(Illustration: The Royal Wedding)

The hour being come, they flocked into the church with great solemnity
and pomp; the king first, and then every estate in order; the greater
persons, the more ceremonies were about them. After all things were
set in order, they went forward to the celebrating of their mass; for
that alone serveth for all purposes. The cardinal did execute, with
much singing and organ-playing. The people stood with great devotion
and silence, praying, looking, kneeling, and knocking; their minds
being fully bent and set, as it is the manner, upon the external
sacrament. How grievously these things did prick and move this young
man's mind, it cannot be expressed -- partly to behold the miserable
absurdity of those things, and partly to see the folly of the common
people; and not only of the common people, but, especially, to see the
king himself, and his council, with so many sage and wise men as they
seemed, to be seduced with like idolatry as the common people were;
insomuch that it lacked very little, but that he would, even that
present day, have done some notable thing in the king's sight and
presence, but that the great press and throng that was about him,
letted that he could not come unto the altar. What need many words?
When the ceremonies were ended, he cometh home very sad and heavy in
his mind, insomuch that all his fellows marvelled greatly at him; who,
albeit upon divers conjectures they conceived the cause of his
sadness, notwithstanding they did not fully understand that those
matters did so much trouble his godly mind; neither yet did he declare
it unto any man: but, seeking solitariness and secret places, falling
down prostrate before God, with manifold tears he bewailed the
neglecting of his duty, deliberating with himself how he might revoke
that people from their impiety and superstition.

In this deliberation and advice his mind being fully settled, and
thinking that the matter ought not to be any longer deferred, he
renounced the world, making up all his accounts so exactly, (as well
of that which was due unto him, as that which he owed unto others,)
that no man could justly ask so much as one farthing. Which thing
done, he continued night and day in prayer, calling upon God, and in
continual meditation of the Scriptures, that scarcely he would take
any meat by day, or sleep by night, or at the most above one hour or
two of rest in the night; as Pendigrace, his fellow companion both at
bed and board, being yet alive, can testify.

The Sunday came again to be celebrated either with like pomp and
solemnity, or not much less, whereat the said William was present
early in the morning, very cleanly apparelled, even of purpose, that
he might stand near the altar without repulse. Within a while after,
cometh the king with all his nobles. Then Gardiner setteth himself as
near the altar as he might, having a Testament in his hand, which he
diligently read upon, and prayed, until the time was come, that he had
appointed to work his feat. The mass began, which was then solemnized
by a cardinal. Yet he sat still. He which said mass, proceeded: he
consecrated, sacrificed, lifted up on high, showed his god unto the
people. All the people gave great reverence, and as yet he stirred
nothing. At last, they came unto that place of the mass, where they
use to take the ceremonial host, and toss it to and fro round about
the chalice, making certain circles and semicircles. Then the said
William Gardiner, being not able to suffer any longer, ran speedily
unto the cardinal; and (which is incredible to be spoken) even in the
presence of the king and all his nobles and citizens, with the one
hand he snatched away the cake from the priest, and trod it under his
feet, and with the other hand overthrew the chalice. This matter at
first made them all abashed, but, by and by, there arose a great
tumult, and the people began to cry out. The nobles and the common
people ran together, amongst whom one, drawing out his dagger, gave
him a great wound in his shoulder; and, as he was about to strike him
again to have slain him, the king twice commanded to have him saved.
So, by that means, they abstained from murder.

After the tumult was ceased, he was brought to the king; by whom he
was demanded what countryman he was, and how he durst be so bold to
work such a contumely against his Majesty, and the sacraments of the
church? He answered, "Most noble king, I am not ashamed of my country,
who am an Englishman both by birth and religion, and am come hither
only for traffic of merchandise. And when I saw, in this famous
assembly, so great idolatry committed, my conscience neither ought nor
could any longer suffer, but that I must needs do that, which you have
seen me presently do. Which thing, most noble prince, was not done or
thought of me, for any contumely or reproach of your presence, but
only for this purpose, as before God I do clearly confess -- to seek
only the salvation of this people."

When they heard that he was an Englishman, and called to remembrance
how the religion was restored by King Edward, they were, by and by,
brought in suspicion, that he had been suborned by Englishmen thus to
do, to mock and deride their religion: wherefore they were the more
earnest upon him to know who was the author and procurer, that he
should commit that act. Unto whom he answered, desiring them that they
would conceive no such suspicion of him, forasmuch as he was not moved
thereunto by any man, but only by his own conscience. For, otherwise,
there was no man under the heaven, for whose sake he would put himself
into so manifest danger; but that he owed this service, first, unto
God, and secondarily, unto their salvation. Wherefore, if he had done
any thing which were displeasant unto them, they ought to impute it
unto no man, but unto themselves, who so irreverently used the holy
supper of the Lord unto so great idolatry; not without great ignominy
unto the church, violation of the sacrament, and the peril of their
own souls, except they repented.

While he spake these, with many other things more unto this effect,
very gravely and stoutly, the blood ran abundantly out of the wound,
so that he was ready to faint; whereupon surgeons were sent for,
whereby he might be cured, if it were possible, and be reserved for
further examination, and more grievous torment. For they were fully
persuaded, that this deed had divers abettors and setters-on; which
was the cause that all the other Englishmen, also, in the same city,
came into suspicion, and were commanded to safe custody: amongst whom
Pendigrace, because he was his bed-fellow, was grievously tormented
and examined more than the residue, and scarcely was delivered after
two years' imprisonment. The others were much sooner set at liberty,
at the intercession of a certain duke. Notwithstanding, their
suspicion could not yet be thus satisfied, but they came into his
chamber, to seek if there were any letters, to understand and find out
the author of this enterprise. And when they could find nothing there,
they came again unto him, being grievously wounded, with torments to
extort of him the author of this fact, and to accuse him as guilty of
most grievous heresy: of both which points, with such dexterity as he
could, he cleared himself; wherein albeit he spake in the Spanish
tongue well, yet he used the Latin tongue much more exactly.

But they, not being therewith satisfied, added another strange kind of
torment, which (as I suppose) passeth the bull of Phalaris. Because
there should no kind of extreme cruelty be left unassayed, they caused
a linen cloth to be sewed round like a ball, the which they with
violence put down his throat unto the bottom of his stomach, tied with
a small string which they held in their hands; and when it was down,
they pulled it up again with violence: plucking it to and fro through
the meat pipe, in such sort as that with much less grief they might
have rid him out of his life at once.

Thus at the last, when all torments and tormentors were wearied, and
that it did nothing at all prevail to go this way to work, they asked
him, whether he did not repent his wicked and seditious deed? As
touching the deed, he answered, that it was so far off that he did
repent, that if it were to do again, he thought he should do the same.
But as touching the manner of the deed, he was not a little sorry that
it was done in the king's presence, to the disquietness of his mind.
Howbeit, that was not to be imputed unto him, who neither enterprised
nor thought upon any such matter; but was rather to be ascribed unto
the king, in that he, having power, would not prohibit so great
idolatry used among his people.-- This he spake with great fervency.

After they had used all kind of torments, and saw that there could
nothing more be gathered of him, and also that through his wounds and
pains he could not long live, they brought him, three days after, to
execution. And first of all, bringing him into the vestry, they cut
off his right hand, which he, taking up with his left hand, kissed.
Then he was brought into the market-place, where his other hand also
was cut off; which he, kneeling down upon the ground, also kissed.
These things thus done, after the manner and fashion of Spain, his
arms being bound behind him, and his feet under the horse's belly, he
was carried to the place of execution.
(Illustration: The execution of William Gardiner)

There was in that place a certain engine, from which a great rope
coming down by a pulley was fastened about the middle of this
Christian martyr, which first pulled him up. Then was there a great
pile of wood set on fire underneath him, into which he was, by little
and little, let down, not with the whole body, but so that his feet
only felt the fire. Then was be hoisted up, and so let down again into
the fire; and thus oftentimes pulled up and down.

In this great torment, for all that, he continued with a constant
spirit, and the more terribly he burned, the more vehemently he
prayed.

At last, when his feet were consumed, the tormentors asked him whether
he did not yet repent him of his deed; and exhorted him to call upon
our Lady and the saints. Whereunto he answered, that as he had done
nothing whereof he did repent him, so be had the less need of the help
of our Lady, or any other saint; and what external torments soever
they used, the truth, he said, remaineth always one, and like unto
itself; the which as he had before confessed in his life, so would he
not now deny it at his death: desiring them to leave off such vanities
and folly; for when Christ did cease any more to be our Advocate, then
he would pray to our Lady to be his Advocate. And said, "O eternal
God, Father of all mercies, I beseech theelook down upon thy servant,"
&c. And when they sought, by all means possible, to stop or hinder his
praying to and praising God in this sort, he cried out with a loud
voice, rehearsing the forty-third Psalm, "Judge me, O God, and defend
my cause against the unmerciful people."

He was not come unto the latter end of the Psalm, when, as they
pulling him up and down in the fire for the more torment, the rope
being burnt asunder, he fell down into the midst thereof; where,
giving his body for a sacrifice, he changed his temporal pains for
perpetual rest and quietness.

Thus it seemed good in the sight of God, by this messenger to provoke
the Portuguese to the sincere knowledge of him; and therefore they
ought the more to have acknowledged the great love and kindness of God
offered unto them, and also the more to be mindful of their own duty
and thankfulness towards him. And if it be so great an offence to
violate the ordinance of man's law, and to contemn the ambassadors of
kings and princes, let the Portuguese, and all others, look well unto
it, what it is so cruelly to handle the heavenly messenger of the high
God. Neither was this their cruelty altogether unrevenged by the
mighty hand of God, when as not only the very same night, amongst
divers of the king's ships which were in the next haven ready to sail,
one was burned, being 	set on fire by a sparkle of Gardiner's fire
driven thither with the wind, but also the king's son, who then was
married, died within half a year, and, in the next year after, the
king himself also died; and so both within one year after the
tormenting of this blessed martyr.

Thus the body of the said Gardiner being consumed, yet the rage and
fury of the common people so ceased not, but they were as cruel
against him, being dead, as they were when he was alive, and with
their tongues tormented this martyr, when they could do no more with
their hands; yea, for very madness, they would scarce tarry until he
were burned, but every man, as they could catch any piece of him half
burned, threw it into the sea.

This sacrifice thus ended, the clergy, to pacify God's wrath, which
they feared for the violating of their altar, appointed a solemn fast
of certain days, for penance to purge that fact; which fact rather
should have taught them to purge themselves, and to put away their
filthy idolatry; and much rather they should have fasted and repented
for that their extreme cruelty, which they had showed unto the lively
member of Christ.

Albeit this death of William Gardiner seemeth to have profited very
many of them little or nothing; yet, for all that, there are some (as
I have heard divers report) out of whose minds the remembrance of this
constant martyr can never he pulled, and is so fresh yet amongst them,
as if it were now lately done: and finally, albeit it be a good while
since he was put to death, yet the memory of his death, as fruitful
seed, hath taken such root in some, that even unto this present day he
is a lively and diligent preacher unto them, against superstition and
idolatry used in their churches.

$

235. THE DOWNFALL OF EDWARD, DUKE OF SOMERSET

The tragical history of the worthy Lord Edward, duke of Somerset, lord
protector, with the whole cause of his troubles and handling.

After so many troublous matters in this history afore-passed, coming
now to the lamentable and tragical narration of the Lord Edward, duke
of Somerset, the king's uncle, and protector of his person and of his
realm, I could not well enter into the story of him without some
premonition, first, to all noble personages, of what honour or calling
so-ever within this realm, by way of history, briefly to admonish
them, no man to plant any trust or assurance upon the brickle pillars
of worldly prosperity, how high soever it seemeth, considering that
there is no state so high, but it hath his ruin; no wisdom so
circumspect, but it may be circumvented; no virtue so perfect, but it
may be envied; neither any man's trade so simple, but it may be
beguiled. And therefore, seeing the condition of mortal things is so,
that no man can always stand in this so ruinous a world, the surest
way is, for every man to choose his standing so, that his fall may be
the easier. But, because my purpose is (as I have said in the stories
before) to abridge and make short, I will here stay; referring thee to
the secret consideration of that which remaineth further by me in this
matter to be uttered; and so, falling into the story of the lord
protector, duke of Somerset, we will (the Lord willing) declare in
order the original and whole occasion of his trouble and decay, even
from the beginning.

King Edward, after that both his father and mother were dead, had
three uncles left him by his mother's side, Edward, Thomas, and Henry
Seymour; of the which two first, one was made protector of the realm,
and the other high admiral of the same. These two brethren, so long as
they were knit and joined in amity and concord, preserved both
themselves, the king their nephew, and the whole commonwealth, from
the violence and fear of all danger. But the subtle old serpent,
always envying man's felicity, through slanderous tongues sought to
sow matter, first of discord between them; then of suspicion: and last
of all, extreme hatred: insomuch that the protector suffered his
brother, being accused, (whether truly or falsely the Lord knoweth,)
to be condemned, and to lose his head. Whereby it came to pass,
(whether by the correction of God's judgment upon him, or whether that 
he, after the death of his brother, and the king, being yet but young
and tender of age, was the less able to shift for himself,) that, not
long after, he was overmatched and overthrown of his enemies; and so
cast into the Tower, and at last lost his head also -- to the great
lamentation of many good men, as in the sequel of this history
followeth to be declared. For the better introduction of which
history, first to begin with the aforesaid brother of the lord
protector, namely, Sir Thomas Seymour, high admiral of England, and
the king's uncle, here is to be understood, that he had married Queen
Katharine, late wife to King Henry the Eighth, of whom ye heard
before. Now it happened, (upon what occasion I know not,) that there
fell a displeasure betwixt the said queen and the duchess of Somerset,
and thereupon also, in the behalf of their wives, displeasure and
grudge began between the brethren; which, albeit, through persuasion
of friends, it was for a time appeased between them, yet, in short
space after, (perchance not without the privy setting-forward of some,
which were back friends to the gospel,) it brake out again, both to
the trouble of the realm, and especially to the confusion of them
both, as after it proved. First, to the lord admiral's charge it was
laid, that he purposed to destroy the young king, and translate the
crown unto himself; and for the same being attainted and condemned, he
did suffer at Tower Hill the twentieth of March, 1549. As many there 
were, which reported that the duchess of Somerset had wrought his
death; so many more there were, who, misdoubting the long standing of
the lord protector in his state and dignity, thought and affirmed no
less, but that the fall of the one brother would be the ruin of the
other; the experiment whereof, as it hath often been proved, so, in
these also, eftsoons it ensued.

It was not long after the beheading of the lord admiral, that
insurrections began to kindle, the same year, in divers quarters of
the realm, as is above storied; by the occasion whereof the Lord
Russel, lord privy seal, was sent to the west parts, and the Lord
Dudley, earl of Warwick, was sent with an army into Norfolk, where
both he himself, and a great number of gentlemen that were with him,
meeting with the rebels, were in great danger: notwithstanding, in the
end the overthrow was given to the rebels; which was about the
beginning of September, 1549. After this victory achieved, in the next
month following, which was October, how the matter fell out between
the lord protector and certain other lords, I know not, but, at the
return of the earl of Warwick aforesaid, great working and
consultation there was among the lords, assembling themselves in the
house of Master York, and at Baynard's Castle, and in the lord mayor's
house, at London, against the lord protector, remaining then with the
king at Hampton Court. Of the which business and trouble, thus the
lord protector writeth, in his letters to the Lord Russel in the west
country, as followeth.

A letter of the lord protector, to the Lord Russel, lord privy seal,
concerning troubles working against him.

"After our right hearty commendations to your good Lordship: here hath
of late risen such a conspiracy against the king's Majesty and us, as
never hath been seen, the which they cannot maintain but with such
vain letters and false tales surmised, as was never meant or intended
of us. They pretend and say, that we have sold Boulogne to the French,
and that we do withhold wages from the soldiers; and other such tales
and letters they do spread abroad (of the which if any one thing were
true, we would not wish to live): the matter now being brought to a
marvellous extremity, such as we would never have thought it could
have come unto, specially of those men, towards the king's Majesty and
us, of whom we have deserved no such thing, but rather much favour and
love. But the case being as it is, this is to require and pray you to
hasten you hither to the defence of the king's Majesty, in such force
and power as you may, to show the part of a true gentleman, and of a
very friend: the which thing we trust God shall reward, and the king's
Majesty, in time to come, and we shall never be unmindful of it too.
We are sure you shall have other letters from them; but, as you tender
your duty to the king's Majesty, we require you to make no stay, but
immediately repair, with such force as ye have, to his Highness in his
castle of Windsor, and cause the rest of such force as ye may make, to
follow you. And so we bid you right heartily farewell.

"From Hampton Court the sixth of October. "Your Lordship's assured
loving friend,
	EDWARD SOMERSET."

Substance of a letter of the Lord Russel in answer to the lord
protector's letter.

"To this letter of the lord protector sent the sixth of October, the
Lord Russel returning answer again upon the eighth of the said month,
first lamenteth the heavy dissension fallen between the nobility and
him, which he taketh for such a plague, as a greater could not be sent
of Almighty God upon this realm, being the next way, saith he, to make
of us conquerors, slaves, and like to induce upon the whole realm a
universal calamity and thraldom, unless the merciful goodness of the
Lord do help, and some wise order be taken in staying these great
extremities. And as touching the duke's request in his letters,
forasmuch as he heard before of this broil of the lords, and fearing
lest some conspiracy had been meant against the king's person, he
hasted forward with such company as he could make, for the surety of
the king, as to him appertained. Now, perceiving by the lords' letters
sent unto him the same sixth day of October these tumults to rise upon
private causes between him and them, he therefore thought it
expedient, that a convenient power should be levied, to be in a
readiness to withstand the worst, (what perils soever might ensue,)
for the preservation both of the king and state of the realm from the
invasion of foreign enemies, and also for the staying of bloodshed, if
any such thing should be intended between the parties in the heat of
this faction. And this, he, thinking best for discharge of his
allegiance, humbly beseecheth his Grace to have the same also in
special regard and consideration, first, that the king's Majesty be
put in no fear; and that if there be any such thing wherein he hath
given just cause to them thus to proceed, he will so conform himself
as no such private quarrels do redound to the public disturbance of
the realm; certifying, moreover, the duke, that if it were true, which
he understandeth by the letters of the lords, that he should send
about proclamations and letters for raising up of the commons, he
liked not the same. Notwithstanding, he trusted well that his wisdom
would take such a way as no effusion of blood should follow."

And thus much being contained in his former letter of the eighth of
October, in his next letter again, written the eleventh day of
October, the said Lord Russel wrote to this effect:

"He (rejoicing to hear of the most reasonable offers of the lord
protector made unto the lords) writeth unto him, and promiseth to do 
what, in the uttermost power of him (and likewise of Sir William
Harbert joined together with him) doth lie, to work some honourable
reconciliation between him and them; so as his said offers being
accepted and satisfied, some good conclusion might ensue, according to
their good hope and expectation: signifying moreover, that as touching
the levying of men, they had resolved to have the same in readiness
for the benefit of the realm, to occur all inconveniences, whatsoever
(either by foreign invasion or otherwise) might happen; and so, having
their power at hand, to draw near, whereby they might have the better
opportunity to be solicitors, and a means for this reformation on both
parts," &c.

And thus much for answer of the Lord Russel to the lord protector's
letters.

But now to the matter again of the lords, who, together with the earl
of Warwick, (upon what occasion God knoweth,) being assembled at
London, as ye heard, against the lord protector; when the king with
his council at Hampton Court heard thereof, first Secretary Peter with
the king's message was sent unto them, whom the lords,
notwithstanding, detained still with them, making as yet no answer to
the message. Whereupon the lord protector writeth to them in this
manner as followeth:

"My Lords, we commend us most heartily unto you: and whereas the
king's Majesty was informed that you were assembled in such sort as
you do now also remain; and was advised by us, and such other of his
council as were then here about his person, to send Master Secretary
Peter unto you, with such message as whereby might have ensued the
surety of his Majesty's person, with preservation of his realm and
subjects, and the quiet both of us and yourselves, as Master Secretary
can well declare to you: his Majesty, and we of his council here, do
not a little marvel that you stay still with you the said Master
Secretary, and have not, as it were, vouchsafed to send answer to his
Majesty, either by him or yet any other. And for ourselves, we do much
more marvel, and are right sorry, as both we and you have good cause
to be, to see the manner of your doings bent with violence, to bring
the king's Majesty and us to these extremities. Which as we do intend,
if you will take no other way but violence, to defend (as nature and
our allegiance doth bind us) to extremity of death, and to put all to
God's hand, who giveth victory as it pleaseth him: so that if any
reasonable conditions and offers would take place, (as hitherto none
have been signified unto us from you, nor do we understand what you do
require or seek, or what you do mean,) and that you do seek no hurt to
the king's Majesty's person; as touching all other private matters, to
avoid the effusion of Christian blood, and to preserve the king's
Majesty's person, his realm and subjects, you shall find us agreeable
to any reasonable condition that you will require. For we do esteem
the king's wealth and tranquillity of the realm, more than all other
worldly things; yea, more than our own life. Thus, praying you to send
us your determinate answer herein by Master Secretary Peter, or, if
you will not him go, by this bearer, we beseech God to give both you
and us grace to determine this matter, as may be to God's honour, the
preservation of the king, and the quiet of us all; which may be, if
the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most heartily farewell.

"From the king's Majesty's castle of Windsor, the 7th of October,
1549.
	"Your Lordship's loving friend,
	E. SOMERSET."

After these letters received, and the reasonable conditions of the
lord protector offered, and yet not much regarded of the lords, they,
persisting still in their intended purpose, took this advice, first to
keep themselves in the city of London, as strong as they might; and
therefore, calling upon the mayor and the aldermen, they willed them
in any case to provide a good and substantial watch by night, and a
good ward by day, for the safeguard of their city, and the ports and
gates thereof; which was consented unto, and the companies of London,
in their turns, warned to watch and ward accordingly.

Then the said lords and councillors demanded of the lord mayor and his
brethren five hundred men to aid them to fetch the lord protector out
of Windsor from the king; but thereunto the mayor answered, that he
could grant no aid without the assent of common-council of the city:
whereupon, the next day, a common-council was warned. But, in the mean
time, the said lords of the council assembled themselves at the lord
mayor's house of London, who then was Sir Henry Amcottes, fishmonger,
and William Locke, mercer, and Sir John Aileph, sheriffs of the said
city; and there the said council did agree and publish a proclamation
forthwith, against the lord protector, the effect of which
proclamation was as followeth:

"First, That the lord protector, by his malicious and evil government,
was the occasion of all the sedition that of late happened within the
realm.

"2. The loss of the king's pieces in France.

"3. That he was ambitious, and sought his own glory, as appeareth by
building of most sumptuous and costly houses in the time of the king's
wars.

"4. That he esteemed nothing the grave counsel of the councillors.

"5. That he sowed division between the nobles, the gentlemen, and
commons.

"6. That the nobles assembled themselves together at London for no
other purpose, but to have caused the protector to have lived within
limits, and to have put such order for the surety of the king's
Majesty, as appertained, whatsoever the protector's doings were;
which, they said, were unnatural, ingrate, and traitorous.

"7. That the protector slandered the council to the king, and did what
in him lay, to cause variance between the king and the nobles.

"8. That he was a great traitor; and, therefore, the lords desired the
city and commons to aid them, to take him from the king."

And in witness and testimony of the contents of the said proclamation,
the lords subscribed their names, which were these:

"The lord Riche, lord chancellor.
The lord St. John, lord great master, and president of the council.
The lord marquis of Northampton.
The earl of Warwick, lord great chamberlain.
The earl of Arundel, lord chamberlain.
The earl of Shrewsbury.
The earl of Southampton (Wriothesley).
Sir Thomas Cheney, knight, treasurer of the king's house, and lord
warden of the Cinque Ports.
Sir John Gage, knight, constable of the Tower. 
Sir William Peter, knight, secretary.
Sir Edward North, knight.
Sir Edward Montague, chief justice of the Common Pleas.
Sir Ralph Sadler.
Sir John Baker.
Sir Edward Wootton. 
Sir Richard Southwell.
Dr. Wootton, dean of Canterbury."

After the aforesaid proclamation was proclaimed, the lords, or the
most part of them, still continuing and lying in London, came the next
day to the Guildhall, during the time that the lord mayor and his
brethren sat in their court or inner chamber, and entered and communed
a long while with the mayor; and at the last, the mayor and his
brethren came forth unto the common-council, where was read the king's
letter sent to the mayor and citizens, commanding them to aid him with
a thousand well-appointed men out of their city, and to send the same
with all speed to his castle at Windsor.

This letter by name was directed to Sir Henry Amcottes, knight, lord
mayor, to Sir Rowland Hill, knight, mayor elect; and to the aldermen
and common-council of the city of London. The day and date of the
letter was the sixth of October, in the third year of his reign, being
signed with the hand of the king, and the lord protector; the contents
of which letter, for the satisfaction of the reader, are here to be
seen in manner and form as followeth.

EDWARD.

By the king.

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. We charge and command you
most earnestly, to give order, with all speed, for the defence and
preservation of that our city of London for us; and to levy out of
hand, and to put in order, as many as conveniently you may, well
weaponed and arrayed, keeping good watch at the gates; and to send us
hither, for the defence of our person, one thousand of that our city,
of trusty and faithful men, to attend upon us, and our most entirely
beloved uncle, Edward duke of Somerset, governor of our person, and
protector of our realms, dominions, and subjects, well harnessed, and
with good and convenient weapon; so that they do make their repair
hither unto us this night, if it be possible, or at least to-morrow
before noon; and, in the mean time, to do what appertaineth unto your
duty, for ours and our said uncle's defence against all such as
attempt any conspiracy or enterprise of violence against us or our
said uncle, as you know best for our preservation and defence at this
present.

"Given under our signet, at our manor of Hampton Court, the sixth of
October, the third year of our reign.

"You shall further give credit to our trusty and well-beloved Owen
Cleydon, the bearer hereof, in all such things as he shall further
declare unto you on the behalf of us, and our said uncle the lord
protector.

EDWARD SOMERSET."

This letter of the king, and of the lord protector, was not so
secretly devised, nor so speedily sent, but the lords keeping at
London had knowledge immediately thereof, (by the means, as some
suppose, of the Lord Paget, who was then with the king and the
protector, but the truth the Lord knoweth,) being there ready
furnished with their own bands of serving men, and other soldiers and
men of arms; who, forthwith upon the same, addressed their letters in
semblable wise to the said lord mayor and aldermen in the king's name,
not only for a supportation of armed men to serve their purposes, and
for a sufficient watch to fortify their city; but also, that they
should not obey any such letters, proclamations, or injunctions sent
to them from the duke: which letter of the lords at the same instant
came likewise to the lord mayor and his brethren, the sixth day of the
said month of October; the tenor and copy of which letter here
ensueth.

"To our very good lord, the lord mayor, aldermen, and citizens of
London.

"After our right hearty commendations unto your good Lordship: knowing
your hearty favour and earnest seals to the preservation of the person
of the king's Majesty, and of this realm, and other his Majesty's
realms and dominions, we have thought good to advertise you, that
notwithstanding all the good advice and counsel that we could give to
the duke of Somerset, to stay himself within reasonable limits, and to
use his government now, in the tender age of his Majesty, in such sort
as might tend to his Highness's surety, to the conservation of his
estate, and to his honour; the said duke, nevertheless, still
continuing in his pride, covetousness, and ambition, ceaseth not
daily, by all the ways and means he can devise, to enrich himself
without measure, and to impoverish his Majesty.

"He buildeth in four or five places most sumptuously, and leaveth the
poor soldiers unpaid of their wages, unvictualled, and in all things
so unfurnished, as the losses lately sustained, to the greatest
dishonour that ever came to the king and this realm, do declare. He
soweth daily division between the nobles and gentlemen, and commons.
He rewardeth and entertaineth a number of those that were captains of
the commons in these late insurrections; and finally, in such wise
subverteth all laws, justice, and good order, (as is evident,) that,
putting his trust in the commons, and perceiving that the nobles and
gentlemen should be an impediment to him in his devilish purposes, he
laboureth first to have them destroyed, and thinketh after, easily
enough to achieve his desire; which, it appeareth plainly, is, to
occupy the king's Majesty's place. For his doings, whosoever list to
behold them, do manifestly declare, that he mindeth never to render
account to his Majesty of his proceedings.

"These things, with many more too long to recite, considered, we
pondered with ourselves, that either we must travail for some
reformation, or we must, in effect as it were, consent with him to the
destruction of our sovereign lord and country. Whereupon, laying apart
all respects, and resting only upon our duties, we joined in counsel,
and thought quietly to have treated the matter with him; who,
perceiving that we joined for the king, and would have such order as
might be for the surety of his Majesty's person and the commonwealth,
straight put himself in force, and resteth at plain point, (as it
appeareth,) either to go through with his detestable purpose in such
sort as he hath done, or to try it by the sword.

"Now, forasmuch as we see presently, that unless there be a
reformation, the person of the king's Majesty is in most certain
danger, and this realm, our natural country, like to be destroyed,
with all our posterities; like as we have again fully resolved, with
God's help, either to deliver the king's Majesty and the realm from
this extreme ruin and destruction, or to spend our lives for the
declaration of our faithful hearts and duties; so, knowing your hearty
good wills and truth to his Majesty, and therefore nothing doubting of
your readiness to join with us in our godly purpose, we thought good
to let you know the very truth of our enterprise, and, in the king's
Majesty's behalf, to require you not only to put good and substantial
order for watch and ward, but also to have an earnest continual regard
to the preservation, within your city, of all harness, weapons, and
munitions, so as none be suffered to be conveyed to the said duke, nor
any others attending about him; and besides, that you from henceforth
obey no letters, proclamations, nor other commandments to be sent from
the said duke. And thus we bid your Lordship most heartily farewell.

"From London, the 6th of October.
	"Your Lordship's assured loving friends,
William St. John.
Th. Southampton.
W. Northampton.
William Peter.
John Warwick.
Edward North.
Arundel.
John Gage.
Richard Southwell."

After the receiving of these two letters above mentioned, the one from
the king, the other from the lords, which came both at one instant,
with contrary commandment to the lord mayor and citizens of London,
the case seemed hard to them, and very doubtful (as it was indeed)
what way to take, and what were best for the citizens of London to do.
On the one side, the name and authority of the king was much; on the
other side, the power and garrisons of the lords, lying then in
London,was not little,which seemed then to be such as would have no 
repulse.

The case thus standing perplexedly, first by the mouth of the recorder
it was requested, that the citizens would grant their aid rather unto
the lords, for that the protector had abused both the king's Majesty
and the whole realm; and that without he were taken from the king, and
made to understand his folly, this realm was in great hazard; and he
therefore required, that the citizens would willingly assent to aid
the lords with five hundred men.

Hereunto of a great part in the common-council was no other answer
made but silence. But the recorder (who at that time was Master Brook)
still rested upon them for answer. At the last stepped up a wise and
good citizen, named George Stadlow, and said:

"In this case it is good for us to think of things past, to avoid the
danger of things to come. I remember," saith he, "in a story written
in Fabian's Chronicle, of the war between the king and his barons,
which was in the time of King Henry the Third, and the same time the
barons (as our lords do now) demanded aid of the mayor and city of
London, and that in a rightful cause, for the commonwealth, which was
for the execution of divers good laws against the king, who would not
suffer those laws to be put in execution. And the city did aid them,
and it came to an open battle, and the lords prevailed against the
king, and took the king and his son prisoners; and, upon certain
conditions, the lords restored the king and his son again to their
liberties, and among all other conditions this was one, that the king
should not only grant his pardon to the lords, but also to the
citizens of London; the which was granted, yea, and the same was
ratified by act of parliament. But what followed of it? Was it
forgotten? No surely, nor forgiven neither, during the king's life.
The liberties of the city were taken away, strangers appointed to be
our heads and governors, the citizens given away body and goods, and
from one persecution to another were most miserably afflicted. Such a
thing is it, to enter into the wrath of a prince; as Solomon saith,
The wrath and indignation of a prince is death. Wherefore, forasmuch
as this aid is required of the king's Majesty, whose voice we ought to
hearken unto, (for he is our high shepherd,) rather than unto the
lords, and yet I would not wish the lords to be clearly shaken off; my
counsel is, that they with us, and we with them, may join in suit, and
make our most humble petition to the king's Majesty, that it would
please his Highness to hear such complaint against the government of
the lord protector, as may be justly alleged and proved; and I doubt
not but this matter will be so pacified, that neither shall the King,
nor yet the lords, have cause to seek for further aid, neither we to
offend any of them both."

After this tale the commons stayed, and the lord mayor and his
brethren for that time brake up, till they had further communed with
the lords. To make short, I let pass what order by the city was taken;
but the conclusion was, that the lords (upon what occasion I know not)
sat the next day in council in the Star Chamber, and from thence sent
Sir Philip Hobby with their letter of credence to the king's Majesty,
beseeching and requesting his Majesty to give credit to that which the
said Sir Philip should declare unto his Majesty in their names. And
the king gave him liberty to speak, and most gently heard all that he
had to say; who so handled the matter, declaring his message in the
name of the lords, that in the end the lord protector was commanded
from the king's presence, and shortly was committed to ward in a tower
within the castle of Windsor, called Beauchamp Tower; and soon after
were stayed Sir Thomas Smith, Master Whalley, Master Fisher, and many
other gentlemen that attended upon the lord protector. The same day
the lords of the council resorted to the King; and the next day they
brought from thence the lord protector, and the others that were there
stayed, and conveyed them through the city of London unto the Tower,
and there left them.

Shortly after the lords resorted unto the Tower, and there charged the
lord protector with sundry articles, which follow:

"Imprimis, You took upon you the office of protector and governor,
upon condition expressly and specially, that you would do nothing in
the King's affairs, publicly or privately, but by the assent of the
late king's executors.

"II. Also you, contrary to the said condition, of your own authority
did stay and let justice, and subverted the laws, as well by your
letters, as by your commandments.

"III. Also, you caused divers persons being arrested and imprisoned
for treason, murder, manslaughter, and felony, to be discharged and
set at large, against the king's laws and statutes of this realm.

"IV. Also, you have made and ordained lieutenants for the king's
armies, and other weighty affairs, under your own writing and seal.

"V. Also, you have communed with the ambassadors of other realms,
discoursing alone with them the weighty causes of this realm.

"VI. Also, you have sometime rebuked, checked, and taunted, as well
privately as openly, divers of the king's most honourable councillors,
for showing and declaring their advises and opinions against your
purposes, in the king's weighty affairs; saying sometimes to them,
that you need not to open matters unto them, and would therefore be
otherwise advised; and that you would, if they were not agreeable to
your opinion, put them out, and take others at your pleasure.

"VII. Also, you had and held, against the law, in your own house, a
court of requests; and thereby did enforce divers the king's subjects
to answer for their freeholds and goods, and determined the same to
the subversion of the same laws.

"VIII. Also you, being no officer, without the advice of the council,
or the more part of them, did dispose of the offices of the king's
gift for money, and granted leases and wards of the king's, and gave
presentations to the king's benefices and bishoprics, having no
authority so to do. And further, you did meddle with the selling of
the king's lands.

"IX. Also, you commanded multiplication and alchymy to be practised,
to abuse the king's coin.

"X. Also, you caused a proclamation to be made concerning enclosures,
whereby the common people have made divers insurrections, and levied
open war, and distrained and spoiled divers of the king's subjects;
which proclamation went forth against the will of the whole council.

"XI. Also, you have caused a commission, with certain articles
thereunto annexed, to be made out concerning enclosures of commons,
high-ways, decaying of cottages, and divers other things, giving the
commissioners authority to hear and determine the same causes, to the
subversion of the laws and statutes of this realm; whereby much
sedition, insurrection, and rebellion, have risen and grown amongst
the king's subjects.

"XII. Also, you have suffered the rebels and traitors to assemble, and
to lie in camp and armour against the king, his nobles and gentlemen,
without any speedy subduing or repressing of them.

"XIII. Also, you did comfort and encourage divers of the said rebels,
by giving of them divers sums of your own money, and by promising to
divers of them fees, rewards, and services.

"XIV. Also, you in favour of the said rebels did, against the laws,
cause a proclamation to be made, that none of the said rebels or
traitors should be sued or vexed by any person for any their offences
in the said rebellion; to the clear subversion of the same law.

"XV. Also you have said, in the time of therebellion, that you liked
well the doings and proceedings of the said rebels and traitors; and
said, that the covetousness of the gentlemen gave occasion to the
common people to rise; saying also, that better it were for the
commons to die, than perish for lack of living.

"XVI. Also you said, that the lords of the parliament were loth to
incline themselves to reformation of enclosures and other things;
therefore the people had good cause to reform the things themselves.

XVII. Also you, after the report and declaration of the defaults and
lacks reported to you by such as did survey Boulogne and the pieces
there, would never amend the same defaults.

"XVIII. Also, you would not suffer the king's pieces beyond the seas,
called Newhaven and Black-nest, to be furnished with men and victuals,
although you were advertised of the defaults therein by the captains
of the same pieces and others, and were thereto advertised by the
king's council; whereby the French king, being the king's open enemy,
was encouraged and comforted to invade and win the said pieces; to the
king's great loss, and dishonour of his realm.

"XIX. Also, you declared and published untruly, as well to the king's
Majesty, as to other the young lords attendant upon his Grace's
person, that the lords of the council at London minded to destroy the
king; and you required the king never to forget it, but to revenge it:
and likewise you required the young lords to put the king in
remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition and discord
between the king and his lords.

"XX. Also, whereas the king's Majesty's privy council, of their love
and zeal that they did bear unto the king and his realm, did consult
at London, to have communed with you, to the intent to move you
charitably to amend your doings and misgovernment, you, hearing of
their said assembly, caused to be declared, by letters in divers
places, the said lords to be high traitors to the king, to the great
disturbance of the realm."

And thus much hitherto, concerning the first trouble of the lord
protector, duke of Somerset, with the crimes and articles objected
against him, with his imprisonment also in the Tower, and the terrible
proclamation given out against him. All which purposes of man, though
they seemed fully to intend no less than the spilling of his blood;
yet the Lord above, the only disposer of all men's purposes, so
ordered the matter, by the means of the king labouring for his uncle,
that in short while after, he was let out of the Tower, and that
proclamation which before had made him a traitor, within three days
after was called in again, with commandment given, none of them to be
sold. And so the duke of Somerset, graciously escaping this adversity,
was again restored, though not to the former office, yet unto liberty,
wherein he continued the space of two years and two days. After the
which time of respite being expired, the said duke of Somerset was
apprehended and committed again to the Tower, and with him also Sir
Michael Stanhope, Sir Ralph Vane, Sir Miles Partridge, and others, &c.
At length the time being come of his arraignment, the aforesaid good
duke, being brought from the Tower, was conveyed through London with
the axe of the Tower before him, and with great preparance of bills,
halberts, pikes, and poleaxes, in most forcible wise; a watch also set
and appointed before every man's door through the high street of
London: and so was he brought into Westminster Hall, where the lords
of the council, sitting as his judges in the middle of the hall, upon
a new scaffold, he was there before them arraigned and charged both
with treason and felony.

In the which judgment I pass over the unseemly speech, the vile taunts
and despiteful rebukes, without all modesty or honesty, used by
certain of the serjeants and justices, and some others sitting there.
All which, notwithstanding, he patiently and quietly did suffer,
neither storming inwardly in stomach, nor reviling them with words
again; but like a lamb, following the true Lamb and example of all
meekness, was contented to take all things at their hands, and with no
less patience to bear now their ungentle and cruel railings, than he
did before their glavering words and flatterings, in time of his high
estate and prosperity. And as the patience of this good duke was
marvellous in forbearing his enemies, so also was his discretion and
temperance no less seen in answering for himself to the articles to
him objected; whereunto he wisely and substantially replied, putting
himself, in the end, to be tried by his peers; who then, at length,
after consultation had, did frame and temper their verdict thus: That
as concerning the case of treason, wherewith he was charged, they
discharged him, but they accounted him guilty of felony. When the
people (which were there present to a great number) heard the lords
say,"not guilty," (meaning by the case of treason,) supposing no less
but that he had been clearly acquitted by these words, and especially
seeing the axe of the Tower to be carried away, for great joy and
gladness they made an outcry; well declaring their loving affection
and hearty favour unto the duke, whose life they greatly desired. But
this opinion of the people was deceived, and the innocent duke
condemned to die for felony; which act of felony had been made a
little before against the rebels and unlawful assemblies, such as
should seek or procure the death of any councillor, so that every such
attempt and procurement, according to the act, should be adjudged
felony. By the virtue of which act the duke being accused, with
certain others his complices, to intend and purpose the death of the
duke of Northumberland, and of certain besides, was therefore cast and
condemned of felony, and so was returned toward the Tower again; at
whose passage through the city, great exclamations and outcries were
made again of the people, some rejoicing that he was acquitted, some
bewailing that he was condemned.

Thus the good duke, passing through a great part of the city, landing
at the Crane in the Vintry, was conveyed to the Tower, where he
endured till the twenty-second of January; upon the which day, at the
coming down of the letter of execution from the king and the council,
the aforesaid duke and uncle to the king, being found no traitor, only
being cast by the act of felony, was delivered unto the sheriffs, and
so brought to the place of execution.

Touching which execution a few words here would be [well] bestowed, in
describing the wonderful order and manner thereof, as it hath
faithfully been suggested to us upon the credit of a certain noble
personage, who not only was there present at the deed-doing, but also,
in a manner, next unto him upon the scaffold, beholding the order of
all things with his eyes; and with his pen, also, reporting the same
in order and manner as here followeth.
(Illustration: Edward duke of Somerset on the scaffold)

"In the year of our Lord 1552, the two and twentieth of January, in
the fifth year of the reign of King Edward the Sixth, he being yet
under age and governance of tutors, the noble duke of Somerset, uncle
to King Edward, was brought out of the Tower of London, and, according
to the manner, delivered to the sheriffs of the city; and, compassed
round about with a great number of armed men, both of the guard and
others, he was brought unto the scaffold on Tower Hill, where he,
nothing changing either voice or countenance, but in a manner with the
same gesture which he commonly used at home, kneeling down upon both
his knees, and lifting up his hands, commended himself unto God.

"After that he had ended a few short prayers, standing up again, and
turning himself toward the east side of the scaffold, nothing at all
abashed (as it seemed to me, standing about the midst of the scaffold,
and diligently marking all things) either with the sight of the axe,
or yet of the hangman, or of present death; but with the like alacrity
and cheerfulness of mind and countenance as beforetimes he was
accustomed to hear the causes and supplication of others, and
especially the poor, (towards whom, as it were with a certain fatherly
love to his children, he always showed himself most attentive,) he
uttered these words to the people:

"'Dearly beloved friends, I am brought hither to suffer death, albeit
that I never offended against the king either by word or deed, and
have been always as faithful and true unto this realm as any man hath
been. But forasmuch as I am by a law condemned to die, I do
acknowledge myself, as well as others, to be subject thereunto.
Wherefore, to testify my obedience which I owe unto the laws, I am
come hither to suffer death: whereunto I willingly offer myself, with
most hearty thanks unto God, that hath given me this time of
repentance, who might, through sudden death, have taken away my life,
that neither I should have acknowledged him, nor myself.

"'Moreover, dearly beloved friends, there is yet somewhat that I must
put you in mind of, as touching Christian religion; which so long as I
was in authority I always diligently set forth and furthered to my
power. Neither do I repent me of my doings, but rejoice therein, since
that now the state of Christian religion cometh most near unto the
form and order of the primitive church; which thing I esteem as a
great benefit, given of God, both unto you and me: most heartily
exhorting you all, that this which is most purely set forth unto you,
you will, with like thankfulness, accept and embrace, and set out the
same in your living. Which thing if you do not, without doubt greater
mischief and calamity will follow.'

"When he had spoken these words, suddenly there was a terrible noise
heard; whereupon there came a great fear upon all men. This noise was
as it had been the noise of some great storm or tempest, which, unto
some, seemed to be heard from above; like as if a great deal of
gunpowder, being enclosed in an armoury, and having caught fire, had
violently broken out. But unto some, again, it seemed as though it had
been a great multitude of horsemen running together, or coming upon
them. Such a noise then was in the ears of all men, albeit they saw
nothing. Whereby it happened that all the people, being amazed without
any evident cause, without any violence or stroke stricken, or any man
seen, they ran away, some into the ditches and puddles, and some into
the houses thereabouts: others, being afraid of the horror and noise,
fell down grovelling unto the ground, with their poleaxes and
halberts; and most of them cried out, 'Jesus save us, Jesus save us.'
Those which tarried still in their places, for fear knew not wherethey
were; and I myself which was there present among the rest, being also
afraid in this hurly-burly, stood still altogether amazed, looking
when any man would knock me on the head. It happened here, as the
evangelists write it did unto Christ, when the officers of the high
priests and Pharisees, coming with weapons to take him, being
astonied, ran backwards and fell to the ground.

"In the mean time, while these things were thus in doing, the people
by chance spied one Sir Anthony Brown riding under the scaffold; which
was the occasion of a new noise. For when they saw him coming, they
conjectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they
all wished for -- that the king, by that messenger, had sent his uncle
pardon; and therefore, with great rejoicing and casting up their caps,
they cried out, 'Pardon, pardon is come; God save the king.' Thus this
good duke, although he was destitute of all man's help, yet he saw,
before his departure, in how great love and favour he was with all
men. And truly I do not think that, in so great slaughter of dukes as
hath been in England within these few years, there were so many
weeping eyes at one time; and not without cause. For all men did see
in the decay of this duke, the public ruin of all England; except such
as indeed did perceive nothing.

"But now to return from whence we have strayed; the duke in the mean
time standing still in the same place, modestly, and with a grave
countenance, made a sign to the people with his hand, that they would
keep themselves quiet; which thing being done, and silence obtained,
he spake unto them in this manner:

"'Dearly beloved friends, there is no such matter here in hand as you
vainly hope or believe. It seemeth thus good unto Almighty God, whose
ordinance it is meet and necessary that we all he obedient unto.
Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my
death, which I am most willing to suffer; and let us now join in
prayer unto the Lord for the preservation of the king's Majesty, unto
whom hitherto I have always showed myself a most faithful and true
subject. I have always been most diligent about his Majesty in his
affairs, both at home and abroad, and no less diligent in seeking the
common commodity of the whole realm:' at which words all the people
cried out and said, 'It was most true.'

"Then the duke proceeding, said, Unto whose Majesty I wish continual
health, with all felicity and all prosperous success: 'whereunto the
people again cried out, Amen.'

"'Moreover, I do wish unto all his councillors the grace and favour of
God, whereby they may rule in all things uprightly with justice. Unto
whom I exhort you all, in the Lord, to show yourselves obedient, (as
it is your bounden duty, under the pain of condemnation,) and also
most profitable for the preservation and safeguard of the king's
Majesty.

"'Moreover, forasmuch as heretofore I have had oftentimes affairs with
divers men, and hard it is to please every man, therefore, if there be
any that hath been offended and injured by me, I most humbly require
and ask him forgiveness, but especially Almighty God, whom, throughout
all my life, I have most grievously offended; and all others
whatsoever they be that have offended me, I do with my whole heart
forgive them. Now I once again require you, dearly beloved in the
Lord, that you will keep yourselves quiet and still, lest, through
your tumult, you might trouble me. For albeit the spirit be willing
and ready, the flesh is frail and wavering, and, through your
quietness, I shall be much more quiet. Moreover, I desire you all to
bear me witness, that I die here in the faith of Jesus Christ;
desiring you to help me with your prayers, that I may persevere
constant in the same unto my life's end.'

"After this, he, turning himself again about like a meek lamb, kneeled
down upon his knees. Then Dr. Coxe, who was there present to counsel
and advertise him, delivered a certain scroll into his hand, wherein
was contained a brief confession unto God; which being read, he stood
up again upon his feet, without any trouble of mind, (as it appeared,)
and first bade the sheriffs farewell, then the lieutenant of the
Tower, and others, taking them all by the hands who were upon the
scaffold with him. Then he gave the hangman certain money; which done,
he put off his gown, and kneeling down again in the straw, untied his
shirtstrings. After that, the hangman, coming unto him, turned down
his collar round about his neck, and all other things which did let or
hinder him. Then, lifting up his eyes to heaven, where his only hope
remained, and covering his face with his own handkerchief; he laid
himself down along, showing no manner of token of trouble or fear,
neither did his countenance change, but that, before his eyes were
covered, there began to appear a red colour in the midst of his
cheeks.

"Thus this most meek and gentle duke, lying along, and looking for the
stroke, because his doublet covered his neck, he was commanded to rise
up and put it off; and then laying himself down again upon the block,
and calling thrice upon the name of Jesus, saying, Lord Jesu, save
me!' as he was the third time repeating the same, even as the name of
Jesu was in uttering, in a moment he was bereft both of bead and life,
and slept in the Lord Jesus, being taken away from all the dangers and
evils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God; in the
preferment of whose truth and gospel he always showed himself an
excellent instrument and member, and therefore hath received the
reward of his labours."

Thus, gentle reader, thou hast here the true history of this worthy
and noble duke, and if any man report it otherwise, let it be counted
as a lie. As touching the manners, disposition, life, and conversation
of the said duke and the king's uncle, what shall we need to speak,
when he cannot be sufficiently commended according to the dignity of
his virtues? There was always in him great humanity, and such meekness
and gentleness, as is rare to be found in so high estate. He was prone
and ready to give ear unto the complaints and supplications of the
poor, and no less attentive unto the affairs of the commonwealth, to
which, if he had lived together with King Edward, he was like to do
much good, in reforming many misorders within this realm. He was
utterly ignorant of all craft and deceit, and as far void of all pride
and ambition, as he was from doing of injury; being indeed utterly
void of both. He was of a gentle disposition, not coveting to be
revenged; more apt and ready to be deceived, than to deceive. His
ancient love and zeal of the gospel and of religion, he brought with
him to the state of this his dignity. The proof whereof sufficiently
was seen, in his constant standing to God's truth, and zealous defence
thereof, against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London,
and others more, in the consultation had at Windsor, the first year of
the king's reign.

Briefly, considering the nature and virtues of this duke, I may (as
seemeth) not unaptly compare and resemble him unto Duke Humphrey, the
good duke of Gloucester; who, likewise, being uncle unto King Henry
the Sixth, and protector of the realm, (as this was, also, to King
Edward the Sixth,) yet he wanted not his enemies and privy enviers,
especially Henry Beaufort, cardinal, bishop of Winchester, and lord
chancellor of England; who, at that time disdaining and envying the
rule and authority of this duke, procured much trouble against him,
and great division in the whole realm, insomuch that all the shops
within the city of London were shut in, for fear of the favourers of
these two great personages; for each party had assembled no small
number of people. For pacifying whereof, the archbishop of Canterbury
and the duke of Coimbra (called the prince of Portugal) rode seven
times in one day between the two adversaries. Such were then the
troubles of this tumultuous division within the realm, between these
two, as is before expressed; not much unlike to the troublesome
discord betwixt parties in this protector's days. And as, in their
afflictions and troubles, these two dukes seemed not much unlike, so,
in matters of religion, and in discerning truth from falsehood, their
zeals seemed not much discrepant. Although the light of the gospel did
not so fully then shine out, as in the time of this latter duke, (the
Lord be praised there-for,) yet the wisdom and towardness of the other
duke also, touching the same, was not utterly unworthy of his
commendation. For the more manifest declaration whereof, amongst many
other his godly doings, we may take for example the prudent and famous
act of that noble duke, in discerning and trying out the false lying
miracle and popish hypocrisy of the blind beggar at St. Alban's,
mentioned in his story before; for which cause, and for his diligent
study in reforming that, and such other blind abuses of feigned
religion, he was the more hated of the spiritualty, and such as
Winchester afterwards was.

Finally, as this lord protector, duke of Somerset, the king's uncle,
by certain of the council was then accused, arraigned, and condemned,
for the trespass (as it was given forth) of felony, (although I never
heard he murdered or robbed any,) so the other uncle of King Henry the
Sixth was made away; of whose decease thus writeth Master Tyndale in
his Practice of Prelates: "At the last, they found the means to
contrive a drift to bring their matters to pass, and made a parliament
far from the citizens of London, where was slain the said good duke,
and the only wealth of the realm, and the mighty shield which so long
had kept it from the sorrow, which, shortly after his death, fell upon
them by heaps. But the chronicles," saith he, "cannot tell wherefore
he died, nor by what means. Nevertheless, this they testify, that he
was a virtuous man, godly, and good to the commonwealth."

But, to leave Duke Humphrey, and to return to the manners and virtues
of the duke of Somerset, which before we were about to describe:-- As
he was a gentle and courteous duke at home, so was he no less
fortunate a captain in warfare abroad; under whose government and
guiding not only divers rebellious commotions were happily suppressed
here at home; but also abroad, in the expedition of Scotland, such a
victory was given him of God, that with the loss of scarce six hundred
of his own men, there were, of the enemies, as good or little less
than ten thousand slain and put to flight; and even the very same day
and time in which all the idolatrous images were here burnt at London.
And yet, all these wars notwithstanding, whereunto he was against his
will compelled, he was a man of nature singularly given to peace, as
maybe seen by the sweet and peaceable exhortation by him set forth in
print before, and sent to the realm of Scotland. But as there is
nothing in this world so perfect in all respects, which is not blotted
or darkened with some spot of vice adjoined withal; so, amongst the
manifold commendations of this duke, one thing there was too, which
both distained his honour and estimation much, and also more impaired
and hindered his own life and safety; which was, that he, in
condescending to the death of his brother, followed too rashly the
persuasion of certain whosoever they were: for that matter lacked not,
perchance, some singular fetch and policy of some more craftily than
godly disposed persons; as many good men have supposed.

But whatsoever of that matter is to be deemed, credible it is, that
the said duke, in suffering or procuring the death of his brother, not
only endamaged himself, and weakened his own power, but also provoked
the chastisement of God's scourge and rod, which did so light upon
him.

Furthermore, as touching the death and decay of the Lord Henry, earl
of Surrey, who also suffered at the Tower next before the lord
admiral, the lord protector's brother; because the casting of him was
so near to the death of King Henry, as I know not upon whom or what
cause the same did proceed, so I pass it over and leave it to the
Lord. Notwithstanding, as for the duke of Somerset, whatsoever his
other vices and virtues were, this is certain, that his end (the Lord
so working with him) was constant in Christ's truth, as his life was
before a great maintenance of the same.

Moreover, on the twenty-sixth day of February in the same year, were
Sir Ralph Vane and Sir Miles Partridge both hanged at the Tower Hill,
and Sir Michael Stanhope and Sir Thomas Arundel beheaded upon the
scaffold; all which four were condemned by the said act of unlawful
assembly, and as accessories unto the duke of Somerset.

$

236. DISPUTATIONS HOLDEN AT OXFORD, ABOUT THE SACRAMENT OF THE LORD'S
SUPPER.

Not long after the death of the duke of Somerset, in the next year
following, deceased the king himself about the month of June, whereof
more shall be said (the Lord granting) in his due order and course
hereafter. In the mean season, before we come to close up the latter
end and story of this good king, the place here present seemeth not
unfit to intermit, by the way, a few other things before happening
within the time of his reign; namely, concerning matters incident of
the church, and of religion. Which state of religion began well to
grow, and to come happily forward during this king's days, had not the
unhappy troubles of the outward state, among the lords, not agreeing
within themselves, disquieted the good towardness of things begun. But
the malice of the devil, how subtilely worketh it, if men could see
it! So long as the lords agreed in concord among themselves,
Winchester and Bonner, with all that faction, was cut short, and began
to condescend to good conformity. But afterward, perceiving the states
and nobles of the realm to be among themselves divided, and the lord
protector the king's uncle displaced, and his brother the admiral
before beheaded, and the young king now left in that case, they began
upon some hope to take more heart to them, till, at last, it came to
pass as they themselves desired. And thus, though nothing else will
lead us, yet experience may teach us, what discord worketh in public
weals; and contrarily, what a necessary thing concord is, to the
advancement especially of God's matters appertaining to his church.
Examples whereof in this king's days be not far to seek; for, as
touching the success of the gospel of peace, while public peace and
the gospel did join together, marvellous it was how error and popery
were in themselves confounded, and ashamed almost to show their faces:
insomuch that then, both Drs. Smith, Chedsey, Standish, Young, and
Oglethorpe, with many more, recanted their former ignorance, whose
recantations I have to show. Bonner then, with his own hand,
subscribed unto the king's supremacy, and promoted his injunctions.

The same, also. did Stephen Gardiner, subscribing with his own hand to
the first book of the king's proceedings; and no doubt had done [no]
less to the second book also set forth by the king, had not the
unfortunate discord fallen amongst the nobles, in a time so
unfortunate as then it did. Briefly, during all that time of peace and
concord, what papist was found in all the realm, which, for the pope's
devotion, would or did once put his neck in the halter, to die a
martyr for his sake?

I showed before, how, in these peaceable days of King Edward, Peter
Martyr, Martin Bucer, Paulus Phagius, with other learned men more,
were entertained, placed, and provided for, in the two universities of
this realm, Oxford and Cambridge, who there, with their diligent
industry, did much good. The learned and fruitful disputations of whom
I have likewise present in any hands here to insert, but that the
bigness of this volume driveth me to make short, especially seeing
their disputations to be so long and prolix as they be, and also in
Latin; and require of themselves a whole volume to comprehend them.

First, Peter Martyr, being called by the king to the public reading of
the divinity lecture in Oxford, amongst his other learned exercises
did set up in the public schools three conclusions of divinity, to be
disputed and tried by argument; at which disputations were present the
king's visitors, to wit, Henry, bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Coxe,
chancellor of that university, Dr. Hains, dean of Exeter, Master
Richard Morison, esquire, and Christopher Nevin-son, doctor of civil
law.

The conclusions propounded were these:

First: "In the sacrament of thanksgiving there is no
transubstantiation of bread and wine into the body and blood of
Christ."

Secondly: "The body and blood of Christ be not carnally or corporally
in the bread and wine, nor, as others use to say, under the kinds of
bread and wine."

Thirdly: "The body and blood of Christ be united to bread and wine
sacramentally."

They which were the chief disputers against him on the contrary side,
were Dr. Tresham, Dr. Chedsey, and Morgan. The reasons and principal
arguments of Peter Martyr hereunder follow.

"The Scriptures most plainly do name and acknowledge bread and wine.
In the evangelists we read that the Lord Jesus took bread, blessed it,
brake it, and gave it to his disciples. St. Paul, likewise, doth
ofttimes make mention of bread.

"Ergo, We also, with the Scriptures, ought not to exclude bread from
the nature of the sacrament.

"Cyprian saith, As in the person of Christ, his humanity was seen
outwardly, and his Divinity was secret within: so, in the visible
sacrament, the Divinity inserteth itself in such sort as cannot be
uttered; that our devotion about the sacraments might be the more
religious.'

"Ergo, As in the person of Christ, so in the sacrament, both the
natures ought still to remain.

"Gelasius saith, The sacraments which we receive of the body and blood
of Christ, are a Divine matter; by reason whereof, we are made
partakers, by the same, of his Divine nature; and yet it ceaseth not
still to be the substance of bread and wine. And certes the
representation and similitude of the body and blood of Christ be
celebrated in the action of the mysteries,' &c.

"Augustine saith, 'As the person of Christ consisteth of God and man,
when as he is true God and true man: for every thing containeth in
itself the nature and verity of those things whereof it is made. Now
the sacrament of the church is made of two things; that is, of the
sacrament that signifieth, and of the matter of the sacrament that is
signified,' &c.

"Theodoret saith, 'These visible mysteries which are seen, he hath
honoured with the name of his body and blood, not changing the nature,
but adding grace unto nature,' &c. And the same Theodoret again saith,
Those mystical sacraments, after sanctification, do not pass out of
their own proper nature, but remain still in their former substance,
figure, and shape,' &c.

"Ergo, Like as the body of Christ remained in him, and was not changed
into his Divinity; so, in the sacrament, the bread is not changed into
the body, but both the substances remain whole.

"Origen saith, 'If whatsoever entereth into the mouth goeth down into
the belly, and so passeth through a man; even that meat, also, which
is sanctified by the word of God, and by prayer, as touching that part
which it hath material within it, passeth into the belly, and so
voideth through a man. But through prayer, which is adjoined to it,
according to the measure of faith, it is profitable and effectual,'
&c. And he addeth moreover, For it is not the outward matter of bread,
but the word that is spoken upon it, that profiteth him which eateth
it worthily,' &c.

"Irenęus saith, 'Jesus, taking bread of the same condition which is
after us,' that is, taking bread of the same nature and kind as we use
commonly to eat, 'did confess it to be his body. And taking likewise
the cup, which is of the same creature which is after us,' that is,
which we commonly use to drink, confesseth it to be his blood,' &c.
Also, 'Like as bread which is of the earth, receiving the word and
calling of God, is now not common bread, but the eucharist, consisting
of two things, the one earthly, the other heavenly; so our bodies
receiving the sacred eucharist, be now not corruptible, having hope of
resurrection,' &c."

Argument.

"The bread in the sacrament is so changed into the body, as our bodies
are changed when they are made incorruptible by hope.

"But our bodies are not made corruptible by changing their substance:

"Ergo, No more is the bread changed into the substance of the body."

"Gregory saith, 'Notwithstanding, whether we take leavened or
unleavened bread, we are all one body of our Lord and Saviour,' &c.

Argument.

"Where bread leavened or unleavened is taken, there is substance of
bread; and not accidents only.

"In the sacrament, bread is received either leavened or unleavened:

"Ergo, In the sacrament is substance of bread, and not accidents
only."

Argument.

"The body of Christ is named of that which is proportioned round, and
is insensible in operation.

"Accidents only of bread have no figure of roundness:

"Ergo, the body of Christ is not named of accidents, but of very bread
substantial."

Argument.

"The words of the evangelist, speaking of that which Christ took,
blessed, brake, and gave, do import it to be bread, and nothing else
but bread:

"Ergo, the substance of bread is not to be excluded out of the
sacrament."

"Chrysostom saith, 'Christ in giving bread and wine, said, Do this in
remembrance of me.'

"Cyril saith, 'He gave to them pieces or fragments of bread.' Also the
same Cyril saith, 'In bread we receive his precious body, and his
blood in wine.'

"Ergo, by these doctors, it remaineth bread after the consecration.

"Ambrose saith, 'Before the blessing of the heavenly words, it is
called another kind of thing. After consecration, the body of Christ
is signified.'"

Arguments of Peter Martyr, disputing with Master Chedsey upon the
first question.

"The analogy and resemblance between the sacrament and the thing
signified, must ever be kept in all sacraments.

"In the sacrament of the Lord's body this analogy or resemblance
cannot be kept, if bread be transubstantiated:

"Ergo, the substance of bread must needs remain in the sacrament.

"The major of this argument is certain by St. Augustine, where he
saith, 'Sacraments must needs bear a similitude of those things
whereof they are sacraments, or else they can be no sacraments.'

"The minor is thus proved: "

Argument.

"The resemblance between the sacrament and the body of Christ is this,
that as the properties of bread and wine do nourish outwardly, so the
properties of the body of Christ do nourish spiritually.

"Without the substance of bread and wine, there is no resemblance of
nourishing:

"Ergo, Without the substance of bread and wine, the analogy cannot
hold."

Argument.

"Again, another resemblance and similitude or analogy of this
sacrament is this: that as one loaf of bread, and one cup of wine,
containeth many corns, and many grapes; so the mystical congregation
containeth many members, and yet maketh but one body.

"Without the substance of bread and wine no such resemblance or
similitude of conjunction can be represented:

"Ergo, without the substance of bread and wine the analogy of this
spiritual conjunction cannot hold."

Another Argument.

"Every sacrament consisteth in two things, that is, in the thing
signifying, and the thing signified.

"Without the substance of bread and wine, there is nothing that
signifieth in the sacrament.

"Ergo, The substance of bread and wine, in the sacrament, can in no
wise be transubstantiate from their natures.

"The minor is thus to be proved:

"There is no signification in any sacrament without the element.

"The substance of bread and wine is the element of this sacrament.

"Ergo, Without the substance of bread and wine, there is no similitude
nor signification in this sacrament.

"And forasmuch as the adversaries ground their transubstantiation so
much upon these words of Christ, This is my body, which they expound
only after the literal sense, without trope or figure; now, that this
their exposition is false, and that the said words are to be taken
figuratively and spiritually, by three causes it is to be proved:

"First, By the words of the Scripture.

"Secondly, By the nature of a sacrament.

"Thirdly, By the testimonies of the fathers.

"I. First, by these words of the Scripture, where he saith, Do this in
remembrance of me, forasmuch as remembrance properly serveth not for
things corporally present, but for things rather being absent.

"II. Secondly, where he saith, Until I come; which words were vain, if
he were already come by consecration.

"III. Thirdly, where St. Paul saith, The breaking of bread, is it not
the communion of the body of Christ? Which words of breaking, in no
case can be verified upon the body of Christ, which, for the glory
thereof, is unpassible.

"IV. Furthermore, whereas the Lord biddeth them to take and eat, it is
evident that the same cannot be understood simply of the body of
Christ, without a trope, forasmuch as he cannot be eaten and chewed
with teeth, as we use properly, in eating other meats, to do.

"V. The words moreover of Luke and Paul, spoken of the cup, do argue
likewise, that the other words spoken of the bread, must needs be
taken mystically; as where it is said, This cup is the new testament,
which words must needs be expounded thus, This cup doth signify the
new testament.

"VI. Item, These words of St. John, My words be spirit and life. The
flesh profiteth nothing, &c.

"VII. Item, Where in the same places of St. John, Christ, to refel the
carnal understanding of the Capernaites, of eating his body, maketh
mention of his ascension, &c.

"The second cause why the words of Christ, This is my body, cannot be
literally expounded without a trope, is the nature of a sacrament;
whose nature and property is to hear a sign or signification of a
thing to be remembered, which thing, after the substantial and real
presence, is absent. As touching which nature of a sacrament,
sufficient hath been said before.

"The third cause why the words of consecration are figuratively to be
taken, is the testimony of the ancient doctors.

"Tertullian saith, 'This is my body; that is to say, This is a figure
of my body.'

"Augustine saith, 'Christ gave a figure of his body.' Also he saith,
'He did not doubt to say, This is my body, when he gave a sign of his
body.'

"Jerome saith, 'Christ represented unto us his body.'

"Augustine, in his book De Doctrina Christiana declareth expressly,
that this speech, of eating the body of Christ, is a figurative
speech.

"Ambrose saith, 'As thou hast received the similitude of his death; so
thou drinkest the similitude of his precious blood.'"

Argument.

"The death of Christ is not present really in the sacrament, but by
similitude.

"The precious blood of Christ is present in the sacrament, as his
death is present.

"Ergo, The precious blood of Christ is not present really in the
sacrament.

"The minor of this argument is proved before by the words of Ambrose."

The argument of Peter Martyr, upon the second conclusion.

"The body and blood of Christ be not carnally or corporally in the
bread and wine, nor, as others use to say, under the kinds of bread
and wine."

Argument.

"The true natural body of Christ is placed in heaven.

"The true natural body of man can be but in one place at once, where
he is.

"Ergo, The true natural body of Christ can be in no place at once, but
in heaven where he is.

"The major is plain by the Scriptures: Jesus was taken up to heaven,
and sitteth at the right hand of God. The poor ye have always with
you, but me you shall not always have. I leave the world, and go to my
Father. Many shall say in that day, Lo, here is Christ, and there is
Christ; believe them not. Whom the heavens must receive for a time,
until the restitution of all. Seek those things that are above, where
Christ is sitting at the right hand of God.

"The minor, likewise, is evident by St. Austin, who, speaking of the
glorified body of Christ, affirmeth the same to be in one certain
place, for the manner of a true body."

Argument.

"Every true natural body requireth one certain place.

"Augustine saith, Christ's body is a true natural body.

"Ergo, Christ's body requireth one certain place."

Argument.

"Augustine giveth not to the soul of Christ to be in more places at
once but one.

"Ergo, Much less is it to be given to the body of Christ to be in more
places at once but in one."

Argument.

"The nature of the angels is not to be in divers places, but they are
limited to occupy one certain place at once.

"Ergo, The body of Christ being the true natural body of a man, cannot
fill divers places at one time."

Argument.

"Whatsoever is in many and divers places at once, is God.

"The body of Christ is not God, but a creature. "Ergo, The body of
Christ cannot be in more places together."

Argument.

"We must not so defend the Divinity of Christ, that we destroy his
humanity.

"If we assign to the body of Christ plurality of places, we destroy
his humanity.

"Ergo, We must not assign to the body of Christ plurality of places."

Argument.

"Whatsoever thing is circumscribed, that is to say, contained in the
limits of any peculiar place, cannot be dispersed in more places at
once.

"The body of Christ is a thing circumscribed.

"Ergo, The body of Christ is not dispersed in more places at one
time."

Argument.

"Every quantity (that is, every body having magnitude, length, and
other dimensions) is circumscribed in one peculiar place.

"The body of Christ hath its dimensions, and is a quantity.

"Ergo, The body of Christ is circumscribed.

"The major is proved by Cyril: 'Whatsoever is understood to be a body,
the same is verily in a place, and in magnitude and in quantity. And
if it be in quantity, it cannot avoid circumscription;' that is, to
have its place."

Argument.

"If Christ had given his body substantially and carnally in the
supper, then was that body either passible or impassible.

"But neither can you say that body to be passible or impassible, which
he gave at supper.

"Ergo, He did not give his body substantially and carnally at supper.

"The minor is proved thus: For if ye say, it was passible, Augustine
is against it, who saith, 'Ye shall not eat this body which you see,
nor drink the same blood which they shall shed that shall crucify me,'
&c. And if ye say, it was impassible, that may not be admitted by the
words of the evangelist, who saith, Eat, this is my body which shall
be given for you: so that that body was passible, and not impassible,
wherein Christ was given.

"Vigil saith, One creature cannot receive in itself two contrary or
diverse things together. But these two things be diverse and far
unlike, that is to say, to be contained in a place, and to be every
where. For the word is every where; but the flesh is not every
where.'"

Argument.

"Bodies organical, without quantity, be no bodies. "The pope's
doctrine maketh the body of Christ in the sacrament to be without
quantity.

"Ergo, The pope's doctrine maketh the body of Christ in the sacrament
to be no body."

Argument.

"All things which may be divided, have quantity. "The body in the
pope's sacrament is divided in three parts.

"Ergo, The body in the pope's sacrament hath quantity, which is
against their own doctrine."

Argument.

"No natural body can receive in itself, and at one time, contrary or
divers qualities.

"To be in one place local, and in another place not local; to be in
one place with quantity, and in another place without quantity; in one
place circumscript, in another place incircumscript, is for a natural
body to receive contrary qualities.

"Ergo, The body of Christ cannot be in one place local, and in another
not local; in one place with quantity, and in another without
quantity, as our adversaries do affirm."

Argument.

"The wicked receive not the body of Christ.

"The wicked do receive the body of Christ, if transubstantiation be
granted.

"Ergo, Transubstantiation is not to be granted in the sacrament."

Argument for probation of the major.

"To eat Christ, is for a man to have Christ dwelling and abiding in
him.

"The wicked have not Christ dwelling in them. "Ergo, The wicked eat
not the body of the Lord.

"Cyprian saith, 'The eating of Christ is our abiding in him.'"

Argument.

"The Holy Ghost could not come, if the body of Christ were really
present.

"That the Holy Ghost is come it is most certain. "Ergo, It cannot be,
that Christ himself should be here really present.

"For proof of the major: John xvi., Unless I go from you, the Holy
Ghost shall not come: it is expedient for you that I go hence."

Argument of Peter Martyr on the third conclusion.

"The body and blood of Christ be united to bread and wine
sacramentally."

"If the wicked, and infidels, do receive the body of Christ, they
receive him either with sense, or reason, or with faith.

"But they receive him neither with sense, reason, nor with faith.

"Ergo, Wicked men and infidels receive in no wise the body of Christ.

"For declaration of the major, if ye say, they receive him with sense,
that is against their own lore, for the body of Christ in the blessed
sacrament (say they) is not sensible, nor to be perceived by any
sense: neither with reason can they receive him, by their own
learning, forasmuch as this sacrament exceedeth all reason; and if ye
say, that they receive him with faith, how can that be, seeing
infidels have no faith?

"What it is to eat the body of Christ, the teaching of the papists
herein is strange, and differeth from the old doctors. For whereas
they teach that wicked persons and infidels, albeit they receive not
the effect of the sacrament, yet the matter of the sacrament, which is
the very body of Christ, they receive with their mouth, and with their
sense the accidents of bread, and thus imagine a certain body of
Christ, such as evil men and infidels may eat; and yet, being eaten,
it giveth them no nourishment nor life, nor maketh them partakers of
his spirit and grace; both Scripture, and the ancient expositors of
the Scripture, do teach much otherwise. For the Scripture knoweth no
such kind of eating Christ's body, but only that which is fruitful,
wholesome, and effectual. He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my
blood, abideth in me and I in him, &c. And therefore it may appear,
that the Scripture meaneth, by eating Christ's flesh, to believe in
Christ's passion; which none can do but only the faithful. And to the
same sense sound all the old doctors.

"Cyprian [saith,] 'That we should know that eating is our dwelling in
him, and our drinking is, as it were, a certain incorporation in him.'

"Item, the same Cyprian saith: 'The eating, therefore, of his flesh,
is a certain desire to abide in him;' and saith moreover, 'None eateth
of this lamb, but such as be true Israelites, that is, true Christian
men, without colour or dissimulation.'

"And again he saith, As meat is to the flesh, the same is faith to the
soul, the same is the word to the spirit.'

"Moreover saith he, 'And therefore doing this, we whet not our teeth
to bite, but with pure faith we break the holy bread and distribute
it.'

"Augustine saith, 'It may not be said, that any such do eat the body
of Christ, because they are accounted amongst the members of Christ.
Neither can they be both members of Christ, and members of a harlot,
&c. Furthermore, when Christ saith, He that eateth my flesh, and
drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him; he showeth what it
is, not sacramentally, but indeed, to eat his body and drink his
blood, which is, when a man so dwelleth in Christ, that Christ
dwelleth in him. For so Christ spake those words, as if he should say,
He that dwelleth not in me, and in whom I dwell not, let him not say
nor think, that he eateth my body, or drinketh my blood.'

"Also in other places the said Augustine affirmeth, that 'to drink, is
to live;' and saith moreover, 'Why preparest thou thy belly and thy
teeth? Believe, and thou hast eaten,' &c.

"All which kinds of eating cannot be said of the wicked and infidels,
but only of the godly and faithful."

And thus, briefly, we have run over all the arguments and authorities
of Peter Martyr, in that disputation at Oxford, with Drs. Tresham,
Chedsey, and Morgan, before the king's visitors above named, A.D.
1549.

Furthermore, whoso listeth more fully to be satisfied and resolved in
all the points and occurrents, touching the matter of this sacrament,
let him read the books first, of the Archbishop Cranmer against 
Winchester; secondly, The Tractation of Peter Martyr made in Oxford,
translated and extant in English; and thirdly, the book of Bishop
Ridley made in prison, called A brief Declaration of the Lord's
Supper.

$

237. A LIKE DISPUTATION IN CAMBRIDGE

The like disputation also, about the same time, was appointed and
commenced at Cambridge, concerning the same matter of the sacrament,
the king's visitors being directed down for the same purpose by the
king; the names of which visitors were these, Nicholas Ridley, bishop
of Rochester, Thomas, bishop of Ely, Master John Cheke, the king's
schoolmaster, Dr. May, civilian, and Thomas Wendy, the king's
physician. The conclusions in that disputation propounded were these:

The first disputation, holden at Cambridge the twentieth day of June,
A.D. 1549, before the king's Majesty's commissioners, by Dr. Madew ,
respondent, whose first conclusion was this:

"Transubstantiation cannot be proved by the plain and manifest words
of Scripture; nor can thereof be necessarily collected, nor yet
confirmed, by the consents of the ancient fathers for these thousand
years past." (Dr. Glyn, Master Langdale, Master Segewick, Master
Young, opponents.)

Dr. Madew's Declaration.

"First of all," quoth he, "I am very sorry, and do not a little lament
the shortness of time, to declare and discuss such weighty matters of
religion in, as these be. But, that notwithstanding, if I had had more
plenty of time indeed, yet you shall understand how that I have ever,
both in heart and mind, (if otherwise I could have avoided it,)
abhorred all scholastical disputations, and subtile sophistications.
In consideration whereof, I beseech those that are to dispute, not to
allege or bring forth any dismembered or curtailed sentences, or
wrested, (as happeneth many times,) but the whole and full sentences
either of the Scriptures, or of the ancient doctors; yea, and to
avouch such authors' sayings, as are not suspected, or feigned, but
such as be their own very sayings indeed; which if they do, there is
no doubt, but the clear light of this our disputation shall the sooner
appear, and be manifest to this auditory.

"And for a further declaration of my part, you shall understand, that
this my preface, in my said former most catholic and godly conclusion,
shall consist in three principal points.

"First, What thing it was that Christ gave to his disciples.

"Secondly, What season or time this transubstantiation did begin.

"Thirdly, How many devilish abominations have ensued upon that
horrible and pestilent invention.

"As concerning the first, that is, what thing Christ gave to his
disciples, that may very well appear even by our own natural senses,
as namely, by the sight, by the touching, by the tasting, which cannot
be deceived of their natural judgment. For the eye seeth nothing but
bread and wine; the tasting savoureth nothing else; and the hands
touch nothing else. He gave, also, to their understanding, not only
his holy and sacred doctrine, but also a special gift and pledge of
his love. He gave the only material bread and wine sanctified, as the
first rude and plain elements or principles to allure them withal; but
he gave them the gift of his grace and heavenly doctrine, as the very
things signified by the sensible elements; which thing plainly
appeareth by the words of Christ our Saviour, I will not drink
hereafter of the fruit of this vine, until I drink it new with you in
the kingdom of God. Nor this fruit or juice of the vine, is nothing
else but wine, as Chrysostom saith. And moreover, to prove the same
true, if it be reserved after the consecration for a time, it becometh
sour and tart; therefore it is but wine.

"And as touching the bread, St. Paul saith thus: Is not the bread
which we break the communion, or participation, of Christ's body? He
brake bread, therefore it was but bread which he gave them: for the
body of Christ is not broken; as the Scripture saith of the same, You
shall not break a bone of him. Also he said, This is my body; not that
the bread was his body, and the wine his blood, but he spake those
words to and of his own mortal body, there sitting amongst them at
supper. Or he spake yet doubtfully, as thus: This signifieth my body,
it is one thing which is seen, but it is another thing which is
understood: for that which is seen hath a bodily form, but that which
is understood thereby, hath a spiritual fruit. St. Augustine saith,
'Let the word have access to the element, so is it made a sacrament:'
mark, he saith, 'Let the word have access' -- and not 'success.' Now
the thing that hath access to another thing, doth not quench the thing
that it cometh to, no more doth it here: ergo, it is bread and wine
still, as before, howbeit sacred and holy. 'What saw you yesterday,'
saith St. Augustine, 'upon the altar? Truly bread and wine, which your
own eyes can witness,' said he. What plainer testimony can be had of
so ancient a father as he was, and of so rare knowledge in the
Scriptures of God? Seeing then that our eyes do behold nothing but
bread and wine, it must needs follow that it is so indeed, or else our
senses be deceived in their own proper object, which cannot be by any
reason or natural philosophy. And yet, notwithstanding, some papists
dream and fancy such a corporal, real, and gross presence of Christ's
body in the sacrament, as they affirm it to be there, even as verily
as it was upon the cross. Indeed the bread is changed after a certain
manner into Christ's body; for Christ gave not his own natural body to
his disciples at his last supper, but only a sign or figure thereof.
Christ's body is there with the bread; our senses cannot be deceived
about the substance of bread, but they do judge there to be but one
body, that is of bread: ergo, so it is. Also the very definition of a
sacrament doth plainly repugn unto transubstantiation. Bread
nourisheth the substance of Christ's body, but the accidents do not
so: ergo, the substance doth remain of the bread that nourisheth. It
is also called bread in the Acts, and in divers other places of the
Scriptures; wherefore it is so, but indeed after a sort more holy than
before. What gave he in the supper? Bread, which is the body, that is
to say, a holy sign of his body; as Augustine doth witness, saying,
'He doubted not to say, This is my body, when it was but a sign of his
body.' The unleavened bread was but a bare and naked sign of Christ's
body; and so is this bread the same body, even as baptism is. Now,
indeed, there be two manner of signs; one that signifieth only, the
other that doth exhibit, the thing itself. The first is applied to the
old law chiefly, the other to the law of grace. The old, ancient, and
learned fathers did never use to speak of the substantial change, for
because that all the mutation is but conditional, not substantial; nor
do we deem the bodily substance sacramentally, but yet we say that
this proposition, This is my body, is but a figurative speech, and no
proper speech, as some do deem. But it is as much as to say, 'This
signifleth my body;' or else thus, 'This is a sacrament of my body:'
for the bodily bread and Christ's body are not contained in place 
locally, but mystically.

"This portentous and monstrous transubstantiation began first to
enter, when the popish prelates and priests began first to understand
this said proposition, This is my body, of the carnal and real
presence of Christ's body; as Hugo de Sancto Victore, Gratian, Peter
Lombard, and Innocent the Third, the very pestilent poison of all
Christian religion, unto whom we have, of long season, yea, alas, too
long, given credit: under the which Innocent the said devilish term or
vocable of 'transubstantiation' began in the year 1315. And Boniface,
after him bishop of Rome, made the said mad blind transubstantiation
to be the third article of the faith, full wisely, no doubt! whereas
another bishop of Rome after him affirmed plainly, against Nestor the
heretic, that bread remaineth still, whose name was Gelasius the
Third.

"Now, as touching the most shameful and detestable inconveniences,
which must needs follow this devilish term or vocable of
'transubstantiation,' you shall understand the first is, that then
such papists will have Christ's body still prostituted and received,
even of the wicked and naughty people; which is clean contrary to that
place of our Saviour Christ, where he saith, Whosoever eateth my
flesh, and drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. Now it is
plain, that evil persons dwell not in Christ, nor Christ in them;
wherefore they receive not his body therein at all. For St. Augustine
saith, 'It is but bread, which is seen after the consecration:' ergo,
the substance of bread is there still.

"The second inconvenience that groweth hereof, is the fond and
superstitious reservation of the sacrament in pixes, boxes, and such
like, with vain tabernacles over the altar, where oftentimes it did
putrify, for all their foolish honour; which began in Honorius's days,
the third of that name, bishop of Rome; which corruption declareth it
to be but only bread -- say all the papists what they list.

"The third inconvenience that must needs follow transubstantiation, is
adoration, which is too plain idolatry, as the papists do know
themselves, if they list: but they are so stiff-necked, that they will
not know it; and so both have kept, and yet also will keep, the world
in blindness still, if they might be suffered. But to be short with
you, even as we are changed into Christ by receiving the sacrament, so
the bread is changed into the body of Christ. But our substance is not
changed into Christ's substance: ergo, the substance of the bread is
not changed into Christ's body. And to be short and plain with you,
most honourable audience, the whole universal world hath been, and yet
is, sore deceived and deluded about the estimation of this sacrament.
Therefore this is most true; when we do receive the said sacrament
worthily, then are we joined by faith spiritually, to Christ our
Saviour. And thus much have I said, in this first matter."

"The second matter to be disputed of is this:

"That in the Lord's supper is none other oblation or sacrifice, than
one only remembrance of Christ's death, and of thanksgiving."

"In this conclusion I will be much shorter and more compendious than
in the first. In consideration thereof you shall understand, that the
same is a very godly and true catholic proposition; for to offer
Christ, and to exhibit the same, is all one thing: for in that he is
offered -- he is set forth to eat -- there is no difference at all
between the maker of the sacrifice, or offerer, and the thing that was
offered, which both were one Christ. The Lord did command, saying, Do
this in remembrance of me; he made mention of the remembrance only,
wherefore it can be none other sacrifice but only that. The apostle
doth declare the manner of the thing doing, saying thus, He took bread
in his hands, he blessed it, he brake it, and gave it to his
disciples. What gave he to them? Forsooth bread, which was the
sacrament, and not his body. No earthly creature, nor heavenly, did
ever offer up Christ at any time, but he himself, once for all, upon
the cross; ergo, he cannot, nor ought not, to be offered many times
and often -- though that Pighius, with all the blind rabble of
papists, say the contrary. For, truly, in this point especially, they
know not what they say, being so led by the old Pharisaical blindness.
But to the purpose: you shall understand, good auditors, that the pure
and clean oblation and sacrifice, spoken of by the prophet Malachi, is
nothing else than devout and faithful prayer and thanksgiving, as
Tertullian saith in his third book 'contra Marcionem,' expounding the
Psalm, where it is said thus, The sacrifice of laud and praise shall
honour me. So do St. Jerome, Irenęus, and St. Austin say, also, upon
Malachi; where, also, they deny that Christ is essentially in the
sacrament. Yea, and St. Austin witnesseth, that the mortifying of our
earthly members is our true sacrifice, that be Christians. And all the
ancient fathers do call prayers by the name of sacrifices. And for
this purpose, whosoever list to read that most excellent and famous
clerk Zuinglius, shall find the same confirmed of him by most grounded
reasons, whatsoever the papists do bark against it. Thus I have
declared my mind in both matters now disputable; and, if my further
declaration be required through the vehemency of arguments, I will
perform the same in my answer thereunto."

(There disputed against this defendant, Dr. Glyn, Master Langdale,
Master Segewick, and Master Young, students in divinity.)

Glyn.--"Notwithstanding, right worshipful Master Doctor, that you have
so exquisitely declared your mind and opinion in every one of these
matters now in contention, before this honourable and learned
audience, and also, though just occasion be ministered to me to
infringe your positions in both conclusions, yet I will not invade the
same as now indirectly, with contrarious and vain words to occupy the
small time which is appointed us for the trial of the same, but we
will go forthwith to the thing itself, which containeth in it matter
enough. It is but folly to use many words, where few will serve our
purpose, as saith the Master of the Sentences. All words may signify
at pleasure, and commonly there be more things than vocables. Like as,
sometimes, there was variance amongst learned men, of the unity of two
substances in one personage of Christ, God and man; so is there now,
in our days, variance of transubstantiation of bread and wine into the
body and blood of Christ. Wherefore I do require you, first, to show
me here openly, what the said transubstantiation is, that we go not
from the thing itself, which is our first and chiefest ground."

Madew.--"As for that, I need not to show you; for every man knoweth
it."

Glyn.--"Peradventure it is not so, good Master Doctor. And I am
perfectly assured, that every man doth not know it indeed; for it is
not so light a matter as you make it to be."

Madew.--"Forsooth you know it yourself, and so do all men else."

Glyn.--"Well, yet I pray you show me, what thing Christ did
demonstrate and show forth by that article of the neuter gender, where
he said, This is my body? What did he point at in that article 'this?'
For if he meant by that, the bread, then Christ, in the sacrament, is
not only of two natures, but of three natures, as of the nature of
bread, of the nature of man, and of the Divine nature; which to say,
were blasphemy. The argument is good, and doth hold by that text, He
spoke the word, and it was done; he commanded, and they were created.
Moreover, if he should mean by that article of the neuter gender,
'this,' the material bread, then he would have said, This bread is my
body, so making the article of the neuter gender; or else he would
have said thus, Here, with this bread, is my body; to have avoided
ever after all heresies, errors, and schisms. But he said not so, but
spake the article of the neuter gender, saying, This is my body, that
is to say, the thing or substance contained under the form and kind of
bread, which you see not with your bodily eyes, is my body, according
to my promise made to you before, that I would give you my very flesh
to eat. In like manner when he gave the cup of his blood, he said not
'this' in the neuter gender, as he would have done, if he had meant
the material creature of wine to have remained; but he said then in
the masculine gender, This is my blood: that is to say, the thing
contained under the form of wine, which you see not with your bodily
eyes, is my blood. For truly the Holy Ghost came down to lead us into
all truth and verity, and not to deceive us in so notable a point of
our faith. But, out of doubt, he should have deceived in this matter,
if so be he had given us only material bread and wine, instead of his
body and blood, and not have fulfilled his promise made in John vi.,
where he promised thus, The bread which I will give is my flesh, which
I will give for the life of the world. Here be two givings spoken of,
with two relatives, whereof the first, with his relative, must needs
be referred to his gift in the last supper, and the second giving of
the same flesh of his, with his relative, must be applied of necessity
unto his giving of his body upon the cross: nor do we find in the
whole Scripture, where Christ did fulfil his said promise made in John
vi., but at those said two times. Wherefore if we be deceived in this
matter of transubstantiation, we may well say, O Lord, thou host
deceived us. But God forbid that we should once think such wickedness
of him. He must also be unjust of his promise, if it be not performed
at any season; as it is not indeed, if it were not at both the said
times. Then, if it were performed, (as the catholic church of Christ
doth hold, determine, and believe,) then must it needs be granted,
that he gave, at his last supper, his own body and flesh indeed and
verily, which he gave upon the cross for the life of the world, though
not in so fleshly a manner and bloody, yet the very same flesh and
blood really, after an unbloody sort, and spiritually. He said not,
This bread is my body, nor yet, Here, with the bread, is my body; but,
This is my body, which shall be given for you. Neither said he, This
wine is my blood, nor, With this wine is my blood; which circumstance
of plain speech he would have used, if the pure creatures should have
remained: but he said, This is my blood, which is shed for you and for
many, for the remission of sins; that is to say, the substance hidden
under these visible forms of bread and wine, is my very proper flesh
and blood. I pray you where do you find, in the whole body of the
Scripture expressed, or justly understood, that Christ gave but only a
bare and naked sign, figure, or sacrament? or where find you that he
gave his body with bread, it remaining bread still? And if you think
to find it, I pray you show me here, whether that body that he gave
with material bread were his true body or not? If not, then it was
fantastical; if it were his true body, (as you do grant,) then must
there needs be two very true bodies in one place together. Now, that
it was his very true body and blood, it is certain, by the plain words
of the text, saying thus, which is betrayed or given, and, which is
shed for you and for many. But I will let all this pass over, and I do
require of you this one question, Whether that the sacraments of the
old law and of the new law be all one?"

Madew.--"If you do consider the things themselves, they be all one;
but if you respect only the signs, figures, and sacraments outwardly,
then they be divers."

Glyn.--"I do perceive your answer very well. Then further to our
purpose, Was Christ, then, after the same manner in the bread that
came from heaven, in the paschal lamb, and in Isaac, as he is in this
sacrament? which if you do grant me, then these propositions were
true, for Christ to say, This manna is my body, This lamb is my body,
This Isaac is my body. Moreover, if the sacraments of the old law, and
of the law of grace, be all one in very deed and effect, (as you seem
to grant,) then what difference is between the shewbread in Moses's
law, and the bread that we do break, that St. Paul speaketh of? They
then had that bread which signifieth Christ; and so doth ours, as you
say: that was bread, so is ours; and so, by your reason, there is no
difference between them: yea, their manna, because it came from
heaven, was better than this earthly bread, that cometh from beneath -
- which is contrary to the truth; for St. John saith, That the law was
given by Moses, but the verity was given by Jesus Christ. Wherefore
that which Christ gave, was not only a sign, but also the verity; that
is to say, the living bread that came down from heaven, the true Lamb
that taketh away the sins of the world, and Isaac himself, which is
Christ: or else you must grant me that we Christians do receive less
than the Jews did -- for they received the bread, called manna, from
heaven, and we only a poor morsel of bread from the earth; theirs was
called angels' food, and ours is, as you hold, little better than
common bread. Me seemeth that you do distrust the doctrine of the
faith of Christendom for these five hundred years, even as though
Christ had forsaken his catholic church after one thousand years; but
that is not so; for he promised his Holy Spirit to assist his spouse
the church, and to lead her continually into all truth from time to
time, as need should require. As I remember, you said that adoration
did follow upon transubstantiation: but the fathers, for one thousand
years past, do grant adoration of the sacrament; therefore
transubstantiation also. The minor I prove by the most clear
testimonies of St. Austin, St. Ambrose, St. Denis, St. Basil, and St.
Chrysostom."

Madew.-- "I deny, Master Doctor, that I said any such thing; and
therewith I say, that the fathers do understand by adoration, a
certain reverent manner that we should receive the Lord's supper with;
which may be called a certain veneration, but no adoration."

Glyn.--"No, Master? St. Austin, De Civitate Dei, witnesseth, that the
ethnics and paynims do esteem the Christians to worship and adore the
god of wheat and barley, called Ceres, and the god of wine, called
Bacchus. And again, St. Austin saith thus, 'Lo, no man eateth of that
bread, except he first adore and worship it.'"

Madew.-- "By your patience, St. Austin, in that place, speaketh of the
honouring of Christ's body now sitting in heaven.'"

Glyn.--"Yea, Master Doctor, think you so? And why not also of his
blessed body in the sacrament; seeing that he saith it is there? This
is my body which is given for you, saith he. More plainly he needeth
not to speak for the real presence of his blessed body, being both
able and willing to verify his word. For if a cunning lapidary should
say to you or me, This is a true right diamond, a perfect carbuncle,
sapphire, emerald, or any such precious stone, we would believe him,
though we were ignorant of their natures. Wherefore we ought much more
to believe our Saviour Christ, God and man, in that he saith, This is
my body. And why then ought we not to honour it in the sacrament? or
how many bodies hath Christ, seeing you do grant his body in heaven to
be honoured, but not his body here in the sacrament?"

Madew.--"Forsooth he hath but one very body and no more; but the same
is sacramentally in the sacrament, and substantially in heaven; here
by faith, and there in deed."

Glyn.--"Well, yet once again to you thus: The very true body of Christ
is to be honoured, but the same very true body is in the sacrament:
ergo, the body of Christ in the sacrament is to be honoured."

Rochester.--"Well-beloved friends, and brethren in our Saviour Christ,
you must understand that this disputation, with others that shall be
after this, are appointed for to search for the plain truth of the
Holy Scriptures in these matters of religion, which, of a long season,
have been hidden from us by the false glosses of that great antichrist
and his ministers of Rome, and now, in our days, must be revealed to
us Englishmen, through the great mercy of God principally, and,
secondarily, through the most gentle clemency of our natural sovereign
lord the king's Majesty, whom the living Lord long preserve to reign
over us in health, wealth, and godliness, to the maintenance of God's
holy word, and to the extirpation of all blind glosses of men, that go
about to subvert the truth. Because, therefore, that I am one that
doth love the truth, and have professed the same amongst you,
therefore, I say, because of conferring my mind with yours, I will
here gladly declare what I think in this point now in controversy. Not
because this worshipful doctor hath any need of my help in dissolving
of arguments proposed against him, for, as me seemeth, he hath
answered hitherto very well and clerkly, according to the truth of
God's word. But now to the purpose, I do grant unto you, master
opponent, that the old ancient fathers do record and witness a certain
honour and adoration to be due unto Christ's body, but then they speak
not of it in the sacrament, but of it in heaven at the right hand of
the Father, as holy Chrysostom saith, 'Honour thou it, and then eat
it:' but that honour may not be given to the outward sign, but to the
body of Christ itself in heaven. For that body is there only in a sign
virtually, by grace, in the exhibition of it in spirit, effect, and
faith, to the worthy receiver of it. For we receive virtually only
Christ's body in the sacrament."

Glyn.--"How then, if it please your good Lordship, doth baptism differ
from this sacrament . for in that, we receive Christ also by grace,
and virtually."

Rochester.--"Christ is present after another sort in baptism, than in
this sacrament; for in that, he purgeth and washeth the infant from
all kind of sin, but here, he doth feed spiritually the receiver in
faith with all the merits of his blessed death and passion. And yet he
is in heaven still really and substantially, as for example: the
king's Majesty, our lord and master, is but in one place, wheresoever
that his royal person is abiding for the time; and yet his mighty
power and authority is every where in his realms and dominions: so
Christ's real person is only in heaven substantially placed, but his
might is in all things created effectually; for Christ's flesh may be
understood for the power or inward might of his flesh."

Glyn.--"If it please your fatherhood, St. Ambrose and St. Augustine do
say, that before the consecration it is but very bread, and after the
consecration it is called the very body of Christ."

Madew.--"Indeed it is the very body of Christ sacramentally, after the
consecration, whereas before, it is nothing but common bread; and yet,
after that, it is the Lord's bread: and thus must St. Ambrose and St.
Augustine be understood."

(Here the proctors commanded the opponent to divert to the second
conclusion but he requested them that they would permit him as long,
in this matter, as they would in the second; and so he still
prosecuted the first matter as followeth:)

Glyn.--"The bread, after consecration, doth feed the soul: ergo, the
substance of common bread doth not remain.-- The argument is good, for
St. Ambrose, De Sacramentis, saith thus: 'After the consecration there
is not the thing that nature did form, but that which the blessing
doth consecrate. And if the benediction of the prophet Elias did turn
the nature of water, how much more then doth the benediction of Christ
here both God and man!"

Madew.--"That book of St. Ambrose is suspected to be none of his
works."

Rochester.--"So say all the fathers."

Glyn.--"I do marvel at that, for St. Austin, in his book of
Retractations, maketh plain, that that was his own very work."

Rochester.--"He speaketh, indeed, of such a book so entituled, to St.
Ambrose, but yet we do lack the same book indeed."

Glyn.--"Well, let it then pass to other men's judgments. What then say
you to holy St. Cyrian, one thousand two hundred years past, who
saith, that the bread, which our Lord gave to his disciples, was not
changed in form, or quality; but in very nature, and, by the Almighty
word, was made flesh?"

Madew.--"I do answer thus: that this word 'flesh' may be taken two
ways, either for the substance itself, or else for a natural property
of a fleshly thing. So that Cyprian there did mean of a natural
property, and not of fleshly substance. And, contrariwise, in the rod
of Aaron, where both the substance and also the property was changed."

Glyn.--"Holy St. Ambrose saith, 'The body there made by the mighty
power of God's word, is the body of the Virgin Mary.'"

Rochester.--"That is to say, that by the word of God the thing hath a
being that it had not before, and we do consecrate the body, that we
may receive the grace and power of the body of Christ in heaven by
this sacramental body."

Glyn.--"By your patience, my Lord, if it be a body of the Virgin, as
St. Ambrose saith, which we do consecrate, as ministers, by God's holy
word, then must it needs be more than a sacramental or spiritual body;
yea, a very body of Christ indeed; yea, the same that is still in
heaven without all moving from place to place, unspeakably and far
passing our natural reason, which is in this mystery so captivate,
that it cannot conceive how it is there, without a lively faith to
God's word. But let this pass. You do grant that this bread doth
quicken or give life; which, if it do, then it is not a natural bread,
but a supersubstantial bread."

Rochester.--"So doth the effectual and lively word of God, which for
that it nourisheth the soul, it doth give life; for the Divine essence
infuseth itself unspeakably into the faithful receiver of the
sacrament."

Glyn.--"How then say you to holy Damascene, a Greek author, who, as
one Tritenius saith, flourished one thousand years past. He saith
thus: 'The body that is of the holy Virgin Mary, is joined to the
Divinity, after the consecration, in verity and indeed: not so as the
body, once assumpted into heaven, and sitting on the Father's right
hand, doth remove from thence and come down at the consecration-time,
but that the same bread and wine are substantially transumpted into
the very body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ. If,' saith he, thou
dost not know the manner how it is brought to pass, let it be enough
to thee to believe, that it is done by the operation of the Holy
Ghost; and we do know no more but that the living word of God is
working and almighty, but the very manner how, is inscrutable to us:
and no great marvel,' smith he, 'for we cannot well express how the
material bread, wine, or water, are transumpted naturally into the
same body and blood of the receiver, and be become another body than
they were before. So,' saith this great ancient clerk, 'also this
shewbread with wine and water are changed, by the coming of the Holy
Ghost, into Christ's body and blood, and they be not two bodies there,
but very one (of Christ) and the same.'"

Rochester.--"First, I deny, Master Doctor, that Damascene was one
thousand years past. Secondarily, that he is not to be holden as an
ancient father, for that he maintaineth in his works evil and damnable
doctrine, as the worshipping of images and such like. Thirdly, I say,
that indeed God, by his Holy Spirit, is the worker of that which is
done in the sacrament. Also I grant that there is a mutation of the
common bread and wine spiritually into the Lord's bread and wine, by
the sanctifying of them in the Lord's word. But I deny that there is
any mutation of the substances; for there is no other change there,
indeed, than there is in us, which, when we do receive the sacrament
worthily, then are we changed into Christ's body, bones, and blood;
not in nature, but spiritually, and by grace. Much like as Isaiah saw
the burning coal, even so we see not there the very simple bread, as
it was before the consecration; for a union cannot be but of two very
things. Wherefore, if we be joined to Christ receiving the sacrament,
then there is no annihilation of bread, (which is, when it is reduced
to nothing,) as it is in your feigned transubstantiation."

Glyn.--"So, I perceive, you would have me to grant, that the sacrament
is but a figure; which Theophylact doth deny."

Rochester.--"You say truth, he denieth it indeed to be a figure, but
he meaneth that it is not only a figure."

Glyn.--"Whereas St. Paul saith, that we, being many, are one bread, he
speaketh not, nor meaneth one material bread, as you do here: ergo, he
speaketh of heavenly bread. And holy Chrysostom, upon Matthew, saith,
that the paschal lamb was a figure, but the mystery is the verity. For
the disciples would not have been offended to have drunk a figure of
Christ's blood, being well accustomed to figures. For Christ did not
institute a figure for a figure, but the clear verity instead of the
figure, as St. John saith, Grace and verity was given by Christ. 'Dost
thou see bread,' saith Chrysostom, 'doth it avoid or pass as other
meats do which we receive? God forbid! Ergo,'" &c.

Madew.--"That ancient clerk Origen, upon Matt. xv., saith thus, As
touching that which is material in the sacrament, it descendeth and
issueth out as other nutriments do; but as concerning that which is
celestial, it doth not so.'"

Glyn.--"Chrysostom, upon Matthew, saith, that we cannot be deceived of
Christ's word, but our natural senses may be deceived in this point
very soon and easily: his said words cannot he false, but our senses
be many times beguiled of their judgments. Because therefore that
Christ said, This is my body, let us not at any hand doubt (saith
Chrysostom); but let us believe it, and well perceive it with the eyes
of our understanding. And within a little after, in that place, he
saith thus: It was not enough, that he was become man, and afterwards
was scourged for us; but also he did reduce and bring us to be as one
body with him: not through faith only, but in very deed also, he
maketh us his body.' And after that he saith, that these works are not
of man's power; but the same things that he wrought in his last
supper, he now worketh also by his precept to his right ministers, and
we do occupy the place of the same ministers: but he it is that doth
sanctify and transumpt the creatures; he performeth still the same."

Rochester.--"Master Doctor, you must understand, that in that place
St. Chrysostom showeth us, that Christ delivered to us no sensible
thing at his last supper."

Glyn.--"Honourable sir, by your patience I grant that he gave to his
disciples no sensible thing in substance, but a thing insensible, his
own precious body and blood, under the only kinds of creatures. And
truly, as it seemeth, Theophylact best knew the meaning of Chrysostom,
because all authors accept him as a faithful interpreter of him; and
he hath these same plain words, 'trans-elemented' and 'transformed.'
Also Theophylact of Alexandria, upon Mark, Cyril, and St. Augustine,
saith, that before the consecration it is bread, but afterwards it is
Christ's very body. In like manner St. Augustine, upon Psalm xxxiii.,
saith, that in the last supper Christ did bear himself in his own
hands. Now every man may bear the figure of his body in his own hands,
but St. Augustine saith it there, for a miracle. Irenęus, in his fifth
book, is of the same mind. And St. Augustine saith, (I do remember the
words,) The law and figures were by Moses; but the verity and body
came by Christ.'"

Rochester.--"Well, say what you list, it is but a figurative speech,
like to this: If you will receive and understand, he is Elias -- for a
property: but indeed he was not Elias, but John the Baptist. And so in
this place Christ calleth it his body, when is was very bread. But
better than the common bread, because it was sanctified by the word of
Christ."

(Here Master Langdale replied to Dr. Madew.)
	Langdale.--"Right worshipful Master Doctor, by your patience I
have noted two things that you affirmed in your position even now,
before this honourable audience, the which, as me seemeth, are not
consonant to the truth of God's word. The first is, as touching
Christ's saying, I will not from henceforth drink any more of the
fruit of the vine, until I drink it new with you, &c.; which place of
the Scripture you did, as I think, understand, and interpret, as
though nothing else remained after the consecration, but very wine
still. Whereof I do not a little marvel, seeing that most famous clerk
Erasmus, whose authority and sentence you refuse at this present only,
yet, nevertheless, is very worthy, in this matter, of far better
estimation amongst learned men. Wherefore I trust I shall not offend,
to allege him before this learned and honourable auditory. He plainly
affirmeth, that for all his great labour in searching the Scriptures,
he could never find either in the evangelists, or yet in the
apostolical doctrine, that it might be or was called wine, after the
consecration. And therefore I cannot but marvel, if the thing be so
open and plain as in your declaration you seem to make it, that such a
profound clerk as he was could not find it out. For that said place he
entreated of in his Paraphrases, in his annotations, and in other of
his lucubrations; and yet he plainly denieth that same very thing to
be found of him, which you here openly affirmed, that it is wine, or
may be so called after the consecration duly performed by a right
minister. I beseech you not to be offended, though I credit not your
saying in this so weighty a matter of Christian religion, as I do
his."

Madew.--"No forsooth, I will not be offended one jot with you. But,
for to content your mind in this point, it is most constant and sure,
that Erasmus was of that mind and opinion, that it was enough for a
Christian to believe Christ's body and blood to be in the sacrament,
in what manner or condition soever it were."

Langdale.--"By your licence, good Master Doctor, these be Erasmus's
words: The church of Christ hath determined, very lately,
transubstantiation in the sacrament. It was of a long season enough to
believe Christ's body to be either under the bread consecrated, or
else to be present after any other manner. But yet,' saith he, after
that the said church had pondered and weighed the thing more pithily
with greater judgment, then she made a more certain determination of
the same.' In the which place (1 Cor. vii.) Erasmus saith, that the
proceeding of the Holy Ghost equally from the Father and the Son, was
also determined of the same church. But let this pass. And as touching
the second point which I noted in your so eloquent declaration, which
was, that you did wrest and wring the saying of Tertullian from the
verity of his mind: for you said, that he doth interpret the prophet
Malachi, speaking of our daily sacrifice in the new law, to mean
nothing else by that sacrifice, in that place, but prayer and
thanksgiving. But the said ancient clerk Tertullian hath not those
words that you do allege of him, that is to say, 'nothing else.' And
yet, though that Œcolampadius doth so interpret that place, yet (as me
seemeth) the judgment of the whole Christian church is to be
preferred, in such a matter of religion. But I will pass over this
point, and return to the matter itself: and first, I do require of
your mastership, whether that this sentence, This is my body, be
spoken of Christ figuratively or not."

Madew.--"After the mind of the common gloss of Cyprian and Origen, it
is so taken in very deed."

Langdale.--"That cannot be, by your patience; for it is taken there
substantially: ergo, not figuratively."

Madew.--"I deny your argument."

Langdale.--"I prove my argument good, thus: This word 'substance' doth
plainly repugn, and is contrary to, this word 'figure:' ergo,
'substantially' and 'figuratively' do also repugn. Moreover I ask of
you, whether that this be a true proposition or not: 'Bread is
Christ's body.'"

Madew.--"Yea forsooth, it is a true proposition."

Langdale.--"Then thus to you: Christ's body was given for us; but you
say, that bread is Christ's body: ergo, bread was given for us."

Rochester.--"Not so, sir, for your former proposition is of double
understanding."

Langdale." Well, yet you, Master Doctor, do grant that Christ is
substantially in the sacrament."

Madew.--"No, I deny that I said so ever."

Langdale.--"Yea, do you so? Well, I pass not thereupon greatly, for I
will prove it by another means.-- Christ did suffer his most glorious
passion for us, really and substantially: ergo, he is also in the
sacrament substantially. The argument is good, because that it is the
same here, that was there crucified for us; howbeit here invisibly,
indeed spiritually and sacramentally; but there visibly, and after a
mortal and most bloody manner."

Rochester.--"Master Langdale, your argument doth well conclude, in
case that his body were here, in the sacrament, after such a sort as
it was when he was betrayed. But that is not so, for he was betrayed
and crucified in his natural body substantially and really, in very
deed; but in the sacrament he is not so, but spiritually and
figuratively only."

Langdale.--"By your good Lordship's favour, that is not so; for he is
there not figuratively, but verily and indeed, by the power of his
mighty word; yea, even his very own natural body, under the sacrament
duly performed by the lawful minister."

Madew.--"O say not so; for you speak blasphemy."

Langdale.--"No, no, Master Doctor; God forbid that either I, or any
man else, should be noted of blasphemy, saying nothing but the very
plain truth, as in my conscience and learning I do no less."

Rochester.--"O Master Langdale! I wis it becometh you not here to have
such words."

Langdale.--"If it like your good Lordship, I gave not the first
occasion of them, but only did refute that which I was unjustly
burdened withal, as reason doth require; and it grieved me to hear it.
He [Erasmus] saith, if it please your Lordship, that there is a
mutation or change of the bread after it is consecrated; which if it
be so, as I grant no less, then I would require of him, whether it be
changed in the substance, or in the accidents, or else in both, or in
nothing? No man can justly say, that there is a change into nothing.
And all ancient fathers do agree, that the same accidents are there
still after, that were before; nor doth any doctor say, that there is 
any mutation both of the substance and accidents also: ergo, the
substance of bread is changed into some other thing that is there
really present under the forms of bread and wine, which, by Christ's
words, must needs be his own blessed body."

Rochester.--"Sir, you are deceived greatly, for there is no change
either of the substances, or of the accidents; but in very deed there
do come unto the bread other accidents, inasmuch that whereas the
bread and wine were not sanctified before, nor holy, yet afterwards
they be sanctified, and so do receive then another sort or kind of
virtue which they had not before." [Note: Here is to be noted, that
Peter Martyr, in his answer at Oxford, did grant a change in the
substances of bread and wine, which, in Cambridge, by the bishop Dr.
Ridley, was denied.]

Langdale.--"By your patience, reverend father, by such means a man may
easily avoid all the mysteries of our Christian faith. As where it is
said thus of God the Father, This is my beloved Son, &c., a man may
also wring that, to be understood thus: This is the image of my well-
beloved Son; or, This is the virtue of my well-beloved Son: yea, much
more justly than your good Lordship doth the other; because St. Paul
to the Hebrews doth call the Son the image of the Father, and in
another place, he calleth him the power or virtue of God, and God's
wisdom. Now, though he be so called in Scripture, God forbid that we
should call him only God's image or God's virtue, and not God
himself."

Rochester.--"O gentle Master Langdale! you ought not to reason after
such a sort as you do now, because that a trope or figurative speech
is nocive some where -- but not every where, nor in this matter."

Langdale.--"Yet by your licence, honourable father, it doth appear to
me no trope at all in these words of Christ, This is my body which is
given for you; and that for this reason: Christ did exhibit or give
again the very same things at his last supper, by the which things he
was joined to us; but he was joined or knit unto us, by his own
natural flesh and blood: ergo, he did exhibit to us at his last supper
no less again. My former proposition I prove by the testimony of St.
Chrysostom, whose words in Christ's person are these: 'I would be your
brother. I took upon me common flesh and blood for your sakes; and
even the same things by which I am joined to you, the very same I have
exhibited to you again,'" &c.

(Here the proctors commanded Langdale to give place to another.)

Rochester." We are not joined by natural flesh, but do receive his
flesh spiritually from above." (Here Master Segewick replied.)

Segewick.--"Right worshipful Master Doctor, I do also ask of you first
of all, whether the Greek article 'this,' of the neuter gender, be
referred to the word 'bread,' or to the word 'body.' If it be referred
to the word bread,' then Christ would not have said this,' in the
neuter gender; but rather 'this,' in the masculine gender."

Rochester.--"Forsooth that article is referred to neither of both; but
may signify unto us any other kind of thing."

Segewick.--"No forsooth; but it doth note unto us some excellent great
thing determinately, and not so confusedly as you say. For such a
great heap of articles, in the Greek, doth notify unto us a great and
weighty thing to be in the sacrament determinately, if we may credit
the ancient fathers. Moreover this word 'bread,' is not always in the
Scriptures taken after one sort: wherefore I desire you to show me how
it is taken in this place of St. Paul, 'We that are many, are one
bread,'" &c.

Madew.--"Forsooth of the very wheaten bread."

Segewick.--"Then, after your mind, we are all very wheaten bread."

Rochester.--"Forsooth we are bread, not for the nature of bread, but
for the fellowship and unity that is noted by the coagulation of many
grains into one bread or loaf."

Segewick.--"Well, let that pass; then thus: It is the body; ergo, no
figure; because there is a perpetual contrariety between the law of
Moses and the law of grace. Therein were figures and shadows, and
herein is the verity indeed."

Rochester.--"I do grant it to be Christ's true body and flesh, by a
property of the nature assumpted to the Godhead; yea, and we do really
eat and drink his flesh and blood after a certain real property."

Segewick." It is not the figurative paschal lamb; it is not the
figurative manna, nor yet the figurative shew-bread, &c.: ergo, it is
no figure."

Madew.--"I deny your argument."

Segewick.--"I maintain my argument thus: All the shadows are wholly
past: ergo, so also be the figures; for every figure is a shadow. If
then it be but a figure, all the figures are not past as yet; but that
is false: ergo, so is the other."

Rochester.--"It is nothing but a figure or token of the true body of
Christ; as it is said of John the Baptist, he is Elias; not that he
was so in deed or person, but in property and virtue he represented
Elias."

Segewick.--"So:--But, most learned father, when Christ said, I am the
way, the truth, and the life, may it be understood as you do the other
place thus: I am 'the virtue of' the way, verity, and the life? But
now to the matter itself. It is verily meat: ergo, it is not 
figuratively."

Madew.--"This verb or word 'is,' in this place is taken for that which
signifieth."

(Here he was commanded to reply in the second matter.)

Segewick.--"Now, as touching our second conclusion, this I say:
Wheresoever Christ is, there is a sacrifice propitiatory; but, in the
Lord's supper is Christ: ergo, in the Lord's supper is a sacrifice
propitiatory."

Madew.--"Christ is not offered in the Lord's supper, but is received
spiritually."

Segewick.--"The priesthood and the sacrifice be correspondent
together; but Christ's priesthood after the order of Melchizedek is
perpetual: ergo, also so is his sacrifice."

Rochester.--"Christ is a priest forever; that is to say, his
priesthood and sacrifice, offered once for all, is available for ever,
so that no other shall succeed him."

Segewick.--"Where there is no oblation, there is no sacrifice: ergo,
if Christ be not perpetually offered, there is no perpetual sacrifice.
Item, the same bloody sacrifice of Christ upon the cross, was the very
fine and end of all the bloody sacrifices figured in the law after the
order of Aaron's priesthood. Wherefore you must needs grant, that he
offered himself also, at his last supper, after the order of
Melchizedek, under the forms of bread and wine; or else you must show
the Scripture where he did so, which I cannot perceive to be done but
at his last supper only, after an unbloody manner. Item, He is offered
for the remission of sins daily: ergo, he is a sacrifice propitiatory
still, in the new law, as St. Augustine saith, expounding these words
of the Psalm, 'Thou Nast not willed to have sacrifice and oblation,
but,'"&c.

Rochester.--"St. Cyprian speaketh much like that sort, where he saith
thus, 'It is the Lord's passion which we do offer,'"&c.

Segewick.--"In the old law there were many sacrifices propitiatory:
ergo, there be also in the new law, (or else you must grant that God
is not so beneficial now to us, as then he was to them, seeing that we 
be as frail and as needy as ever were they,) which must be,
especially, the most pure daily sacrifice of Christ's body and blood,
that holy Malachi speaketh of."

Madew.--"As touching the place of Malachi the prophet, I answer, that
it is nothing to your purpose for the offering of Christ daily in the
sacrament. For that sacrifice there spoken of, is nothing else but the
sincere and most pure preaching of God's holy word, and of prayer and
of thanksgiving to God the Father through Jesus Christ."

(Here Master Segewick was commanded to cease to Master Young.)

Young.--"Worshipful Master Doctor, although you have learnedly and
clerkly defended these your conclusions this day; yet, seeing that I
am now placed to impugn them in place of a better, I do begin thus
with you: It hath pleased Christ to make us partakers of his Holy
Spirit, and that in very deed, by receiving of the Christian faith,
hope, and charity: ergo, much more of his own blessed body and blood,
spiritually and in very deed, in the Lord's supper. Item, the angels'
food was altogether holy from above, and heavenly, called 'manna:'
ergo, also this celestial and heavenly food can he justly esteemed to
be of no less excellency than that; but without comparison better,
(and so no very wheat,) after due consecration of it. Item, the words
of Holy Scripture are evermore effectual and working: ergo, they must
perform the thing indeed, that they do promise. For he that might
create, might also change at his pleasure the natures and substances
of creatures, as appeareth that Christ did, by changing water into
wine at a marriage in Galilee. But Christ in the Scripture did
promise, that the bread that he would give is his flesh indeed; which
promise was never fulfilled till in his last supper, when he took
bread, gave thanks, blessed it, and gave it to his disciples, saying,
Take, eat; this is my body. Which bread, then, was his flesh indeed,
as doth well appear in the said place, and next promise depending upon
the same, thus: which flesh I will give for the life of the world.
This last promise was fulfilled by him upon the cross: ergo, the first
was likewise at his last supper. So that it was but one and the same
flesh, first and last, promised and performed."

Rochester.--"Indeed the words of Holy Scripture do work their effects
potentially and thoroughly, by the mighty operation of the Spirit of
God."

Young.--"If it please your Lordship, man is fed and nourished with
Christ's blood: ergo, then, it is his blood indeed, though it do not
so appear to our outward senses, which be deceived; for Christ saith,
This is my blood; and also, My blood is drink indeed. And because that
we should not abhor his blessed blood in his natural kind, or his
flesh, if they should be so ministered unto us; of his most excellent
mercy and goodness, condescending to our weak infirmities, he hath
appointed them to be given us, under the sensible kinds of his
convenient creatures; that is to say, of bread and wine. Also, our
body is fed with Christ's body, which is meat indeed; but it cannot be
nourished with that that is not there present: ergo, Christ's body
that feedeth us, must needs be present, in very deed, in the
sacrament. Item, the nature of bread is changed; but the nature of the
bread, and the substance of it, is all one thing: ergo, the substance
also is changed. My first proposition is St. Cyprian's, De Cœna
Domini, saying, that the bread in figure is not changed, but in 
nature."

Rochester.--"Cyprian there doth take this word 'nature,' for a
property of nature only, and not for the natural substance."

Young.--"That is a strange acceptation, that I have not read in any
author before this time: but yet, by your leave, the communion of
Christ's body cannot he there, where his body is not; but the
communion of Christ's body is in the sacrament: ergo, Christ's body is
there present in very deed."

Rochester.--"Grace is there communicated to us by the benefit of
Christ's body sitting in heaven."

Young.--"Not so only, for we are members of his flesh, and bones of
his bones."

Rochester.--"We be not consubstantial with Christ--God forbid that:
but we are joined to his mystical body through his Holy Spirit; and
the communion of his flesh is communicated to us spiritually, through
the benefit of his flesh, in heaven."

Young.--"Well, I am contented; and do most humbly beseech your good
Lordship, to pardon me of my great rudeness and imbecility, which I
have here showed."

(Here ended the first disputation, holden at Cambridge the twentieth
of June, 1549.)

The second disputation, holden at Cambridge the twenty-fourth day of
June, 1549.
The declaration of Dr. Glyn upon his first conclusion.

"The mysteries of faith, as Augustine witnesseth, may very profitably
be believed, but they cannot well be searched forth, as saith the
Scripture, I believed; therefore I spake: and, He that confesseth me
before men, him will I confess before my Father which is in heaven. We
believe every man in his art; therefore much more Christ our Saviour
in his word. Marvel not, most honourable lords and worshipful doctors,
that I speak thus now; for once you yourselves spake the same. But,
peradventure, some will say, Believe not every spirit. I answer,
Charity believeth all things, but not in all things. If those things
which I shall utter be convinced as false, I shall desire you to take
them as not spoken at all. But these are the words of truth: This is
my body. Christ spake them; therefore I dare not say, This bread is my
body; for so Christ said not. Christ said thus, This is my body; and
therefore I, but dust and ashes, yea, a worm before him, dare not say,
this is a figure of his body. Heaven and earth, saith he, shall pass;
but my word shall not pass. Whatsoever our old father Adam called
every creature, that is his name to this day: the new Adam, Christ
Jesus, said, This is my body; and is it not so? He never said, This is
a figure of my body, nor, Eat you this figure or sign of my body. And
therefore, when the paschal lamb was set before him, he said not, This
is my body. Wherefore if, at the day of judgment, Christ should say to
me, Why hast thou believed that this is my body, I would answer him,
Because thou hast so called it. I believed it not to be a figure,
because thou saidst not that it was a figure.

"Other reasons to avouch I know not. For the word itself I contend
not, but the thing itself I defend; for we must speak regularly. Thus
Christ, thus the apostles, thus all the ancient fathers have spoken.
Our fathers had but only figures and shadows; but the church of God
hath the truth itself with the signs. Tertullian saith, 'One figure
containeth not another;' but Melchizedek was a figure: ergo, this is
the body. The sacraments of the Jews were signs and tokens; but ours
be both the signs, and the thing signified also. Luther himself
confessed, that the body was present with the bread; and could not
deny it. Œcolampadius took it for a figure only. Chrysostom demanding
wherefore Christ gave his body before his passion, rather than at any
other time; answered', that he might tie the truth to the figure,
saying, Take, eat; this is my body; not a figure of my body. And the
same Chrysostom saith again, 'If it were but bare bread, or but a
figure, wherefore should his disciples have been offended in eating a
figure.' Again, in his eighty-third homily upon Matthew: 'They are not
any human works which he did work at his last supper: he it is that
worketh; he maketh perfect: we are his ministers; but it is he that
sanctifieth and changeth the elements of bread and wine into his body
and blood.' Again, 'Dost thou see bread and wine? Do they pass into
the draught like other meats? God forbid,' &c. Theophylact of
Alexandria, upon these words of Mark the evangelist, This is my body,
saith, 'This which I give, and which you receive, is not only bread,
or a figure of Christ's body, but the truth itself; for if it should
appear, as it is, in form of flesh and blood, we should loathe it; and
therefore the Lord, condescending to our weakness, retaineth the forms
of bread and wine, and yet converteth the same into the truth of his
body and blood.' Theophylact saith, the bread and the wine is the very
body and blood of Christ; and not a figure only. If you stand in
suspense of the author, or approve him not, yet know you that he is
counted and taken, amongst all the learned, for a most faithful
interpreter of Chrysostom: The bread,' saith he, 'is trans-elementate,
and transmuted into another substance than it was before.' Augustine
saith, 'There was great heed taken in the primitive church, lest any
part of the sacrament should fall down to the ground,' &c. Cyril
saith, Lest we should abhor flesh and blood in the sacrament of the
altar, God humbled himself to our weakness, pouring and infusing the
force of life into it, and making it the very truth of his own blessed
body and blood.' Damascene calleth it, a divine body, or a body
deified. Origen, Irenęus, Eusebius, Jerome, with all the rest of the
ancient catholic fathers, are of the same opinion with me, all which
to produce, it were too long."

The declaration of Dr. Glyn upon his second conclusion.

"The sacrifice and offering up of Christ's body in the sacrament of
the altar, right honourable and worshipful, I will defend even to the
effusion of blood, as a thing consonant to Scripture, whereof Paul
speaketh to the Hebrews. But, perchance, some will object -- Christ
offered up himself: ergo, you ought not to offer him. I answer, Yea,
because he offered himself, therefore I offer him; for except he had
offered himself I could not have offered him. But you will say,
Christ's death is sufficient, and therefore you ought not to offer him
again. I answer, So may we say, we need neither to fast nor pray, for
Christ hath done both sufficiently for us. Again, you will object, if
you offer him up again you crucify him anew. I answer, Not so, for
many have offered him, that have not crucified him; as Abraham, Isaac,
Moses, the Levites, Anna, Samuel. We offer Christ, but not to the
death, but in commemoration of his death, there being not only a
commemoration thereof, but also the very presence of Christ's body and
blood. Irenęus saith, 'Christ counselled his disciples to offer the
first-fruits of all their goods to God -- not that he needed any of
them, but for that they should not show themselves fruitless or
ungrateful: and therefore Christ took the creature of bread, gave
thanks, and said, This is my body; and likewise the creature of the
cup, and confessed, saying, This is my blood of the new testament.
Thus Christ hath taught a new kind of oblation, which the church,
receiving from the apostles, offereth to God, throughout all the whole
world; who only giveth unto us all kind of food, and the first-fruits
of his gracious gifts in the new testament, whereof Malachi thus
saith, I have no pleasure in you, saith the Lord of hosts. I will not
receive any sacrifices at your hands, because my name is glorified
amongst the nations from the east to the west, saith the Lord, and in
every place is incense and pure sacrifice offered to my name.

"But here it may be objected, Christ is the only sacrifice for sin,
and without him there is no more. I answer, Notwithstanding we have
this commandment, Do this in remembrance of me; and although I deny
not that it is a commemoration, yet I deny that it is only a
commemoration; I deny his absence, and I affirm his presence."

(Here Master Perne beginneth to dispute.)

Master Perne.--"Whereas yon say, most reverend Master Doctor, in your
proposition, 'I believed, and therefore I spake;' and, 'We believe,
and therefore do speak, our consciences suggesting the same unto us;'
and again, that mysteries are not to be searched, and the like; it
seemeth you go about to restrain the searching of Holy Scriptures --
whereas Christ saith, Search the Scriptures. Moreover, you have cited
the fathers confusedly, and without order. You left
transubstantiation, and endeavour yourself to prove the real presence
in the sacrament: whereas we deny nothing less than his corporal
presence, or the absence of his substance in the bread."

Glyn.--"You inveigh wonderfully, you know not against what; for
neither do I, not yet doth Augustine, deny the searching of the
Scriptures; but, I said out of Augustine, mysteries are not to be
searched; it is another thing to search mysteries, than it is to
search the Scriptures. Whereas you require of me a regular order of
citing the doctors, I had not (as all men know) the liberty of time so
to do; but if you desire me so earnestly to perform that, if time may
be granted me, I will easily fulfil your request."

Perne.--"I pray you, let me ask you, what is a sacrament?"

Glyn.--"A sacrament is a visible sign of an invisible grace."

Perne.--"Augustine, against Maximinus the Arian bishop, maketh this
definition of a sacrament; 'A sacrament is a thing signifying one
thing, and showing another thing.'"

Glyn.--"I refuse not his reason."

Perne.--"What is the thing figured by the sacrament?"

Glyn.--"The thing figured is twofold; to wit, the thing contained and
signified, and the thing signified and yet not contained. For there be
three things contained, the true body of Christ, the mystical body,
and the fruit or benefit of the sacrament."

Perne.--"The forms and signs of bread nourish not: ergo, somewhat else
besides the bare sign of bread doth remain, which nourisheth; that is,
the substance of bread. For, in every sacrament, there is a similitude
between the sign and the thing signified: but, betwixt the body of
Christ, and the form or kind of bread, there is no similitude: ergo,
the nature of a sacrament is taken away."

Glyn.--"I deny your minor, Master Doctor."

Perne.--"The forms nourish not; but the body nourisheth: ergo, there
is no similitude betwixt them; and so is the nature of a sacrament
clean destroyed."

Glyn.--"It is sufficient to similitudes, that the bread which was,
doth nourish: and yet certain doctors do affirm, that the forms do
nourish miraculously."

Rochester.--"Whosoever taketh away all the similitude of substances,
consequently he taketh away the sacrament; for a similitude is
threefold, namely, of nutrition, of unity, and of conversion. But, by
a contrary similitude, he is not changed into our substance, but we
into his; for in nutrition this is the similitude, that as our blood
nourisheth our bodies, so the blood of Christ doth nourish us, but
after a wonderful manner; to wit, by turning us into himself."

Glyn.--"I have answered your reason, most reverend father, in that I
said, that the forms do nourish miraculously, as certain learned do
affirm."

Perne." By what authority can you say that bread doth not remain?"

Glyn.--"By the authority of Christ, who saith, This is my body."

Perne.--"By the same reason may we say that bread still remaineth: for
St. Paul calleth it bread sundry times in his Epistles."

Glyn.--"I deny not that it is bread, but that it is material bread;
for Paul always addeth this article 'which,' betokening (as all men
hold) some chief thing."

Perne.--"We are changed into a new creature."

Glyn.--"Not substantially, but actually."

Rochester.--"This is that bread which came down from heaven: ergo, it
is not Christ's body, for his body came not from heaven."

Glyn.--"We may say that Christ, God and man, came down from heaven,
for the unity of his person, or else for the mutual community of the
same his two natures in one; for his human nature, I know, came not
from heaven."

Rochester.--"The bread is his human nature; but that human nature of
his came not from heaven: ergo, neither the bread."

Glyn.--"It is true that the bread came not from heaven as bread
simply, but as celestial and heavenly bread. But I will answer to
that: Whereas you hold, that the body of Christ came not from heaven,
I, by the body and flesh of Christ, do understand whole Christ,
neither separating his soul, nor yet his Deity; although his humanity
is not turned into his Divinity by confusion of substance, but is one
by unity of both. Or else thus I may reason: The God of glory is
crucified, and the Son of Mary created the world," &c.

Rochester.--"So it is. But he is called a rock and a vine, and so,
after your judgment, he is both a material rock and also a material
vine."

Glyn.--"The circumstances there, show plainly that there is a trope or
figure; for it followeth, I am the vine, you are the branches; but
here is no trope. For after these words, This is my body, he addeth,
which is given for you."

Rochester.--"Your judgment herein is very gross, and far discrepant
from the truth."

Glyn.--"If my judgment in this be gross, most reverend father, then
are all the ancient fathers as gross in judgment as I in this point, 
and the catholic church also."

Perne.--"Show us one place, or one doctor, who saith, that it
remaineth not bread after the consecration."

Glyn.--"I wonder that you are not ashamed to ask that of me; for have
you not had almost infinite places and doctors alleged to you in my
former declarations, proving as much as you request at my hands?"

Perne.--"He took bread, he brake bread: ergo, it is bread."

Glyn.--"I have answered often hereunto, and I grant it is bread; but
not only, or material."

Perne.--"Irenęus affirmeth, that a sacrament consisteth of a double
matter, of an earthly matter, and of a heavenly: ergo, the bread
remaineth."

Glyn.--"Irenęus, in that place, by the earthly matter meaneth the
humanity of Christ, and by the heavenly matter the Deity of Christ."

Rochester.--"The humanity and the Divinity of Christ make not a
sacrament, which consisteth of a visible and invisible nature; and I
deny that Irenęus can be so understood; therefore we desire the
learned auditory to search Irenęus at home, as opportunity will serve
for this matter."

Glyn.--"I wish them so to do also, with all my heart."

(Here Master Grindal beginneth to dispute.)

Grindal.--"Whereas you say, worshipful Master Doctor, that we speak
not now, as sometimes we thought and judged in this matter,
peradventure you, also, judge not so now all things, as you have done
heretofore. But what we have once been it forceth not; God respecteth
no man's person. And whereas you say that you dare not, contrary to
Christ, call it a sign or a figure, Augustine, notwithstanding, dareth
to call it a figure, and Tertullian likewise, with many more."

Glyn.--"True it is, but they called it not a sign or a figure only;
but prove you, if you can, that after the consecration remaineth any
other substance than the real body of Christ."

Grindal.--"If the forms do nourish, as you contend, they nourish the
natural and human body; for they be both as one, and are nourished
alike."

Glyn.--"Your reason is merely physical, and therefore to be rejected
in matters of faith: but I grant they nourish, but miraculously."

Grindal.--"If you grant that the forms do nourish, then you grant that
bread remaineth."

Glyn.--"I said even now that it is true; but the nature of it is
changed, and that miraculously."

Grindal.--"If it be the real and substantial body of Christ, because
Christ said, This is my body; ergo, because the Lord said, I will not
drink of the fruit of this vine, and Paul calleth it bread after the
consecration, it is therefore bread and wine."

Glyn.--"Truly, sir, you must bring better arguments, or else you will
prove nothing for your purpose. For to your reasons thus I answer:
Chrysostom saith, Christ did drink of the blood; but whether this
sentence, I will not drink of the fruit of the vine, be spoken of the
blood, it is not certain. And truly Erasmus denieth that it is to be
found in all the whole Scripture, that it is called bread after the
consecration. Or else thus I may answer you: even as it is called
bread, for the form, and kind, and accidents which remain; so for the
form and similitude which it hath, it may be called the fruit of the
vine, after the consecration. And whereas Chrysostom calleth it wine,
he speaketh of the nature whereof the sacrament necessarily is made.
And I deny not but it may be called wine, but yet eucharistically."

Rochester.--"The evangelists Matthew, Mark, and Luke call it the fruit
of the vine, and Chrysostom saith that the fruit of the vine is
nothing else but wine; ergo, Christ gave them wine, and drank wine
himself also, and not blood."

Glyn.--"Christ said twice, I will not drink of the fruit of the vine;
once at the eating of the paschal lamb, (as Luke saith,) and then was
it wine indeed. And again, after the consecration of his body and
blood he said the like; and then it was not wine, which methinks I can
prove by the plain words of Luke, if we compare him with Matthew. For,
if it were wine, as they both affirm, then the words of Christ cannot
well stand, because first, as Luke showeth, he said at his legal
supper, I will not drink of the fruit of this Nine, &c. And again, in
Matthew, after the consecration of his body and blood, 'he drank;' it
followeth therefore, that that which he drank was not wine by nature,
for then must Christ needs be a liar; which were blasphemy to say."

Rochester.--"Augustine doth thus reconcile those places, saying, it is
spoken by a figure which we call ?ste??? p??te???[Greek: ysteron
proteron]."

Glyn--"I know that Augustine saith so; but methinks that which I have
said, seemeth to be the true meaning of the places."

Rochester.--"Augustine seeketh no starting holes, nor yet any indirect
shifts to obscure the truth."

Glyn.--"Say your fatherhood what you will of Augustine, I think not
so."

Grindal.--"This cup is the new testament in my blood; but here is a
trope: ergo, in these words of Christ, This is my body, is a trope
also."

Glyn.--"I deny your argument; for whereasLuke saith, this cup, Matthew
saith, this is my blood: and therefore, as St. Augustine saith, places
that be dark are to be expounded by others that be light."

Rochester.--"All of your side deny that Christ ever used any trope in
the instituting of sacraments."

Glyn.--"For my part I hold no opinion but the truth, whereof you
yourself also do pretend the like."

Rochester.--"What understand you by this word 'this,' and in what
words standeth the force or strength of the sacrament?-- in this
pronoun 'this?' or in this verb 'is?' or else in this whole sentence,
'This is my body?'"

Glyn.--"It is not made the true body except all the words be spoken,
as in baptism, I baptize thee in the name of the Father, of the Son,
and of the Holy Ghost. For neither doth baptism consist in this word
'I,' or in 'baptize', or in this word, 'thee;' or in these words, 'in
the name,' &c. but in all the words spoken in order."

Grindal.--"If to eat the body of Christ be a figurative speech, as
Augustine saith it is; ergo, then these words, This is my body, are a
figurative speech also."

Glyn.--"It is a figurative speech, because we eat not the body of
Christ after the same manner that we do other meats," &c.

Grindal." Cyprian understandeth this of those that come unworthily,
and make no difference of the Lord's body, speaking of the
dijudication of the sacraments, and not of the body of Christ."

Glyn.--"Truly he speaketh of the true body of Christ."

Rochester. --"They receive unworthily, who neither judge themselves,
nor yet the sacraments, taking them as other common bread."

Grindal.--"Augustine upon the thirty-third Psalm saith, Christ bare
himself in his own hands after a sort; not indeed or truly," &c.

Glyn.--"You omit many other things which Augustine saith; and I
confess that he carried himself in his own hands, after a sort: but
Augustine delivereth this unto us as a great miracle; and you know it
was no great miracle, to carry a figure of his body in his hands. And
whereas you say that Christ carried himself after a sort in his own
hands, it is very true, but yet diversely; for he sat after one manner
at his supper, and after another manner he carried himself in his
hands. For Christ in the visible figure bore himself invisibly."

Grindal.--"Tertullian calleth it a figure: ergo, it is so."

Glyn.--"It is, as I have said, a figure; but not a figure only. But
hear what Tertullian saith, he took bread and made it his body,
saying, 'This is my body,'"&c.

Grindal.--"Hear what Chrysostom saith upon Matthew, (Homil. ii. super
cap. 5,) If vessels sanctified to holy uses," &c.

Glyn.--"That work is received not as Chrysostom's, but some man's
else, as you know. Or thus I answer, It is not the true body in proper
and visible form.'"

(Here Master Gest disputed.)

Gest.--"The bread is not changed before the consecration: ergo, not
after it either."

Glyn.--"I deny your argument, Master Gest." Gest.--"Christ gave
earthly bread: ergo, there is no transubstantiation."

Glyn.--"I deny your antecedent."

Gest.--"That which Christ took he blessed; that which he blessed he
brake; what he brake he gave: ergo, he, receiving earthly bread, gave
the same bread."

Glyn.--"Your order in reasoning standeth not; for by the same reason
may you gather, that God took a rib of man, and thereof built a rib,
and brough it unto Adam: ergo, what he received he brought -- but he
received a rib: ergo, brought a rib."

Gest.--"How is the body of Christ in heaven, and how in the sacrament?
whether circumscriptively or definitively?"

Glyn.--"The body of Christ is in heaven circumscriptively, but not so
in the sacrament. The angels also are contained definitively. But I
have learned that the body of Christ is in the sacrament, but not
locally; nor circumscriptively, but after an unspeakable manner
unknown to man."

Rochester.--"Ah, know you not?"

Glyn.--"Neither in other mysteries of faith do we know the mean how,
although this may partly be proved by reason. For as my soul is wholly
in my head, and wholly in my foot, and wholly in my finger, and so in
other parts of my body; and as there is one voice or sound which all
men hearing do understand: so the body of Christ, being one and the
same, is wholly in the altar, and in many places else. For if God
could do this in my soul, how much more in his own body."

Rochester.--"I beseech you show us what difference is betwixt these
two: to be in place circumscriptively and definitively."

Glyn.--"Your Lordship knoweth very well: but yet if any would know the
difference, let him read August. ad Volusianum, et ad Dardanum," &c.

Gest.--"If the bread be changed, it is made the body of Christ; but
that is not so: ergo, it is not changed."

Glyn.--"I deny your minor."

Gest.--"It is not generate or begot: ergo, it is not the body."

Glyn.--"That followeth not; as though to be made, and to be generate
or begot, were all one thing; or as though there were no other
mutation than a generation: and so you impugn a thing that you know
not. But what call you the generation?"

Gest.--"The generation is the production of the accidents."

Glyn.--"A new definition of a new philosopher."

Gest.--"That which he took he blessed; that which he blessed, he
brake, and gave it unto them: ergo," &c.

Glyn.--"Christ took bread, brake bread, and gave his body, that is,
the substance of his body: saying, This is my body."

Gest.--"The bread is not changed into the blood of Christ: ergo, not
into his body either."

Glyn.--"I deny your antecedent."

Gest.--"The Master of the Sentences saith it."

Glyn.--"You understand him not; for the bread is changed into the body
of Christ by the power of God's word."

Rochester.--"Ye dream of a real presence of Christ's body in the
sacrament, by the force of the words spoken; which the Holy Scripture
doth impugn."

Glyn.--"We say, that not only by the power of the word, but also by
the spirit and secret virtue in the words, it is brought to pass; for
there is no power in one word alone, as before in baptism, but in all
the words duly prolated, according to the custom of the ancient
catholic church."

Gest.--"If there were any transubstantiation, the accidents should not
remain still; for they have no matter whereto they may lean or cleave.
But the accidents remain not themselves alone: ergo," &c.

Glyn.--"I confess accidents cannot stand, themselves alone, by their
own nature, without a subject; but by the power of God they may, not
after the opinion of philosophers, but of the Scriptures: although I
could show, out of the Scriptures, the accidents to have been without
the subject; as in Genesis, the light was made without a subject,
whereas the subject of the light was made the fourth day after, as
Basil beareth me record."

(Here Master Pilkington disputed.)

Pilkington.--"This one thing I desire of you, most worshipful Master
Doctor, that you will answer me with like brevity as I shall propound.
And thus I reason: The body of Christ that was broken on the cross, is
a full satisfaction for the sins of the whole world; but the sacrament
is not the satisfaction of the whole world: ergo, the sacrament is not
the body of Christ."

Glyn.--"I deny your argument."

Pilkington.--"It is a syllogism."

Glyn.--"It is not so; for there be four termines. Touching this word
sacrament, it is manifold; but thus I answer: If you take the
sacrament for the matter of the sacrament, that is, the body of
Christ, then is your minor proposition true, and the matter of the
sacrament is the satisfaction for the sins of the whole world: but, if
you take the sacrament for the sign, which we call a sacrament, then
is your minor proposition false."

Pilkington.--"The body of Christ hath satisfied for the sins of the
whole world; but the sacrament hath not satisfied: ergo, the sacrament
is not the body of Christ."

Glyn.--"I deny your minor, understanding the sacrament for the matter
of the sacrament."

Pilkington.--"The sacrament only profiteth him that receiveth it; but
many were saved before the institution of this sacrament was begun:
ergo, the sacrament is not the body of Christ."

Glyn.--"If you mean of the bare sign only, it profiteth nothing; but
if you mean the thing signified, then what is spoken of the body of
Christ, is spoken also of the thing of the sacrament itself."

Pilkington.--"Transubstantiation is not a sacrament; but that which I
mean is a sacrament: ergo, that which I mean is not
transubstantiated."

Glyn.--"I mean not that transubstantiation is a sacrament, neither do
I say that the sacrament is transubstantiate, but the bread."

Pilkington.--"The body of Christ is resident in heaven, and the body
of Christ is in the sacrament: ergo, the sacrament is in heaven."

Glyn.--"A goodly reason, forsooth: but I answer, he is after one sort
in heaven, and after another sort in the sacrament; for in heaven he
is locally, in the sacrament not so; in heaven visibly and
circumscriptively, but in the sacrament invisibly and sacramentally."

Rochester.--"St. Augustine saith, 'Take away the spaces from the
bodies, and they shall be no where, and that which is no where' is not
at all: so, whilst you take away the spaces and dimensions from the
body of Christ in the sacrament, you bring to pass that it is not
there at all."

Glyn.--"In that place Augustine speaketh of natural bodies, not of
supernatural; otherwise I could deny that Christ had a true body, when
he entered in to his disciples, the gates being shut."

Rochester.--"Of the gates being shut, a diverse and doubtful meaning
may be gathered; for it may be, he entered in before the gates were
shut, and afterwards opened them being shut," &c.

Glyn.--"Then it could be no miracle; but the evangelists, and all
sound interpreters, say and affirm this to be a miracle of our Saviour
Christ."

Rochester.--"Whether Christ entered in miraculously, the gates being
shut, or else open, the Scripture setteth not down."

Glyn.--"As Christ (the womb of the Virgin being shut) was born into
the world without violation of her pure virginity, or apertion of her
womb, (for so he might have been polluted,) so entered he through the
doors to his disciples miraculously."

Pilkington.--"In the body of Christ which was given for us, there are
no accidents of bread; but in the sacrament there be accidents of
bread: ergo, in the sacrament there is not the body of Christ."

Glyn.--"In the matter of the sacrament, that is, in the body of
Christ, are no accidents of bread; but accidents are the very
sacrament itself."

Pilkington.--"I beseech you, what do we eat? the substance or the
accidents?"

Glyn.--"Both; as when we eat wholesome and unwholesome meats together,
so we eat the substance of Christ's body, and yet not without the
accidents of bread."

Pilkington.--"I prove that the accidents are eaten, for whatsoever
entereth in by the mouth, goeth into the privy; but the accidents go
in by the mouth: ergo, into the privy."

Glyn.--"This sentence, Whatsoever entereth in by the mouth, &c., is
not meant of all kind of meats, as not of that which Christ did eat
after his resurrection."

Pilkington.--"You shall not eat this body which you see."

Glyn.--"That is, not after that manner as you see it now, nor after
the same visible form."

Pilkington.--"Wheresoever Christ is, there be his ministers also (for
so he promised): but Christ, as you hold, is in the sacrament: ergo,
his ministers are there also."

Glyn.--"To be with Christ is spoken divers ways; as in heart and mind,
and in place, and sometimes both: or, to be with Christ, is to
minister unto him, and to do his will," &c.

The third disputation, holden at Cambridge as before.

The declaration of Master Perne upon the first conclusion.

"Christ, at his last supper, took bread, brake bread, distributed
bread: ergo, not his body, but a sacrament of his body; for the bones
of Christ could no man break, as witnesseth the prophet, saying, You
shall not break a bone of him.-- This cup is the cup of the new
testament in my blood. In this sentence there is a trope, by their own
confession; wherefore there is in the other also, This is my body; for
the Holy Scripture is a perfect rule not only of doing, but also of
speaking. Paul calleth it bread three times: ergo, it is bread, &c.
And whereas they urge so much this pronoun 'that,' is not in the Greek
canon, which hath 'bread,' not 'that bread.' There was no
transubstantiation in the manna: ergo, nor in the sacrament; for there
is this particle, eat, if that can prove transubstantiation, as they
suppose. And if manna were a figure, say they, then this is not. This
mystery or sacrament we hold to be true bread, and true meat. Manna
gave life unto them, as this doth unto us; yet was it but a figure. In
every sacrament there ought to be a certain analogy, both of the
intern and extern thing of the sacrament, as Augustine saith, writing
to Boniface; but betwixt the forms of bread and wine, and the body of
Christ, there is no analogy at all: ergo, they make not a sacrament.--
As of many grains, &c.: This similitude of Paul is spoken of the
substance of bread, not of the form thereof, otherwise Paul should in
vain compare us to bread. As in baptism there is material water; so in
the sacrament of the eucharist is material bread. Dionysius called the
sacrament of Christ's body no otherwise than bread. Eusebius, in
Ecclesiastica Historia, doth the same. Tertullian (lib. iv. against
Marcion) saith thus: 'He gave his body; that is,' saith he, 'a figure
or type of his body.' Cyprian saith, 'In his last supper he gave bread
and wine, and his body upon the cross.' The same Cyprian saith, Christ
drank wine at his last supper, because he would root out the heresy of
certain who only used water in the ministration thereof. Chrysostom
saith, 'That only bread remaineth,' &c. Theodoret saith, 'Bread
remaineth still in his first nature as before.' Augustine saith, 'The
bread doth not lose his first nature after the consecration, but
receiveth another quality, whereby it differeth from common bread.'
The same Augustine saith, 'Sacraments are figures, being one thing
indeed, and showing forth another thing.' He speaketh of no
transubstantiation here. Again, writing to Boniface he saith, 'The
sacrament of the body of Christ is the body of Christ, and so is the
sacrament of wine also,' &c. The sacraments of the old and new law are
all one in substance of matter, notwithstanding they be divers in
signs: which sacraments, why should they not be one, when they signify
all one thing? The body of Christ, when it was on the earth, was not
in heaven; so now it, being in heaven, is not on the earth. Whereby it
may appear that transubstantiation is a most blasphemous,
sacrilegious, and damnable error, and a most vain, unsavoury, and
devilish papistical invention, defended and maintained only by the
papists, the professed and sworn enemies of all truth. Those who
impugn this doctrine of transubstantiation are no new upstarts; as the
enemies of the truth, the papists, bear the world in hand. But,
contrarily, those who maintain this devilish doctrine are new-sprung-
up cockatrices, as Manicheus, Eutiches, and others. Gelasius saith,
that the sacraments which we re ceive are Divine things; yet cease
they not to be bread and wine in nature. Out of this puddle of
transubstantiation have sprung up adoration of the sacrament, and
inducing men to believe that Christ hath many bodies."

The declaration of the Master Perne upon the second conclusion.

"Matthew, Mark, Luke, and the apostle Paul, call it a commemoration or
remembrance of Christ's body and blood; and Paul to the Hebrews saith,
By one only oblation once offered are we made perfect to eternal
salvation, &c. By him, therefore, do we offer up the sacrifice of laud
and praise to God; that is, the fruit of the lips, &c. It is called
the eucharist, because we offer to God praise and thanksgiving, with
devout minds; and it is called the cup of thanksgiving, because we
give thanks to God thereby also. You shall preach forth the Lord's
death, &c.; that is, you shall give thanks and be mindful of his
death, &c. Give your bodies a quick and living sacrifice, &c. The
sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving shall honour me, &c. Chrysostom
saith, 'The wise men offered three kinds of sacrifices, gold,
frankincense, and myrrh: so we do also, namely, virtue, prayer, and
almsdeeds. These be the sacrifices wherewith Christ is pleased.' And
Augustine saith, that there are no other sacrifices than prayer,
praise, and thanksgiving, &c. Chrysostom (Homil. 46, upon John) saith,
'To be converted or turned into Christ, is to be made partaker of his
body and blood.'"

(There disputed against him Master Parker, Master Pollard, Master
Vavasor, and Master Young.)

Parker.--"Christ, whose words are to be believed, said, This is my
body. He said not, This bread is my body, or with this bread, or under
this bread, or by this bread; but said plainly, This is my body. And
this he proved by these reasons: First, for that it was prefigured
before. Secondly, for that it was promised. Thirdly, for that it was
given. The transubstantiation of the bread was prefigured by the manna
which came down from heaven: all that bread was heavenly, and without
any earthly matter or substance annexed. Secondly, it was promised in
those words of Christ, The bread that I will give, is my flesh, &c.
Thirdly, it was given by Christ, and exhibited in his last supper,
saying, Take, eat, this is my body."

(Here they were forced to break off through want of time, yet Parker
replied thus against Doctor Perne.)

"We give thee thanks, most holy Father, that thou hast hid these
things from the wise and prudent, and hast revealed them to babes; for
pride is the root of all heresies whatsoever. And, on the other side,
to acknowledge our own infirmity and imperfection is the first step to
the right understanding of the truth. Nestorius the heretic affirmed,
that there were two persons in Christ; one that was man, another that
was God: therefore, he said, that in the eucharist was contained true
flesh, but only of his pure manhood. Against him did the council of
Ephesus conclude, saying, that there was the real flesh of the Son of
God, &c. This he proved by the words of Christ, My flesh is meat
indeed: and what flesh that is, he teacheth upon John vi.; 'That is,'
quoth he, 'the flesh united to the Deity, and quickened by the Holy
Ghost,' &c. Now that that flesh is in the sacrament, it is plain, by
Hilary. He proved the same also out of Chrysostom: 'We are one body
with him, members of his flesh, and bones of his bones,' &c. Again, in
the same Homily, 'We are joined to his flesh, not only by faith and
love, but also in very deed and truly.' And again, It pleased me to
become your brother, and by the same things wherein I was joined to
you, have I given myself again unto you,' &c.

Perne.--"I grant unto you that Christ is in the sacrament truly,
wholly, and verily, after a certain property and manner: I deny not
his presence, but his real and corporal presence I utterly deny; for
doubtless his true and natural body is in heaven, and not in the
sacrament: notwithstanding he dwelleth with us, and in us, after a
certain unity. And also in the sixth chapter of John, he speaketh not
of the flesh of Christ crucified," &c.

Parker.--"The flesh of Christ as it is in the sacrament, is quick, and
giveth life: ergo, his real and substantial flesh is in the
sacrament."

Perne.--"The flesh of Christ, in that it is united unto the Deity,
doth vivify, and giveth life; but not otherwise."

Rochester.--"Christ dwelleth in us by faith, and by faith we receive
Christ, both God and man, both in spirit and flesh; that is, this
sacramental eating is the mean and way whereby we attain to the
spiritual eating: and indeed, for the strengthening of us, to the
eating of this spiritual food, was this sacrament ordained. And these
words, This is mybody, are meant thus: By grace it is my true body,
but not my fleshly body, as some of you suppose."

Parker.--"We are joined to Christ, not only by faith, but also in very
deed: ergo," &c.

Rochester.--"We are joined to Christ; that is, we are made partakers
of his flesh and of immortality. And so, in like case, is there a
union between man and woman; yet there is no transubstantiation of
either, or both," &c.

Pollard.--"The sacrament is not bare bread, and nothing else, only
because it is called bread so often in the Scriptures; and that I
prove by three reasons. First, it is called bread because of the
similitude. Secondly, because of the mutation. Thirdly, for the matter
whereof it is made and compact; as the angels are called men, the Holy
Ghost a tongue, the rod of Aaron a serpent, and such like. The words
of Christ do teach the same thing, as appeareth in the healing of the
woman of Canaan's daughter, Jairus's son, and many others, &c.: ergo,"
&c.

Then he proved against Rochester, that somewhat else was in the
sacrament besides power and grace, by this reason: "The evil receive
the body of Christ, as is plain out of Augustine (Homil. xxi. De
Verbis Domini): but the evil and wicked receive not the virtue, or
grace: ergo, there is not only grace and virtue in the sacrament."

Rochester.--"The evil do not receive the Lord in the sacrament, but
the sacrament of the Lord, as Judas, who indeed did not eat the true
body of the Lord."

Pollard.--"In the sacrament be three things; to wit, an outward sign,
the matter of the sacrament, and the fruit of the same. The evil
receive the outward sign, and the subject of the sacrament, but not
the fruit of the sacrament: ergo, there is somewhat else in the
sacrament than only grace. Also every sacrament ought to have a
certain similitude with the matter of the sacrament; but the material
bread hath no such similitude with the body of Christ, which is the
matter of the sacrament: ergo, material bread is not a sacrament."

Perne.--"I deny your minor: for material bread doth so nourish the
body, as the flesh of Christ doth the soul."

(Here he, being requested, gave place to Master Vavasor and others.)

Master Vavasor.--"Through the shortness of time, I am so constrained,
that neither I can speak without loss of my reputation, nor yet hold
my peace without offence to God. For in speaking, as I do, without
great premeditation before this honourable, worshipful, and learned
audience, I shall but show forth my childishness herein; and if I
should hold my peace, I might be thought to betray the truth of God's
cause. And therefore, while I can neither speak for the brevity of
time, nor yet hold my peace, God's truth being in controversy, I have
determined (although with the impairing of my good name) to render a
reason of my faith; which if I cannot afford probably in words, yet
will I not fault in saying nothing at all. For it seemeth better that
I be esteemed altogether foolish and unlearned amongst so many grave
learned fathers and doctors, than to forsake the just defence of the
truth, which every good Christian man throughout the world hath ever
holden inviolable: for whoso forsaketh the manifest known truth, had
never any true faith therein. Which thing that I may overpass in
Berengarius, Zuinglius, Œcolampadius, and many others, who are
certainly known to be at no less variance amongst themselves, than
uncertain of their faith what to believe, Zuinglius writeth thus of
himself: 'Although this thing which I mean to entreat of, doth like me 
very well, yet, notwithstanding, I dare define nothing, but only show
my poor judgment abroad to others, that, if it please the Lord, others
may be thereby instructed by the Spirit of God, which teacheth all
good things.' In vain do I spend many words: you see plainly he dare
not define any thing certainly, but doubteth whether it please God or
not. Œcolampadius, writing to a certain brother of his, saith thus:
'Peace be with thee. As far as I can conjecture out of the learned
fathers, the words in John vi., and, This is my body, be figurative
locutions,' &c. You see hereby how uncertain they be of their
opinions. They lean not to the Scriptures, to doctors, nor yet to the
truth; but to supposals and conjectures: who, therefore, hereafter
will cleave unto them? But now I come to your oration, whose beginning
pleaseth me very well, and whose progress therein offended me not;
but, in the end, you concluded in such sort, that you left the whole
matter to me, as it were confirming my parts by the same. And herein
you framed a syllogism after this manner: What Christ took, that he
blessed; what he blessed, that he brake; what he brake, that he gave:
ergo, what he received he gave, &c. Whereto I answer with a like
syllogism out of Genesis: God took a rib out of Adam's side; what he
took he built; what he built that he brought; what be brought that he
gave to Adam to be his wife; but he took a rib: ergo, he gave a rib to
Adam to wife, &c. Also, in your said oration you shoot much at those
words of Paul, where he calleth it bread so often, &c. But the
Scripture, in anther place, calleth it water, when indeed it was wine;
a rod, when it was a plain serpent."

Rochester.--"You have pretended great zeal and words enough; but what
pith or substance your reasons will afford, we shall see hereafter."

Vavasor.--"Christ gave the same flesh to us, which he received of the
Virgin; but be took true and natural flesh of her: ergo, he gave us
true and natural flesh. My major I prove by Augustine upon Psalm
xcviii."

Rochester.--"Master Vavasor, you are in a wrong box: for the place
maketh altogether for maintenance of adoration, if it make for any
thing."

Vavasor.--"I know it very well, and therefore I allege it as the
ground of my reason. These be Augustine's words, 'Christ of the earth
received earth, and of the flesh of Mary he received flesh;'
acknowledge his substance therefore."

Rochester. --"I acknowledge it."

Vavasor.--"And in the very same flesh he walked here upon the earth:
acknowledge his substance."

Rochester.--"I acknowledge it."

Vavasor.--"And the very same flesh he gave us to eat: acknowledge his
substance."

Rochester.--"I acknowledge not his real substance to be there; but the
property of his substance."

Vavasor.--Then Vavasor recited the place, to the end he might prove
that his real substance ought to be acknowledged as well in the last
place, as in the first and second; affirming it out of St. Augustine,
who saith thus: "The disciples of Christ, approaching the Lord's
table, by faith drank the same blood which the tormentors most cruelly
spilt," &c. "But the tormentors spilt no figure of blood: ergo, &c.
This place will not permit the other so to be illuded."

Rochester.--"It is no illusion, good Master Vavasor; but surely you
would move a saint with your impertinent reasons."

Vavasor.--"I beseech your fatherhood to pardon my rudeness; for surely
I cannot otherwise speak, without breach of conscience."

Perne.--"That place of Augustine is to be understood of a spiritual
kind of eating."

Vavasor.--"I demand whether the faithful may receive spiritually, so
as they need not to receive sacramentally."

Perne.--"They may."

Vavasor.--"Then thus to you: To the spiritual eating there is no need
to come to the Lord's table, for so it is the meat of the soul, not of
the teeth -- but the faithful come to the Lord's table: ergo, that
place is to be understood of a sacramental eating. And again,
Augustine saith, that he carried himself in his hands."

Rochester.--"Augustine showeth a little after what he meaneth thereby,
where he saith, he carried himself in his own hands after a certain
sort or manner."

Vavasor." True it is, that after one manner he sat at the table, and
after another manner was in the sacrament."

(Master Young here disputeth against Perne as followeth.)

Young.--"I understand the meaning of this word 'propriety' well
enough; for, in Hilary and Eusebius, it signifieth not the virtue or
power of any substance or being, but rather a natural being or
substance."

Rochester.--"I commend your great diligence in searching of authors,
but in divinity the matter standeth not so; for the propriety of
essence in the Deity is the very essence, and whatsoever is in God is
God."

Young.--"True it is, most reverend father, that this word 'propriety,'
in Hilary, in his eighth book De Trinitate, entreating there of the
Divinity of the Father, of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, is so meant
and taken; but the same Hilary, almost in the same place, speaketh of
our communion and unity with Christ, &c. Tertullian also, writing of
the resurrection of the flesh, affirmeth that the flesh of our Saviour
is that, whereof our soul is allied to God; that is, it which causeth
that our souls are joined to him: but our flesh is made clean, that
the soul may be purged; our flesh is anointed, that the soul may be
made holy; the flesh is sealed, that the soul may be comforted; the
flesh is shadowed with the imposition of the hands, that our soul may
be lightened with the glory of the spirit; our flesh is clothed with a
body and blood, that the soul may be fed and nourished of God."

Rochester.--"The flesh indeed is fed with the body and the blood of
the Lord, when our bodies, by mortification, are made like to his
body; and our body is nourished, when the virtue and power of the body
of Christ doth feed us. The same Tertullian is not afraid to call it
flesh and blood, but he meaneth a figure of the same."

Young.--"Then, by your leave, it should follow by good consequence,
that where any mortification is, there must needs be a sacramental
communion; which cannot be: ergo," &c.

(Here ended the third and last disputation holden at Cambridge, 1549.)

This disputation continued three days. In the first, did answer Dr.
Madew: against whom disputed Dr. Glyn, Master Langdale, Master
Segewick, Master Young.

In the second disputation, did answer Dr. Glyn: against whom disputed
Master Grindal, Master Verne, Master Gest, Master Pilkington.

In the third disputation answered Master Perne: against whom disputed
one Master Parker, (not Dr. Matthew Parker,) Master Pollard, Master
Vavasor, Master Young.

At length the disputations ended, the bishop of Rochester, (Dr.
Nicholas Ridley,) after the manner of schools, made this determination
upon the aforesaid conclusions, as here followeth.

"There hath been an ancient custom amongst you, that after
disputations had in your common schools, there should be some
determination made of the matter so disputed and debated, especially
touching Christian religion. Because, therefore, it hath seemed good
unto these worshipful assistants joined with me in commission from the
king's Majesty, that I should perform the same at this time; I will,
by your favourable patience, declare, both what I do think and believe
myself, and what also others ought to think of the same. Which thing I
would that afterwards ye did with diligence weigh and ponder, every
man at home severally by himself.

"The principal grounds, or rather head-springs, of this matter, are
specially five.

"The first is, the authority, majesty, and verity of Holy Scripture.

"The second is, the most certain testimonies of the ancient catholic
fathers, who, after my judgment, do sufficiently declare this matter.

"The third is, the definition of a sacrament.

"The fourth is, the abominable heresy of Eutiches, that may ensue of
transubstantiation.

"The fifth is, the most sure belief of the article of our faith, He
ascended into heaven.'"

The First Ground.

"This transubstantiation is clean against the words of the Scripture,
and consent of the ancient catholic fathers. The Scripture saith, I
will not drink hereafter of this fruit of the vine, &c. Now the fruit
of this vine is wine. And it is manifest that Christ spake these words
after the supper was finished, as it appeareth both in Matthew, Mark,
and also in Luke, if they be well understood. There be not many places
of Scripture that do confirm this thing, neither is it greatly
material: for it is enough if there be any one plain testimony for the
same. Neither ought it to be measured by the number of Scriptures, but
by the authority, and by the verity of the same. And the majesty of
this verity is as ample in one short sentence of the Scripture, as in
a thousand.

"Moreover, Christ took bread; he gave bread. In the Acts, Luke calleth
it bread. So Paul calleth it bread after the sanctification. Both of
them speak of breaking, which belongeth to the substance of bread, and
in no wise to Christ's body; for the Scripture saith, Ye shall not
break a bone of him. Christ saith, Do ye this in my remembrance. St.
Paul also saith, Do ye this in my remembrance. And again, As often as
ye shall drink of this cup, do it in remembrance of me. And our
Saviour Christ, (in John vi.) speaking against the Capernaites, saith,
Labour for the meat that perisheth not. And when they asked, What
shall we do, that we may work the works of God? he answered them thus:
This is the work of God, that ye believe in him whom he hath sent. You
see how he exhorteth them to faith: For faith is that work of God.
Again, This is the bread which came down from heaven. But Christ's
body came not down from heaven. Moreover, He that eateth my flesh, and
drinketh my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. My flesh, saith he,
is meat indeed, and my blood is drink indeed. When they heard this,
they were offended. And while they were offended, he said unto them,
What if ye shall see the Son of man ascend up where he was before?
whereby he went about to draw them from the gross and carnal eating.
This body, saith he, shall ascend up into heaven; meaning altogether,
as St. Augustine saith, 'It is the spirit that quickeneth, the flesh
profiteth nothing. The words that I speak unto you, arc spirit and
life, and must be spiritually understood.' These be the reasons which
persuade me to incline to this sentence and judgment."

The Second Ground.

"Now my second ground against this transubstantiation is the ancient
fathers a thousand years past. And so far off is it that they do
confirm this opinion of transubstantiation, that plainly they seem
unto me, both to think and to teach the contrary.

Dionysius in many places calleth it bread. The places are so manifest
and plain that it needeth not to recite them.

"Ignatius saith, 'I beseech you, brethren, cleave fast unto one faith,
and to one kind of preaching, using together one manner of
thanksgiving; for the flesh of the Lord Jesus is one, and his blood is
one which was shed for us: there is also one bread broken for us, and
one cup of the whole church.'

"Irenęus writeth thus: 'Even as the bread that cometh of the earth,
receiving God's vocation, is now no more common bread, but sacramental
bread, consisting of two natures, earthly and heavenly; even so our
bodies, receiving the eucharist, are now no more corruptible, having
hope of the resurrection.'

Tertullian is very plain, for he calleth it, 'a figure of his body,'
&c.

"Chrysostom writeth to Cęsarius the monk: albeit he be not received of
divers, yet will I read the place to fasten it more deeply in your
minds; for it seemeth to show plainly the substance of bread to
remain. The words are these: 'Before the bread is sanctified, we name
it bread; but, by the grace of God sanctifying the same through the
ministry of the priest, it is delivered from the name of bread, and is
counted worthy to bear the name of the Lord's body, although the very
substance of bread notwithstanding do still remain therein; and now is
taken, not to be two bodies, but one body of the Son,' &c.

"Cyprian saith, 'Bread is made of many grains. And is that natural
bread, and made of wheat? Yea, it is so indeed.'

"The book of Theodoret in Greek was lately printed at Rome, which if
it had not been his, it should not have been set forth there;
especially seeing it is directly against transubstantiation: for he
saith plainly, that bread still remaineth after the sanctification.

"Gelasius also is very plain in this manner: 'The sacrament,' saith
he, 'which we receive of the body and blood of Christ, is a Divine
matter: by reason whereof we are made partakers, by the same, of the
Divine nature; and yet it ceaseth not still to be the substance of
bread and wine. And certes, the representation and similitude of the
body and blood of Christ be celebrated in the action of the
mysteries,'"&c.

(After this he recited certain places out of Augustine and Cyril which
were not noted.)

"Isichus, also, confesseth that it is bread.

"Also the judgment of Bertram in this matter is very plain and
manifest.--And thus much for the second ground."

The Third Ground.

"The third ground is the nature of the sacrament, which consisteth of
three things; that is, unity, nutrition, and conversion.

"As touching unity, Cyprian thus writeth: 'Even as of many grains is
made one bread, so are we one mystical body of Christ.' Wherefore
bread must still needs remain, or else we destroy the nature of a
sacrament.

"Also, they that take away nutrition, which cometh by bread, do take
away likewise the nature of a sacrament. For as the body of Christ
nourisheth the soul, even so doth bread likewise nourish the body of
man.

"Therefore they that take away the grains, or the union of the grains
in the bread, and deny the nutrition or substance thereof, in my
judgment are sacramentaries; for they take away the similitude between
the bread and the body of Christ. For they which affirm
transubstantiation, are indeed right sacramentaries and Capernaites.

"As touching conversion -- that, like as the bread which we receive is
turned into our substance, so are we turned into Christ's body --
Rabanus and Chrysostom are witnesses sufficient."

The Fourth Ground.

"They which say that Christ is carnally present in the eucharist, do
take from him the verity of man's nature. Eutiches granted the Divine
nature in Christ, but his human nature he denied. So they that defend
transubstantiation, ascribe that to the human nature which only
belongeth to the Divine nature."

The Fifth Ground.

"The fifth ground is the certain persuasion of this article of faith,
'He ascended into heaven, and sitteth at the right hand of God.'

"Augustine saith, 'The Lord is above, even to the end of the world:
but yet the verity of the Lord is here also; for his body, wherein he
rose again, must needs be in one place; but his verity is spread
abroad every where.'

"Also in another place he saith, Let the godly also receive that
sacrament; but let them not be careful (speaking there of the presence
of his body). For as touching his majesty, his providence, his
invincible and unspeakable grace, these words are fulfilled which he
spake, I am with you unto the end of the world. But, according to the
flesh which he took upon him, according to that which was born of the
Virgin, was apprehended of the Jews, was fastened to a tree, taken
down again from the cross, lapped in linen clothes, was buried and
rose again, and appeared after his resurrection -- so you shall not
have me always with you; and why? Because that, as concerning his
flesh, he was conversant with his disciples forty days, and they
accompanying him, seeing him, but not following him, he went up into
heaven, and is not here, for he sitteth at the right hand of his
Father; and yet he is here, because he is not departed hence as
concerning the presence of his Divine Majesty.'

"Mark and consider well what St. Augustine saith, 'He is ascended into
heaven, and is not here,' saith he. Believe not them therefore which
say, that he is here still in the earth.

"Moreover, 'Doubt not,' saith the same Augustine, 'but that Jesus
Christ, as concerning the nature of his manhood, is there from whence
he shall come. And remember well and believe the profession of a
Christian man, that he arose from death, ascended into heaven, and
sitteth at the right handof his Father; and from that place, and none
other, (not from the altars,) shall he come to judge the quick and the
dead. And he shall come, as the angel said, as he was seen to go into
heaven; that is to say, in the same form and substance, unto the which
he gave immortality, but changed not nature. After this form (meaning
his human nature) we may not think that it is every where.'

"And in the same epistle he saith, 'Take away from the bodies
limitation of places, and they shall be no where; and because they are
no where, they shall not be at all.'

"Vigilius saith, 'If the word and the flesh be both of one nature,
seeing that the word is every where, why then is not the flesh also
every where? For when it was in earth, then verily it was not in
heaven; and now when it is in heaven, it is not surely in earth. And
it is so certain that it is not in earth, that, as concerning the
same, we look for him from heaven, whom, as concerning the word, we
believe to be with us in earth.'

"Also the same Vigilius saith, 'Which things seeing they be so, the
course of the Scripture must be searched of us, and many testimonies
must be gathered, to show plainly what a wickedness and sacrilege it
is, to refer those things to the property of the Divine nature, which
do only belong to the nature of the flesh: and contrariwise, to apply
those things to the nature of the flesh, which do properly belong to
the Divine nature.' Which thing the transubstantiators do, whilst they
affirm Christ's body not to be contained in any one place, and ascribe
that to his humanity which properly belongeth to his Divinity; as they
do which will have Christ's body to be in no one certain place
limited.

"Now in the latter conclusion concerning the sacrifice, because it
dependeth upon the first, I will in few words declare what I think;
for if we did once agree in that, the whole controversy in the other
would soon be at an end. Two things there be which do persuade me that
this conclusion is true; that is, certain places of the Scripture, and
also certain testimonies of the fathers. St. Paul saith, Christ, being
become a High Priest of good things to come, by a greater and more
perfect tabernacle not made with hands, that is, not of this building,
neither by the blood of goats and calves, but by his own blood,
entered once into the holy place, and obtained for us eternal
redemption. And now, in the end of the world, he hath appeared once,
to put away sin by the sacrifice of himself. And again, Christ was
once offered to take away the sins of many. Moreover he saith, With
one offering hath he made perfect for ever those that are sanctified.

"These Scriptures do persuade me to believe, that there is no other
oblation of Christ, (albeit I am not ignorant there are many
sacrifices,) but that which was once made upon the cross.

"The testimonies of the ancient fathers, which confirm the same, are
out of Augustine, Ad Bonif. epist. 23. Again, in his book of Forty-
three Questions, in the forty-first question. Also in his twentieth
book against Faustus the Manichean, cap. 21. And in the same book
against the said Faustus, cap. 28, thus he writeth, Now the Christians
keep a memorial of the sacrifice past, with a holy oblation and
participation of the body and blood of Christ.'

"Fulgentius, in his book De Fide, calleth the same oblation a
commemoration.-- And these things are sufficient for this time, for a
scholastical determination of these matters."

Disputations of Martin Bucer at Cambridge.

OVER and besides these disputations above mentioned, other
disputations were also holden at Cambridge, shortly after, by Martin
Bucer, upon these conclusions following:

Conclusions to be disputed.

First. "The canonical books of Holy Scripture alone, do sufficiently
teach the regenerated all things necessarily belonging unto
salvation."

Secondly. "There is no church in earth which erreth not in manners as
well as in faith."

Thirdly. "We are so justified freely of God, that before our
justification it is sin, and provoketh God's wrath against us,
whatsoever good work we seem to do. Then, being justified, we do good
works."

In these three propositions against Bracer disputed Master Segewick,
Young, and Perne: which disputations, because they are long here to be
recited, I mind (the Lord willing) to reserve them to some other
convenient place. In the mean season, because great controversy hath
been and is yet amongst the learned, and much effusion of Christian
blood, about the words and meaning of the sacrament; to the intent
that the verity thereof more openly may be explained, and all doubtful
scruples discussed, it shall not be out of place to adjoin to the
former discourses of Peter Martyr, and of Dr. Ridley above mentioned,
another certain learned treatise in form of a dialogue, as
appertaining to the same argument, compiled (as it seemeth) out of the
tractations of Peter Martyr, and other authors, by a certain learned
and reverend person of this realm; who, under the persons of Custom
and Verity, manifestly layeth before our eyes, and teacheth all men,
not to measure religion by custom, but to try custom by truth and the
word of God: for else custom may soon deceive, but the word of God
abideth for ever.

$

238. A FRUITFUL DIALOGUE DECLARING THESE WORDS OF CHRIST, THIS IS MY
BODY.

Custom and Verity.

Custom.--"I marvel much what madness hath crept into those men's
hearts, which now-a-days are not ashamed so violently to tread down
the lively word of God, yea, and impudently to deny God himself."

Verity.--"God forbid there should be any such. Indeed I remember that
the Romish bishop was wont to have the Bible for his footstool, and so
to tread down God's word evermore, when he stood at his mass. But,
thanks be to God, he is now detected, and his abominations he opened
and blown throughout all the world. And I hear of no more that oppress
God's word."

Custom.--"No more! say you? Yes, doubtless, there are a hundred
thousand more, and your part it is, Verity, to withstand them."

Verity.--"As touching my part, you know it agreeth not with my nature
to stand with falsehood. But what are they? Disclose them if you will
have them reproved."

Custom.--"What! are you so great a stranger in these quarters? Hear
you not how that men do daily speak against the sacrament of the
altar, denying it to be the real body of Christ?"

Verity.--"In good sooth I have been a great while abroad, and returned
but of late into this country: wherefore you must pardon me, if my
answer be to seek in such questions. But go forth in your tale. You
have been longer here, and are better acquainted than I. What say they
more than this?"

Custom.--"Than this? Why, what can they possibly say more?"

Verity.--"Yes, there are many things worse than this: for this seemeth
in some part to be tolerable."

Custom.--" What! me thinketh you dally with me. Seemeth it tolerable
to deny the sacrament?"

Verity.--"They deny it not, so much as I can gather by your words."

Custom.--"Nay, then, fare you well: I perceive you will take their
part."

Verity.--"I am not partial, but indifferent to all parties: for I
never go further than the truth."

Custom.--"I can scarcely believe you. But what is more true than
Christ, which is truth itself? or whoever was so hardy, before this
time, to charge Christ with a lie for saying these words, This is my
body? The words are evident and plain: there is in them not so much as
one obscure or dark letter; there is no cause for any man to cavil.
And yet, that notwithstanding, whereas Christ himself affirmed it to
be his body, men now-a-days are not abashed to say, Christ lied, it is
not his body. The evangelists agree all in one; the old writers stand
of our side; the universal and catholic church hath been in this mind
these fifteen hundred years and more. And shall we think that Christ
himself, his evangelists, all the whole catholic church, have been so
long deceived, and the truth now at length begotten and born in these
days?"

Verity.--"You have moved a matter of great force and weight, and
whereto, without many words, I can make no full answer.
Notwithstanding, because you provoke me thereto, if you will give me
licence, I will take part with them of whom you have made false
report, for none of them ever reproved Christ of any lie: but,
contrariwise, they say, that many men of late days, not understanding
Christ's words, have builded and set up many fond lies upon his name.
Wherefore, first I will declare the meaning of these words, This is my
body; and next, in what sense the church and the old fathers have
evermore taken them. First, therefore, you shall understand, that
Scripture is not so to be taken always as the letter soundeth, but as
the intent and purpose of the Holy Ghost was, by whom the Scripture
was uttered. For, if you follow the bare words, you will soon shake
down and overthrow the greatest part of the Christian faith. What is
plainer than these words, My Father is greater than I am? Of those
plain words sprang up the heresy of the Arians, which denied Christ to
be equal with his Father. What is more evident than this saying, I and
my Father are both one? Thereof arose the heresy of them that denied
three distinct persons. They all had one soul and one heart, was
spoken by the apostle: yet had each of them a soul and heart peculiar
to himself. They are now not two, but one flesh, is spoken of the man
and his wife: yet have both the man and the wife their several body.
He is our very flesh, said Reuben by Joseph his brother; who,
notwithstanding, was not their real flesh. I am bread, said Christ;
yet was he flesh, and no bread. Christ was the stone, saith Paul; and
was indeed no material stone. Melchizedek had neither father nor
mother; and yet indeed he had both. Behold the Lamb of John, saith
John Baptist by Christ: notwithstanding, Christ was a man, and not a
lamb. Circumcision was called the covenant, whereas it was but a token
of the covenant. The lamb named the passover, and yet was it eaten in
remembrance only of the passover. Jacob raised up an altar, and called
it, being made but of lime and stone, The mighty God of Israel. Moses,
when he had conquered the Amalekites, set up an altar, and called it
by the names of God, Jehovah, and Tetragramatum. We are all one loaf
of bread, saith Paul; yet were they not thereby turned into a loaf of
bread. Christ, hanging upon the cross, appointed St. John to his
mother, saying, Lo! there is thy son; and yet was he not her son. So
many as be baptized into Christ, saith Paul, have put on Christ; and
so many as are baptized into Christ, are washed with the blood of
Christ: notwithstanding no man took the font-water to be the natural
blood of Christ. The cup is the new testament, saith Paul; and yet is
not the cup indeed the very new testament. You see, therefore, that it
is not strange, nor a thing unwont in the Scriptures, to call one
thing by another's name. So that you can no more, of necessity,
enforce the changing of the bread into Christ's body in the sacrament,
because the words be plain, This is my body; than the wife's flesh to
be the natural and real body and flesh of the husband, because it is
written, They are not two but one flesh; or the altar of stone to be
very God, because Moses, with evident and plain words, pronounced it
to be the mighty God of Israel. Notwithstanding, if you will needs
cleave to the letter, you make for me, and hinder your own cause: for
thus I will reason, and use your own weapon against you. The Scripture
calleth it bread. The evangelists agree in the same. Paul nameth it so
five times in one place. The Holy Ghost may not be sent to school to
learn to speak. Wherefore, I conclude by your own argument, that we
ought not only to say, but also to believe, that in the sacrament
there remaineth bread."

Custom.--"Methinketh your answer is reasonable, yet can I not be
satisfied. Declare you, therefore, more at large, what moveth you to
think this of the sacrament. For I think you would not withstand a
doctrine so long holden and taught, unless you were enforced by some
strong and likely reasons."

Verity.--"First, In examining the words of Christ, I get me to the
meaning and purpose for which they were spoken. And in this behalf I
see that Christ meant to have his death and passion kept in
remembrance. For men, of themselves, be, and evermore were, forgetful
of the benefits of God. And therefore it was behoveful, that they
should be admonished and stirred up with some visible and outward
tokens; as with the passover lamb, the brazen serpent, and the like.
For the brazen serpent was a token, that when the Jews were stinged
and wounded with serpents, God restored them and made them whole. The
passover lamb was a memory of the great benefit of God, who, when he
destroyed the Egyptians, saved the Jews, whose doors were sprinkled
with the blood of a lamb. So likewise Christ left us a memorial and
remembrance of his death and passion in outward tokens, that when the
child should demand of his father, what the breaking of the bread, and
drinking of the cup, meaneth, he might answer him, that like as the
bread is broken, so Christ was broken and rent upon the cross, to
redeem the soul of man. And likewise, as wine fostereth and comforteth
the body, so doth the blood of Christ cherish and relieve the soul.
And this do I gather by the words of Christ, and by the institution
and order of the sacrament: for Christ charged the apostles to do this
in the remembrance of him. Whereupon thus I conclude:

"No thing is done in remembrance of itself.

"But the sacrament is used in the remembrance of Christ:

"Therefore the sacrament is not Christ.

"Christ never devoured himself.

"Christ did eat the sacrament with his apostles:

"Ergo, the sacrament is not Christ himself.

"Besides this, I see that Christ ordained not his body, but a
sacrament of his body. A sacrament (as St. Austin declareth) is an
outward sign of an invisible grace. His words are, 'A sacrament is a
visible sign of invisible grace.' Out of which words I gather two
arguments. The first is this: the token of the body of Christ is not
the thing tokened; wherefore they are not one. The second is this:

"One thing cannot be both visible and invisible. 	"But the
sacrament is visible, and the body of Christ invisible:

"Therefore they are not one.

"Which thing St. Augustine openeth very well by these words, 'The
sacrament is one thing, the substance another. The sacrament goes into
the body, the substance is the body of Christ.' Moreover, I remember
that Christ ministered this sacrament not to great and deep
philosophers, but to a sort of ignorant and unlearned fishers, who,
notwithstanding, understood Christ's meaning right well, and delivered
it even as they took it at Christ's hand, to the vulgar and lay
people, and fully declared unto them the meaning thereof. But neither
the lay people, nor scarcely the apostles themselves, could understand
what is meant by transubstantiation, impanation, dimensions,
qualitates, quantitates, accidens sine subjecto, terminus a quo, et
terminus ad quem, per modem quanti. This is no learning for the
unlearned and rude people; wherefore it is likely that Christ meant
some other thing than hath been taught of late days. Furthermore,
Christ's body is food, not for the body, but for the soul; and
therefore it must be received with the instrument of the soul, which
is faith. For as ye receive sustenance for your body by your bodily
mouth, so the food of your soul must be received by faith, which is
the mouth of the soul. And for that St. Augustine sharply rebuketh
them that think to eat Christ with their mouth, saying, 'Why makest 
thou ready thy tooth and thy belly? Believe, and thou hast eaten
Christ.' Likewise, speaking of eating the selfsame body, he saith to
the Capernaites, who took him grossly as men do now-a-days: The words
that I speak, are spirit and life. It is the spirit that quickeneth;
the flesh profiteth nothing."

Custom.--"What mean you by this spirit, and by spiritual eating? I
pray you utter your mind more plainly. For I know well that Christ
hath a body, and therefore must be eaten (as I think) with the mouth
of the body. For the spirit and the soul, as it hath no body and
flesh, so it hath no month."

Verity.--"You must understand, that a man is shaped of two parts, of
the body and of the soul; and each of them hath his life and his
death, his mouth, his teeth, his food, and abstinence. For like as the
body is nourished and fostered with bodily meats, or else cannot
endure; so must the soul have his cherishing, otherwise it will decay
and pine away. And therefore we do and may justly say, that the Turks,
Jews, and heathen be dead, because they lack the lively food of the
soul. But how then, or by what mean, will you feed the soul? Doubtless
not by the instrument of the body, but of the soul; for that which is
received into the body, hath no passage from thence into the soul. For
Christ saith, Whatsoever entereth into the belly, is conveyed into the
draught. And whereas you say that the spirit hath no mouth, like as it
hath no body or bones, you are deceived; for the spirit hath a mouth,
in his kind; or else how could a man eat and drink justice? For
undoubtedly his bodily mouth is no fit instrument for it. Yet Christ
saith, that he is blessed that hungereth and thirsteth for justice. If
he hunger and thirst for justice, belike he both eateth and drinketh
it; for otherwise he neither abateth his hunger, nor quencheth his
thirst. Now, if a man may eat and drink righteousness with his spirit,
no doubt his spirit hath a mouth. Whereof I will reason thus:

"Of whatsoever sort the mouth is, such is his food. 	"But the mouth
of the spirit is spiritual, not bodily:

"Therefore it receiveth Christ's body spiritually, not bodily.

"And in like manner Christ, speaking of the eating of his body, nameth
himself the bread, not for the body, but of life, for the soul; and
saith, He that cometh to me, shall not hunger; and he that believeth
in me, shall never thirst. Wherefore, whosoever will be relieved by
the body of Christ, must receive him as he will he received, with the
instrument of faith appointed thereunto, not with his teeth or mouth.
And whereas I say that Christ's body must he received and taken with
faith, I mean not that you shall pluck down Christ from heaven, and
put him in your faith, as in a visible place; but that you must, with
your faith, rise and spring up to him, and, leaving this world, dwell
above in heaven; putting all your trust, comfort, and consolation in
him, who suffered grievous bondage to set you at liberty and to make
you free; creeping into his wounds, which were so cruelly pierced and
dented for your sake. So shall you feed on the body of Christ; so
shall you suck the blood that was poured out and shed for you. This is
the spiritual, the very true, the only eating of Christ's body: and
therefore St. Gregory calleth it, 'The food of the mind, and not of
the belly.' And St. Cyprian saith likewise, 'We sharpen not our tooth,
nor prepare our belly.'

"Now, to return to our former purpose: seeing it is plain that
Christ's body is meat for our spirit, and hath nothing to do with our
body, I will gather thereof this reason. The sacrament is bodily food,
and increaseth the body: ergo, the sacrament is not the very body of
Christ. That it nourisheth the body it is evident; for Christ calleth
it the fruit of the vine, whose duty is to nourish. And, for a proof,
if you consecrate a whole loaf, it will feed you as well as your
table-bread. And if a little mouse get a host, he will crave no more
meat to his dinner.

"But you will say, these are worldly reasons. What then if the old
fathers record the same? Irenęus saith, 'When the mingled cup and the
broken bread receive the word of God, it is made the eucharist of the
body and blood of the Lord, by which the substance of our flesh is
made up and nourished.' Bede witnesseth the same by these words,
'Because bread supports our flesh, and wine our blood, the former is
applied to the body, and the latter to the blood of Christ.
Wherefore,as I said before, seeing that Christ's body is spiritual
meat, and the bread of the sacrament bodily, I may conclude that the
sacrament is not Christ's body. Beside this, whereas it was forbidden,
in the old law, that any man should eat or drink blood, the apostles,
notwithstanding, took the cup at Christ's hands, and drank of it; and
never staggered, or shrank at the matter: whereby it may be gathered,
that they took it for a mystery, for a token and a remembrance, far
otherwise than it hath of late been taken.

"Again, when the sacrament was dealt, none of them all crouched down,
and took it for his God, forgetting him that sat there present before
their eyes; but took it, and ate it, knowing that it was a sacrament
and remembrance of Christ's body. Yea, the old councils commanded that
no man should kneel down at the time of the communion, fearing that it
should be an occasion of idolatry. And long after the apostles' time,
as Tertullian writeth, women were suffered to take it home with them,
and lap it up in their chests. And the priests, many times, sent it to
sick persons by a child; who, no doubt, would have given more
reverence thereto, if they had taken it for their God. But a great
while after, about three hundred years ago, Honorius the Third, bishop
of Rome, took him and hanged him up, and caused men to kneel and
crouch down, and all to begod him. A.D. 1220.

"Furthermore, if the bread be turned and altered into the body of
Christ, doubtless it is the greatest miracle that ever God wrought.
But the apostles saw no miracle in it. Nazianzen, an old writer, and
Augustine, entreating of all the miracles that are in the Scripture,
number the sacrament for none. As for the apostles, it appeareth well
that they had it for no marvel, for they never mused at it, neither
demanded how it might be; whereas, in other things, they evermore were
full of questions. As touching St. Augustine, he not only overskipped
it, as no wonder, but, by plain and express words, testifieth that
there is no marvel in it. For speaking of the Lord's supper, and of
the other sacraments, he saith these words: 'The sacraments demand
honour as religious ordinances, but not wonder as miracles.' Moreover,
a little before the institution of the sacrament, Christ spake of his
ascension, saying, I leave the world: I tarry but a little while with
you. Let not your hearts he troubled, because I go from you: I tell
you truth, it is for your profit that I go from you, for if I go not,
the Spirit of comfort cannot come to you; with many other like
warnings of his departure. St. Stephen saw him sitting at the right
hand of his Father, and thought it a special revelation of God: but he
never said, that he saw him at the communion, or that he made him
every day himself. And, in the Acts of the Apostles, St. Peter saith,
that Christ must needs keep the heaven till all be ended. Isaiah,
Solomon, and St. Stephen say, that God dwelleth not in temples made
with man's hand. St. Paul wisheth that he were dissolved and dead, and
were with Christ: not in the altar, doubtless, where he might be
daily; but in heaven. And, to be brief, it is in our Credo, and we do
constantly believe, that Christ is ascended into heaven, and sitteth
at his Father's right hand; and no promise have we, that he will come
jumping down at every priest's calling. Hereof I gather this reason:

"Christ's body cannot both be gone, and be here.

"But he is gone, and hath left the world:

"Therefore, it is folly to seek him in the world."

Custom.--"Fie, you be far deceived, I can in no wise brook these
words. You shut up Christ too straitly, and imprison him in one corner
of heaven, not suffering him to go at large. No, doubtless, he hath
deserved more gentleness at your hand, than to be tied up so short."

Verity.--"I do neither lock up, nor imprison Christ in heaven; but,
according to the Scriptures, declare that he hath chosen a blessed
place, and most worthy to receive his Majesty; in which place whoso is
enclosed, thinketh not himself (as I suppose) to be a prisoner. But,
if you take it for so heinous a thing, that Christ should sit resident
in heaven in the glory of his Father, what think you of them that
imprison him in a little box; yea, and keep him in captivity so long,
until he be mouldy and overgrown with vermin; and when he is past
men's meat, be not contented to hang him till he stink, but will have
him to a new execution, and burn him too? This is wonderful and
extreme cruel imprisoning. But to return to the matter: we are
certainly persuaded by the word of God, that Christ, the very Son of
God, vouchsafed to take upon him the body and shape of man; and that
he walked and was conversant amongst men in that same one, and not in
many bodies; and that he suffered death, rose again, and ascended to
heaven in the selfsame body; and that he sitteth at his Father's right
hand in his manhood, in the nature and substance of the said one body.
This is our belief, this is the very word of God. Wherefore they arc
far deceived, who, leaving heaven, will grope for Christ's body upon
the earth."

Custom.--"Nay, sir, but I see now you are far out of the way. For
Christ hath not so gross and fleshly a body as you think, but a
spiritual and ghostly body; and therefore, without repugnance, it may
be in many places at once."

Verity.--"You say right well, and do grant that Christ's body is
spiritual. But, I pray you, answer me by the way, can any other body
than that which is spiritual, be, at one time, in sundry places?"

Custom.--"No, truly."

Verity.--"Have we that selfsame sacrament, that Christ gave to his
disciples at his maundy, or no?

Custom.--"Doubtless we have the same."

Verity.--"When became Christ's body spiritual? was it so even from his
birth?"

Custom.--" No: for, doubtless, before he arose from death, his body
was earthly, as other men's bodies are."

Verity.--"Well, but when gave Christ the sacrament to his disciples?
before he rose from death, or after?"

Custom.--"You know yourself he gave it before his resurrection, the
night before he suffered his passion."

Verity.--"Why, then, methinketh he gave the sacrament at that time
when his body was not spiritual."

Custom.--"Even so."

Verity.--"And was every portion of the sacrament dealt to the
apostles? and received they into their mouths the very real and
substantial body of Christ?"

Custom.--"Yea, doubtless."

Verity.--"Mark well what ye have said, for you have granted me great
repugnance. First, you say, that no body, being not spiritual, can be
in sundry places at once. Then say you, that at the maundy Christ's
body was not spiritual: and yet hold you, that he was there present
visibly before the apostles' eyes, and in each of their hands and
mouths, all at one time -- which grants of yours are not agreeable.
But I will gather a better and a more formal reason of your words, in
this sort:

"No body being real, natural, and organical, and not spiritual, can be
in many places at once.

"Christ's body in the sacrament was in the apostles' hands and mouths
at one time, which were many places:

"Ergo, Christ's body in the sacrament was not a real, natural, and
organical body; but spiritual."

Custom.--"Indeed you have driven me into the straits, before I was
aware of you; and I know not how I may escape your hands honestly. But
the best refuge that I have is this, that I will not believe you."

Verity.--"I desire you not to give credence to me. Believe the word of
God; yea, believe your own belief: for they both witness against you,
that Christ's body is taken up into heaven, and there shall remain
until he come to judge."

Custom.--"Tush, what speak you of the word of God? there be many dark
sayings therein, which every man cannot attain to."

Verity.--"I grant you there be certain obscure places in the
Scripture, yet not so obscure but that a man, with the grace of God,
may perceive; for it was written not for angels, but for men, But, as
I understand, Custom meddleth but little with the Scripture. How say
you by St. Augustine, St. Jerome, St. Ambrose? what if they stand on
our side?"

Custom.--"No, no, I know them well enough."

Verity.--"So well as you know them, for all old acquaintance, if they
be called to witness, they will give evidence against you. For St.
Austin commonly, in every of his books, but chiefly in an epistle to
his friend Dardanus, declareth that Christ's body is placed in one
room. I marvel you be not nearer of his counsel. His words are these:
'Do not doubt the man Jesus Christ to be there, from whence he shall
come. And remember well, and faithfully believe, the Christian
confession, that he is risen, ascended into heaven, sitteth at the
right hand of God the Father, and from thence he shall come, and from
no other place, to judge the quick and the dead. And shall come in the
same substance of body, to which he gave immortality, and took not the
nature from it. After this form he is to be thought not to be
dispersed in all places; for we must beware so to defend his Divinity
that we destroy not his humanity.' And in another place of the same
epistle, 'He is one person God and man, and both is one Christ. He is
every where as God, but in heaven as man.' Likewise upon Psalm xiv.:
'While the world shall last, the Lord is above, and also the verity of
the Lord is with us. For the body wherein he rose again must be in one
place; but the verity of him is every where dispersed.' In like manner
writeth Damasus, an old bishop of Rome, in his Credo, 'Having
conquered the power of death, he rose and ascended into heaven with
that flesh in which he was born and suffered, the same nature
remaining.' St. Ambrose, writing upon Luke x., recordeth the same:
Wherefore neither above the earth, nor upon the earth, nor according
to the earth, we ought to seek the Lord, if we will find him; for he
did not seek him above the earth, who did see him sitting at the right
hand of God. And Mary sought upon the earth to touch Christ and could
not. Stephen touched him, because he sought him in heaven.' St.
Jerome, in an epistle to Marcella, proveth that the body of Christmust
needs be contained in some place, for he saith, 'The property of God
is to be every where; the property of man is to be in one place.' The
same Jerome, in another place, calleth it a foolish thing to seek for
him in a narrow place. or in a corner, who is the light of all the
world; 'Foolishness it is, in a small place or in a hid corner to seek
him who is the light of the whole world.' Origen saith likewise, 'They
are not to be heard, who show Christ in houses.' The same also
recordeth Bede, writing upon these words of Christ, Now a little while
shall you see me. He speaketh in Christ's person. 'Therefore,' saith
he, 'shall you see me but a little while after my resurrection;
because I will not still abide in the earth bodily; but, in the
manhood which I have taken, will ascend up to heaven.' What needeth
more words? All the old fathers witness the same. You may by these
soon judge the rest. Now to return to the matter: Seeing that the word
of God in many and sundry places, the Credo, and the Abridgement of
the Faith, seeing all the old fathers do constantly agree in one, that
the body of Christ is ascended into heaven, and there remaineth at the
right hand of the Father, and cannot be in more than in one place, I
do conclude that the sacrament is not the body of Christ; first,
because it is not in heaven, neither sitteth at the Father's right
hand; moreover, because it is in a hundred thousand boxes, whereas
Christ's body filleth but one place. Furthermore, if the bread were
turned into the body of Christ, then would it necessarily follow, that
sinners and unpenitent persons receive the body of Christ."

Custom.--"Marry, and so they do. For Paul saith plainly, that they
receive the body of Christ to their own confusion."

Verity.--"No, not so. These are not Paul's words, but he saith, 'Whoso
eateth of this bread, and drinketh of this cup unworthily, eateth and
drinketh his own condemnation, not judging the body of the Lord.' Here
he calleth it, in plain words, bread. And although the sacrament be
very bread, yet doth the injury redound to the body of Christ. As if a
man break the king's mace, or tread the broad seal under his foot,
although he have broken and defaced nothing but silver and wax; yet is
the injury the king's, and the doer shall be taken as a traitor. St.
Ambrose declareth the meaning of St. Paul by these words, 'He is
guilty of the body of the Lord, and shall suffer the punishment of the
death of Christ, seeing he has made of none effect the death of
Christ.' The cause of the ordinance thereof was the remembrance of the
death of Christ, which whoso forgetteth, receiveth the sacrament to
their condemnation. That same witnesseth St. Augustine: 'For the
sacrament,' saith he, 'is an outward token of love and charity. For
like as many grains of corn are become one piece of bread, even so
they that receive it, ought to be one.' Then saith he, Mysterium pacis
ac unitatis nobis Christus in mensa sua consecravit. Qui accepit
mysterium unitatis et non servatp unitatem, non mysterium accepit pro
se, sed testimonium contra se. He that readeth the gospel, wherein is
declared the passion and death of Christ, and liveth contrary to the
gospel, shall doubtless be the more cf the death of Christ, because he
heareth and readeth the word of God, and regardeth it not.

"In a certain country the manner is, that when the gospel is read, the
king shall stand up with a naked sword in his hand, declaring thereby
that he beareth his sword in defence of the gospel. But if he himself
oppresseth the gospel, he beareth the sword against himself; for the
gospel shall turn to his judgment and condemnation. So will Christ so
much more extremely punish a man, who, knowing himself to be wicked
and without repentance, and therefore none of the flock of Christ,
yet, notwithstanding, will impudently creep into the company of
Christian men, and receive the sacraments with them, as though he were
one of the number. And this meant St. Paul by the unworthy receiving
of a sacrament of Christ's body. Wherefore a man may unworthily take
the sacrament, and be guilty of the death of Christ, although he
receive not Christ's body into his mouth, and chew it with his teeth.-
- But what if I prove that every massing priest is guilty of the body
and blood of Christ?"

Custom.--"I dare say you cannot prove it."

Verity.--"But if I do prove it, will you believe me?

Custom.--"I may well enough, for it is impossible to do it; for
priests commonly are confessed before they go to mass; and how can
they then take the sacrament unworthily?"

Verity.--"Indeed confession, if it be discreetly used, is a laudable
custom, and to the unlearned man and feeble conscience so good as a
sermon: but, notwithstanding, because it was never commanded of
Christ, nor received of the apostles, nor much spoken of by the old
doctors, it cannot make much for the due receiving of the sacrament.
But how like ye these words of St. Ambrose? 'He taketh it unworthily, 
that taketh it otherwise than Christ ordained it.'"

Custom.--"This liketh me very well. But what gather you of it?"

Verity.--"This will I gather. The massing priest taketh the sacrament
otherwise than Christ either commanded or taught: ergo, he taketh it
unworthily, and so consequently to his condemnation."

Custom.--"That is not so, for he doth altogether as Christ commanded
him."

Verity.--"That shall appear; for Christ commanded it to be done in his
remembrance: the priest doth it in remembrance of dead men. Christ
took bread, and left it bread: the priest taketh bread and conjureth
it away. Christ took bread and gave thanks: the priest taketh bread
and breatheth upon it. Christ took bread and brake it: the priest
taketh bread and hangeth it up. Christ took bread and dealt it to his
apostles: the priest, because he is an apostle himself, taketh bread
and eateth it every whit alone. Christ, in a sacrament, gave his own
body to be eaten in faith: the priest, for lack of faith, receiveth
accidents, and dimensions. Christ gave a sacrament to strengthen men's
faith: the priest giveth a sacrifice to redeem men's souls. Christ
gave it to be eaten: the priest giveth it to be worshipped. And to
conclude, Christ gave bread: the priest saith he giveth a God. Here is
difference enough between Christ and the priest. Yet moreover, Christ,
at his supper, spake his words out, and in a plain tongue: the priest
speaketh nothing but Latin or Greek, which tongues he ofttimes
perceiveth not; and much be whispereth, lest any poor man should
perhaps perceive him. So it cometh to pass, that the priest knoweth no
more what he himself saith, than what he doth. Thus you may see that
the massing priest receiveth the sacrament of Christ's body far
otherwise than ever Christ minded; and so therefore unworthily, and to
his condemnation.

"Now, if you think yourself satisfied, I will return to my former
question, and prove more at large, that Christ's body cannot be eaten
of the wicked, which thing must necessarily ensue, if the bread were
turned into the body of Christ. Christ, in John vi., speaking of the
eating of his body, saith, He that eateth of this bread shall live for
ever. Whereof I gather thus: but sinful men take the sacrament to
their condemnation, and live not for ever; ergo, in the sacrament they
receive not the body of Christ. Again, Christ saith, He that eateth me
shall live for my sake. Hereof I conclude thus: but impenitent persons
cannot live for Christ's sake. Moreover Christ's body must be
received, not with the mouth, as Gregory recordeth, saying, that it is
eaten with the teeth of the soul, not of the body, as I have above
more largely declared. But wicked and impenitent persons lack faith;
wherefore they cannot eat the body of Christ. Again, Christ's body
cannot be divided from his spirit; but wicked men have not the Spirit
of God: God's word, or the doctors and the ancient writers, ergo, they
have not Christ's body. Hereunto agree all the old writers, affirming
constantly, that the unfaithful be no meet vessels to receive the body
of Christ. St. Augustine saith, 'Whosoever does not remain in Christ,
and in whom Christ does not remain, without doubt he neither eats his
flesh nor drinks his blood, though he also eats and drinks so great a
mystery to his own condemnation.' Ambrose avoweth the same by these
words: 'He that departs from Christ neither eats his flesh nor drinks
his blood, though he receive the sacrament of so great a thing.' And
therefore St. Augustine saith, 'The wicked have the sacrament, but the
substance of the sacrament they have not.' Thus by the word of God, by
reason, and by the old fathers, it is plain, that sinful men eat not
the body of Christ, receive they the sacrament never so oft: which
thing could not be, if in the sacrament there remained nothing but the
body of Christ.

"The sacrament in Holy Scripture is named, the breaking of bread;
which, to say the truth, were but a cold breaking, if there remained
no bread to break, but certain fantasies of white and round. Yet
whereas they, with words, crossings, blessings, breathings, leapings,
and much ado, can scarcely make one god, they have such virtue in
their fingers, that at one cross they be able to make twenty gods; for
if they break the sacrament, every portion, yea, every mite, must
needs be a god. After the apostles' time there arose up heretics, who
said that Christ, walking here amongst men bodily upon the earth, had
no very body, but a thing like a body, and so therewith dimmed men's
sight. Against whom the old fathers used these arguments: Christ
increased in growing, fasted, hungered, eat, wept, sweat, was weary,
and in conclusion died, and had all other properties of a very body:
wherefore he had a body. I will use the same kind of reasoning: It
feedeth, it tasteth like bread, it looketh like bread, the little
silly mouse taketh it for bread, and, to be short, it hath all the
properties and tokens of bread: ergo, it is bread. The old fathers,
when there remained any part of the sacrament more than was spent at
the communion, they used to burn it, and of it there came ashes. But
there is nothing in the sacrament that can turn to ashes but only
bread (for I think they burned not Christ's body to ashes): ergo, in
the sacrament there remaineth bread. Henry the emperor, the sixth of
that name, was poisoned in the host, and Victor the bishop of Rome in
the chalice. But poison cannot hang in God's body and blood: wherefore
there remaineth bread and wine. What needeth many words in a matter so
evident? If you demand either or your reason, or your eyes, or nose,
or tongue, or fingers, or the cat, or the ape, or the mouse, all these 
agree in one, and answer together, There is bread. Wherefore, if you
reject so many and so constant witnesses, and so well agreeing in
their tale, specially being such as will lie for no man's pleasure, I
will appeal from you, and take you as no indifferent judge. If all
these witnesses suffice you not, I will call the sacrament itself to
record. It crieth unto you, and plainly doth advertise you, what you
should think of it. 'I am,' it saith, 'grated with the tooth; I am
conveyed into the belly; I perish; I can endure no space; I canker; I
suffer green mould, blue mould, red mould; I breed worms; I am kept in
a box for fear of rats. If you leave me out all night, I shall be
devoured before morning, for if the mouse get me, I am gone. I am
bread; I am no God: believe them not.' Thus crieth the sacrament
daily, and beareth witness itself."

Custom.--"The devil on such like reasons! and therefore I will never
trouble my brains to make you answer: but, if it be true that you have
said, why is the sacrament so well of Christ himself, as of his
apostles, and the old fathers, called the body of Christ?"

Verity.--"Because it is no strange thing in Scripture so to speak; as
I have declared before.-- But will you stand to St. Augustine's
arbitrement in the matter?"

Custom.--"To no man sooner."

Verity.--"St. Augustine, in an epistle to his friend Boniface, giveth
a good cause why the sacrament, although it be not the body of Christ,
is, notwithstanding, called the body of Christ. His words be these:
'If sacraments had not a certain similitude of those things whereof
they be sacraments, then were they no sacraments; of the which
similitude many times they take their name. Wherefore, after a certain
manner the sacrament of the body of Christ is the body of Christ; and
the sacrament of the blood of Christ is the blood of Christ,' &c. And
upon Psalm xxiii. he writeth likewise, 'Christ after a certain manner
and fashion, as it were, did bear himself in his own hand, when he
said, This is my body.' 'In manner,' he saith, 'and after a fashion;'
not in very deed. Again, when faithful men receive the sacrament, they
think not of the bread, nor mark the wine, but they look further, and
behold the very body of Christ spread upon the cross, and his very
blood poured down for their sakes. So in baptism men regard not
greatly the water, but account themselves washed with the blood of
Christ. So saith St. Paul, Whatsoever we are that be baptized, we are
washed in the blood of Christ. Wherefore to the faithful receivers you
may say, that the water of baptism is the blood of Christ, and the
bread and wine the body and blood of Christ: for to them it is no less
than if the natures were altered and changed. Which thing you may very
well learn of Chrysostom, whose words are these: 'All mysteries must
be considered with inward eyes, that is to say, spiritually. But the
inward eyes, when they see the bread, they pass over the creatures,
neither do they think of that bread which is baked of the baker, but
of him which called himself the bread of eternal life.' For these two
causes the bread and wine are called the body and blood of Christ. Now
I think you are satisfied concerning the meaning of these words, This
is my body."

Custom.--"Yet one thing moveth me very much."

Verity.--"What is that?"

Custom.--"The doctors and old writers, men inspired with the Holy
Ghost, have evermore been against your doctrine; yea, and in these
days the wisest men and best learned call you heretics, and your
learning heresy."

Verity.--"As touching the old writers, I remember well they speak
reverently of the sacraments, like as every man ought to do; but
whereas they deliver their mind with their right hand, you, Custom,
receive it with the left. For whereas they say, that it is the body of
Christ, and that it must be verily eaten, meaning that it doth
effectually lay before the eyes Christ's body, and that it is to the
faithful man no less than if it were Christ himself, and that Christ
must be eaten in faith, not torn nor rent with the teeth: you say,
that howsoever it be taken, it is Christ's body, and that there is
none other eating but with the mouth.

"And that the fathers meant no other thing than I have said, it shall
appear by their words. But as touching the learned and wise men of
these days, I cannot blame them if they call my doctrine heresy; for
they would condemn all ancient writers of heresy, if they were now
alive. But I will answer you to them anon. In the mean while mark you
how well their learning agreeth. They say, 'You must follow the
letter; you must stick to the letter.' But Origen saith, 'If ye follow
after the letter that which is written, Unless ye shall eat the flesh
of the Son of man, there shall be no life in you -- this letter
killeth.'

"Augustine, in the third book De Doctrine Christiana: 'First, thou
must beware that thou take not a figurative speech after the letter.
For thereto pertaineth that the apostle saith, The letter killeth. For
when a thing is spiritually meant, and the same is taken literally as
properly spoken, that is a carnal taking. Neither can any other be
called the killing of the soul, rather than that.' And in the same
book he teacheth a man to know the plain sense from a figure, saying
thus: 'If the commanding speech be such as commandeth a thing wicked
and horrible to be done, or a charitable thing to be undone, then this
is a figurative speech, Unless ye shall eat the flesh of the Son of
man, and shall drink his blood, there shall be no life in you. Because
in this speech he seemeth to command a wicked thing, it is therefore a
figurative speech, commanding that we should communicate with the
passion of our Lord, and sweetly to retain it in our remembrance.'

"In like manner Chrysostom plucketh you from the plain letter and the
bare words by this saying, The flesh profiteth not; that is to say,
'My words must be taken and expounded after the Spirit. For he that
heareth after the flesh, gaineth nothing. Now what is it to understand
carnally? To take things simply as they be spoken, and not to consider
any meaning further therein. For things must not be judged as they are
seen, but all mysteries must be seen with inward eyes, that is to say,
spiritually.'

"What is so heinous in these days, as to call the sacrament the token
or the remembrance of Christ's body? Yet did the old writers in manner
never call it other. Tertullian, in the fourth book against the
Marcionists: 'Christ took bread and made it his body, saying, This is
my body; that is to say, a figure of my body.' Ambrose, upon 1
Corinthians xi.: 'Because we are delivered by the Lord's death, in the
remembrance of the same by eating and drinking, we signify the body
and blood which were offered up for us.' Chrysostom, in the eighty-
third Homily upon the Gospel of Matthew: 'When they object unto us,
and ask, How know you that Christ was offered up? then, alleging these
things, we stop their mouths. For, if Christ died not, then whose sign
or token is this sacrifice?' Augustine to Adimantus: 'Christ doubted
not to say, This is my body, when he gave but a sign of his body.'
Augustine, upon Psal. iii.: 'Christ received Judas to the supper, in
which he commended and delivered a figure of his body and blood unto
his disciples.' Rabanus: 'Because the bread strengtheneth the body,
therefore it is aptly called Christ's body. And likewise the wine,
because it increaseth blood in the flesh, it doth resemble the blood
of Christ.' The monk Druthmar, on Matthew: 'Wine maketh glad the
heart, and increaseth blood; and therefore the blood of Christ is not
unaptly signified thereby.' Irenęus witnesseth plainly, that in the
sacrament remaineth bread and wine, by these words: 'As the earthly
bread, receiving the vocation of God, is now no common bread, but the
eucharist, consisting of two things, the one earthly and the other
heavenly.' Here he recordeth, that there remained in the sacrament an
earthly nature, which is either bread or nothing. Gelasius writing
against Nestorius avowed, the same, saying, 'In the eucharist the
substance of bread and nature of the wine cease not to be. For the
image and similitude of the body and blood of the Lord is celebrated
in the action of the mysteries.' Chrysostom preferreth a poor man
before the sacrament, and calleth him the body of Christ, rather than
the other. Whereof I may gather this reason:

"The poor man is not the natural and real body of Christ.

"Every poor member of Christ is the body of Christ, rather than the
sacrament:

"Ergo, the sacrament is not the natural and real body of Christ.

"His words are: 'This altar thou dost reverence, because the body of
Christ therein is set before thee. But him that is the body of Christ
indeed, thou dost spitefully entreat, and dost neglect him ready to
perish.' Chrysostom, in the eleventh Homily upon Matthew: 'If it be so
perilous a matter to translate these sanctified vessels unto private
uses, in which not the true body of Christ, but a mystery of the body
of Christ is contained, how much more then these vessels of our body!"
Athanasius, upon these words, Whosoever shall speak a word against the
Son of man, saith: 'The words that Christ here speaketh, be not
carnal, but spiritual. For what body might have sufficed for all that
should eat, to be a nourishment of the whole world But therefore he
maketh mention of the ascension of the Son of man into heaven, to the
intent to pluck them away from that corporal cogitation.' Augustine to
Marcellinus: 'In those carnal oblations the flesh of Christ was
figured, which he should offer for our sins, and the blood which he
should bestow on us; but, in this sacrifice, is the giving of thanks
and memorial of the flesh of Christ which he hath offered for us, and
of the blood which he hath shed for us. In that sacrifice, therefore,
is signified figuratively what should be given for us; in this
sacrifice what is given to us is evidently declared. In those
sacrifices the Son of God was before preached to be slain; in this
sacrifice he is showed to be slain already for the wicked.'

"Origen, upon Matthew, expounding these words, This is my body, saith:
'The bread which Christ confesseth to be his body, is a word nutritive
of our souls.' Augustine: 'No man ought in any wise to doubt but that
every faithful man is then partaker of the body and blood of the Lord,
when in baptism he is made a member of Christ. For lieshall not be
deprived of the participation and benefit of that sacrament, when he
findeth in himself that thing which the sacrament loth signify.'
Ambrose: 'Such is the force and strength of the word, that the bread
and wine remain the same as they were, and yet are changed into
another thing.' For it is not any longer common bread, but it is
turned into a sacrament; yet notwithstanding there remained' bread and
wine. Tertullian, writing against a heretic named Marcion, which
taught that the creatures of God, as flesh, bread, and wine, and such
like, were naught and uncleanly: God hath not cast away his creature,
but by it he hath represented his body: Origen, upon Leviticus,
speaking of the drinking of Christ's blood, saith, 'We do not desire
the blood of the flesh, but the blood of the word.' Ambrose called the
sacrament 'a type of the body of Christ,' and Basil, 'an antitype,'
which is as much as to say, as a token, a figure, a remembrance, and
example of Christ's body. Origen, upon Matthew xiv.: 'In this bread
that thing which is material passeth through man's body: but that
which is made by the word of God, by the means of faith doth profit.'
And lest perhaps you think that be spake those words of our common
table-bread, he concludeth the matter himself with these words: 'These
things we have spoken of the mystical bread.' Augustine declareth,
that it must needs be a figure and a remembrance of the body of
Christ: 'These things are understood figuratively, according to the
rule of sound and true faith. For otherwise it seemeth to be more
horrible to eat man's flesh than to kill a man, and more horrible to
drink man's blood than to shed it.' And therefore he saith upon Psalm
xcviii.: 'Ye shall not eat this body which you see, and drink that
blood which they shall shed that shall crucify me; I commend unto you
a sacrament.' Tertullian: 'Jesus hath another body than bread; for
bread was not given for us, but the very true body of Christ was given
upon the cross; which body was exhibited in the supper under the
figure of bread.' This recordeth Theodoret, an ancient writer, and
avoweth, that there is no turning or altering of the bread in the
sacrament. His words are these: 'He hath honoured and dignified the
visible signs with the name of his body and of his blood, not changing
the nature, but adding grace to nature.' And ill another place, where
he maketh a true Christian man to reason with a heretic, he giveth to
the heretic this part: to hold with the turning of bread and wine into
the natural body and blood of Christ. The heretic's words are these:
The sacraments of the Lord's body and blood before invocation are one
thing; but after, they are changed and made another.' This maketh
Theodoret to be on the heretic's part. Then he bringeth forth the true
Christian man, who reproveth the heretic for so saying: "Thou art
fallen into the snares which thou thyself hast laid. For those
selfsame holy signs after the consecration, do not go from their
nature, for they abide still, both in their former substance and
figure; and may be both with eyes seen, and felt with hands, as
before.' To the same agreeth well Chrysostom, saying, 'After the bread
is sanctified, it is called bread no more, although the nature of the
bread still remain.' Hereby you may understand, how and in what sort
the old fathers, how the primitive and beginning church, how the
apostles, and how Christ himself, took these words, This is my body.

"Now, to withstand and stoutly to go, not against only ancient
writers, or the congregation of Christian people, (which at that time
was not overgrown, no, neither spotted with covetousness and worldly
honour,) but the apostles also, and God himself, no doubt it is great
fondness. But what speak I of the old fathers? It is not long since
the sacrament grew out of its right understanding. For this word
transubstantiatio, whereby they signify the turning of the bread into
the body of Christ, was never either spoken or heard or thought of,
among the ancient fathers, or in the old church. But about five
hundred years past, Pope Nicholas II., in a council holden at Lateran
in Rome, confirmed that opinion of the changing of bread, and would
have made an article of faith, and placed it in the Credo. After which
time ensued Corpus Christi day, masses of Corpus Christi, reservation
of the sacrament with honour, with canopies, with censing, with
kneeling, with worshipping and adoration, and with so much as any man
could devise. For they thought they could not do too much to him,
after that the bishop of Rome had allowed him for a God.

"But not fully two hundred years before that time, when this doctrine
first began to bud, (and yet notwithstanding had not so prevailed, but
that a great number of learned and good men could know the sacrament
to be a sacrament, and not Christ himself,) Charlemagne, king of
France and emperor of Germany, demanded of a great learned man, whose
name was Bertram, what he thought of that strange kind of calling down
Christ from heaven, and turning a little gobbet of bread into his
natural body. To whom Bertram made answer in this wise: 'This we say,
That there is a great difference and separation betwixt the body in
the which Christ suffered, and the blood which he shed upon the cross,
and this body which every day is celebrated in the mystery of the
passion of Christ. For this body is a pledge and similitude, but the
other is the very truth itself. Ergo, it appeareth that these are
separated asunder by no less difference than is between a pledge, and
the thing whereof the pledge is given; or than is betwixt an image of
a thing, and the thing itself whereof the image is; or than is between
the form of a thing, and the verity itself.' This wrote Bertram,
Druthmar, and many others, and yet were never in all their time once
reproved of heresy. This wrote Johannes Scotus also, in whose lifetime
men had not eyes to espy his heresies: but, about two hundred years
after his death, he was judged and condemned for a heretic, and his
books burned, in a council holden at Vercelli in Lombardy, in the year
of our Lord God 1050. Since which time, even until this day, although
idolatry had great increase, yet there never wanted some good men,
which boldly would profess and set forth the truth; although they were
well assured that their worldly reward should be spite, malice,
imprisoning, sword, fire, and all kinds of torments. Thus, so shortly,
and in so few words as I could, I have declared unto you what Christ
meant by these words, This is my body; what the apostles taught
therein, and in what sort they delivered them to their successors; in
what sense and meaning the holy fathers and old writers, and the
universal and catholic church, have evermore taken them."

$

239. THE END AND DEATH OF KING EDWARD THE SIXTH.

Thus, having discoursed things done and past under the reign of King
Edward, such as seemed not unfruitful to be known, we will now draw to
the end and death of this blessed king, our young Josias; who, about a
year and a half after the death of the duke of Somerset his uncle,
A.D. 1553, entering into the seventeenth year of his age, and the
seventh year of his reign, in the month of July was taken from us, for
our sins no doubt; whom if it had so pleased the good will of the Lord
to have spared with longer life, not unlike it was, by all conjectures
probably to be esteemed by those his toward and blessed beginnings,
but proceeding so as he began, he would have reformed such a
commonwealth here in the realm of England, as by good cause that might
have been said of him, which was said in the old time of the noble
Emperor Augustus, in reforming and advancing the empire of Rome:
"Which empire he received (as he said) of brick, but he left it of
fine marble." But the condition of this realm. and the customable
behaviour of English people, (whose property is commonly to abuse the
light of the gospel when it is offered,) deserved no such benefit of
so blessed a reformation, but rather a contrary plague of deformation,
such as happened after his reign, as you shall hear, the Lord
granting, in the next queen's days that followed.

Thus then this godly and virtuous imp, in the time and month above
mentioned, was cut from us, whose worthy life and virtues have been
partly before declared. Nevertheless, to have some monument of him
remaining, to testify of the good nature and gentle disposition of
that prince, we will add here, for a remembrance, this little epistle
of his own handwriting to the archbishop of Canterbury, his godfather,
as followeth:

An epistle of young Prince Edward to the archbishop of Canterbury, his
godfather.

"Impertio te plurima salute, colendissime pręsul, et charissime
susceptor. Quia abes longe a me, vellem libenter audire te esse
incolumem. Precor autem ut vivas diu, et promoveas verbum Dei. Vale.

Antilę, 18. Junii. Tuus in Christo filius,
EDWARDUS PRINCEPS."

Another epistle of the young Prince Edward to the archbishop, his
godfather.

"Etsi puer sum, colendissime susceptor, non tamen immemor sum vel
officii erga te mei, vel humanitatis tuę quam indies mihi exhibere
studes. Non exciderunt mihi humanissimę tuę literę pridie divi Petri
ad me datę. Quibus antehac respondere nolui, non quod illas
neglexerim, aut non meminerim, sed ut illarum diuturna meditatione
fruerer, fidelique memoria reponerem, atque demum bene ruminatis pro
mea virili responderem. Proinde affectum erga me tuum vere paternum,
quem in illis expressisti, amplector et veneror, optoque ut multos
vivas annos, tuoque pio ac salubri consilio pergas esse mihi
venerandus pater. Nam pietatem ante omnia mihi amplectendam et
exosculandam esse duco, quoniam divas Paulus dicit, pietas ad omnia
utilis est. Optime valeat tua paternitas in plurimos annos.

Hartefordię, 13. Januarii. Tui studiosissimus,
EDWARDUS PRINCEPS."

The answer of the archbishop to Prince Edward's epistle.

"Non magis poterat ipsa me servare salus (fili in Christo charissime)
quam salus tua. Mea vita non dicenda est vita absque tua et salute et
valetudine. Quapropter cum te incolumem ac salvum intelligo, vitam
etiam mihi integram esse et incolumem sentio. Neque certe absentia mea
tam est injucunda tibi quam sunt literę tuę perjucundę mihi. Quę
arguunt tibi juxta adesse et ingenium dignum tanto principe et
pręceptorem dignum tanto ingenio. Ex quibus tuis literis te sic
literas video colere, ut interim doctrinę cœlestis tua nequaquam
minima sit cura; quaę cuicunque sit curę, non potest ilium quęvis cura
frangere. Perge igitur qua via incepisti, princeps iliustrissime, et
Spartam quam nactus es hanc orna, ut quam ego per literas video in te
virtutis lucem, eadem olim illuminet universam tuam Angliam. Non
scribam prolixius, tum quidem ut me intelligas brevitate non nihil
affici, tum etiam quad credam te ętate quidem adhuc parvulum parvo
gaudere, et similem simili; turn etiam pręterea ne impolita mea oratio
in causa sit, quo generosa ilia tua indoles barbari vitium contrahat."

The report of the prince's schoolmaster, in commendation of his
towardness, to the archbishop.

"Right honourable and my singular good Lord, after my most hearty
commendations: the opportunity of this messenger forceth me to write
at this time, having little matter but only to signify unto your
Grace, that my Lord's Grace your godson is merry and in health, and of
such towardness in learning, godliness, gentleness, and all honest
qualities, that both you and I, and all this realm, ought to think
him, and take him, for a singular gift sent of God, an imp worthy of
such a father; for whom we are bound without ceasing to render to God
most hearty thanks, with most humble request of his long and
prosperous continuance. He hath learned almost four books of Cato to
construe, to parse, and to say without book. And of his own courage
now, in the latter book, he will needs have at one time fourteen
verses, which he conneth pleasantly and perfectly, besides things of
the Bible, Satellitium Vivis, Ęsop's Fables, and Latin-making, whereof
he hath sent your Grace a little taste. -- Dominus Jesus te diutissime
servet."

Thus much hitherto having declared, touching the worthy virtues and
singular towardness of this godly imp, King Edward the Sixth, although
I have not, neither can, insert all things due to his commendation,
but am enforced to let pass many memorable matters, well worthy to be
prosecuted, if they might have come to our hands: yet this one brief
note I thought not to overslip, (something to recreate the weary
reader in such a doleful story,) being notified to me by one Master
Edward Underhil, who, waiting the same time with the rest of his
fellow pensioners and men at arms, as Sir Henry Gates, Master Robert
Hall, Master Henry Harston, and Master Stafforton, heard these words
between the king and his council.

The relation and testimony of which person and persons above-named
come to this effect: That King Edward the Sixth, the fourth year of
his reign, being then but thirteen years old and upward, at Greenwich,
upon St. George's day, when he was come from the sermon into the
presence-chamber, there being his uncle the duke of Somerset, the duke
of Northumberland, with other lords and knights of that order called
the Order of the Garter, he said to them, "My Lords, I pray you, what
saint is St. George, that we here so honour him?" At which question
the other lords being all astonied, the lord treasurer that then was,
perceiving this, gave answer, and said, "If it please your Majesty, I
did never read in any history of St. George, but only in Legenda
Aurea, where it is thus set down: That St. George out with his sword,
and ran the dragon through with his spear." The king, when he could
not a great while speak for laughing, at length said, "I pray you, my
Lord, and what did he with his sword the while?" "That I cannot tell
your Majesty," said he. And so an end of that question of good St.
George. Now to return again from whence we have digressed, which is to
signify some part of the order and manner of his godly departing. As
the time approached when it pleased Almighty God to call this young
king from us, which was the sixth day of July, the year above-said,
about three hours before his death, this godly child, his eyes being
closed, speaking to himself, and thinking none to have heard him, made
this prayer which followeth:

The prayer of King Edward before his death.

"Lord God, deliver me out of this miserable and wretched life, and
take me among thy chosen: howbeit not my will, but thy will be done.
Lord, I commit my spirit to thee. O Lord! thou knowest how happy it
were for me to be with thee: yet, for thy chosen's sake, send me life
and health, that I may truly serve thee. O my Lord God, bless thy
people, and save thine inheritance! O Lord God, save thy chosen people
of England! O my Lord God, defend this realm from papistry, and
maintain thy true religion; that I and my people may praise thy holy
name, for thy Son Jesus Christ's sake!"

Then turned he his face, and seeing who was by him, said unto them,
"Are ye so nigh? I thought ye had been further off." Then Dr. Owen
said, "We heard you speak to yourself, but what you said we know not."
He then (after his fashion smilingly) said, "I was praying to God."
The last words of his pangs were these, "I am faint; Lord have mercy
upon me, and take my spirit." And thus he yielded up the ghost,
leaving a woeful kingdom behind unto his sister. Albeit he, in his
will, had excluded his sister Mary from the succession of the crown,
because of her corrupt religion; yet the plague which God had destined
unto this sinful realm could not so he avoided, but that she, being
the elder daughter to King Henry, succeeded in possession of the
crown: of whose dreadful and bloody regiment it remaineth now,
consequently, to discourse.

This briefly may suffice to understand, that for all the writing,
sending, and practising with the Lady Mary, by the king and his
council, and also by Bishop Ridley, yet would she not be reclaimed
from her own singular opinion, fixed upon custom, to give any
indifferent hearing to the word and voice of verity. The which set
will of the said Lady Mary, both this young king, and also his father,
King Henry before him, right well perceiving and considering, they
were both much displeased against her: insomuch that not only her
brother did utterly sequester her in his will, but also her own
father, considering her inclination, conceived such heart against her,
that for a great space he did seclude her from the title of princess;
yea, and seemed so eagerly incensed against her, that he was fully
purposed to proceed further with her, (as it is reported,) had not the
intercession of Thomas Cranmer, the archbishop, reconciled the king
again to favour and pardon his own daughter. For the better
understanding whereof, by these her own letters copied out of her own
handwriting, which I have to show, something may be perceived, and
more, peradventure, may be guessed. The words out of her own
handwriting be these. And first her letter to King Henry her father
here followeth:

A letter of the Lady Mary to King Henry her father.

"In my most humble wise I beseech your Grace of your daily blessing.
Pleaseth it the same to be advertised, that this morning my Lord my
chamberlain came and showed me, that he had received a letter from Sir
W. Paulet, comptroller of your house; the effect whereof was, that I
should with all diligence remove unto the castle of Hertford.
Whereupon I desired him to see the same letter, which he showed me:
wherein was written, that the Lady Mary, the king's daughter, should
remove to the place before-said, leaving out in the same the name of
princess. Which when I heard, I could not a little marvel, trusting
verily that your Grace was not privy to the same letter as concerning
the leaving out of the name of princess; forasmuch as I doubt not in
your goodness, but your Grace doth take me for your lawful daughter,
born in true matrimony. Wherefore, if I should agree to the contrary,
I should in my conscience run in the displeasure of God, which I hope
assuredly your Grace would not that I so should. And in all other
things your Grace shall have me always as humble and obedient a
daughter and handmaid as ever was child to the father, which my duty
bindeth me to; as knoweth our Lord, who have your Grace in his most
holy tuition, with much honour, and long life to his pleasure.

"Written at your manor of Beaulieu, the second day of October,
By your humble daughter,
MARY, PRINCESS."

Protestation of the Lady Mary to certain lords sent by the king her
father, with certain requests unto her.

"My Lords, as touching my removing to Hatfield, I will obey his Grace,
as my duty is, or to any other place his Grace will appoint me. But I
protest before you and all others that be here present, that my
conscience will in no wise suffer me to take any other than myself for
the king's lawful daughter, born in true matrimony, or princess; and
that I will never willingly and wittingly say or do, whereby any
person might take occasion to think that I agree to the contrary. Not
of any ambition or proud mind, as God is my judge; but that, if I
should say or do otherwise, I should, in my conscience, slander the
deed of our mother holy church, and the pope, who is the judge in this
matter, and none other; and also dishonour the king my father, the
queen my mother, and falsely confess myself a bastard; which God
defend that I should do, seeing the pope hath not so declared it by
his sentence definitive; for to his judgment I submit me."

As you have heard some part already of the stout courage of the Lady
Mary toward her father, and also by her letters no less was declared
toward King Edward her brother and others of his council, as well may
appear by the letters above specified between the king her brother and
his council: so now let us infer somewhat, likewise, of the stout talk
and demeanour of the said Lady Mary toward Doctor Ridley, bishop of
London, who, gently coming to herof mere good will, had this
communication with her, and she with him, as here followeth:

About the eighth of September, 1552, Dr. Ridley, then bishop of
London, lying at his house at Hadham in Hertfordshire, went to visit
the Lady Mary, then lying at Hunsdon, two miles off; and was gently
entertained of Sir Thomas Wharton, and other her officers, till it was
almost eleven of the clock; about which time the said Lady Mary came
forth into her chamber of presence, and then the said bishop there
saluted her Grace, and said, that he was come to do this duty to her
Grace. Then she thanked him for his pains, and, for a quarter of an
hour, talked with him very pleasantly; and said, that she knew him in
the court when he was chaplain to her father, and could well remember
a sermon that he made before King Henry her father, at the marriage of
my Lady Clinton that now is, to Sir Anthony Brown, &c.: and so
dismissed him to dine with her officers.

After dinner was done, the bishop being called for by the said Lady
Mary, resorted again to her Grace, between whom this communication
was. First the bishop beginneth in manner as followeth:

Bishop.--"Madam, I came not only to do my duty, to see your Grace, but
also to offer myself to preach before you on Sunday next, if it will
please you to hear me."

At this her countenance changed, and, after silence for a space, she
answered thus:

Mary.--"My Lord, as for this last matter I pray you make the answer to
it yourself."

Bishop.--"Madam, considering mine office and calling, I am bound in
duty to make to your Grace this offer, to preach before you."

Mary.--"Well, I pray you make the answer (as I have said) to this
matter yourself; for you know the answer well enough. But if there be
no remedy but I must make you answer, this shall be your answer: the
door of the parish church adjoining shall be open for you if you come,
and ye may preach if you list; but neither I, nor any of mine, shall
hear you."

Bishop.--"Madam, I trust yon will not refuse God's word."

Mary.--"I cannot tell what ye call God's word: that is not God's word
now, that was God's word in my father's days."

Bishop.--"God's word is all one in all times; but hath been better
understood and practised in some ages than in others."

Mary.--"You durst not, for your ears, have avouched that for God's
word in my father's days, that now you do. And as for your new books,
I thank God I never read any of them: I never did nor ever will do."

And after many bitter words against the form of religion then
established, and against the government of the realm and the laws made
in the young years of her brother (which, she said, she was not bound
to obey till her brother came to perfect age, and then, she affirmed,
she would obey them,) she asked the bishop whether he were one of the
council. He answered. "No." "You might well enough," said she, "as the
council goeth now-a-days."

And so she concluded with these words: "My Lord, for your gentleness
to come and see me, I thank you: but for your offering to preach
before me, I thank you never a whit."

Then the said bishop was brought by Sir Thomas Wharton to the place
where they dined, and was desired to drink. And after he had drunk, he
paused awhile, looking very sadly; and suddenly brake out into these
words: "Surely I have done amiss." "Why so?" quoth Sir Thomas Wharton.
"For I have drunk," said he, "in that place where God's word offered
hath been refused: whereas, if I had remembered my duty, I ought to
have departed immediately, and to have shaken off the dust of my shoes
for a testimony against this house." These words were by the said
bishop spoken with such a vehemency, that some of the hearers
afterwards confessed their hair to stand upright on their heads. This
done, the said bishop departed, and so returned to his house.

And thus, making an end of this ninth book, touching the story and
reign of King Edward, and having also somewhat said before of the
nature and disposition of the Lady Mary, whereby the way may be
prepared the better to the troubles of the next book following; we
intend, the grace of God assisting us therein, now further to proceed
in describing the acts and proceedings of the said Lady Mary, coming
now to be queen, and advanced, next after this godly King Edward, to
the crown of this realm of England.

$

THE TENTH BOOK.
THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY.
240. THE ABOMINABLE BLASPHEMY OF THE MASS.

FORASMUCH as we are come now to the time of Queen Mary, when so many
were put to death for the cause especially of the Mass, and The
Sacrament of the Altar, (as they call it,) I thought it convenient,
upon the occasion given, in the ingress of this foresaid story, first,
to prefix before, by the way of preface, some declaration collected
out of divers writers and authors, whereby to set forth to the reader
the great absurdity, wicked abuse, and perilous idolatry, of the
popish mass; declaring how, and by whom, it came in, and how it is
clouted and patched up of divers additions: to the intent that the
reader, seeing the vain institution thereof, and weighing the true
causes why it is to be exploded out of all churches, may the better
thereby judge of their death, which gave their lives for the testimony
and the word of truth.

First concerning the origin of this word Missa, whether it came of non
???  in Hebrew, or nee which signifieth "oblation;" or whether it came
of sending away the catechumens, and persons unworthily out of place
of ministration, (as certain writers suppose,) or else, "Of gifts and
oblations, wont to be offered before the communion." Or whether Missa
is derived of Remissa, which in the former writers was used Pro
remissione, that is, forgiveness; or whether Missa is taken for
sending away the congregation by the words of thedeacon, Ite missa
est: or whether Missa hath its denomination of what the Grecians call
afes?? t?? ?a?? [Aphesis tou laou], "dismission of the people"
(alluding to the story of the Hebrews, licensed of Pharaoh to depart
out of captivity after the eating of the paschal lamb, as I read in an
old popish book, entitled De Sacramentis Sacerdotalibus); or what term
soever it be else, either Latin, Syrian, Dutch, or French, or
howsoever else it taketh its appellation, as there is no certainty
amongst themselves who most magnify the mass, so it is no matter to us
that stand against it. To my judgment or conjecture, this latter
exposition of the word seemeth more probable, both for that it is
joined with the word ite, which signifieth "departing," and also the
time and order in speaking the same agreeth well thereunto. For, as
the old Hebrews, after the supper of the lamb, and not before, were
set at liberty straightway to depart out of captivity, so, belike, to
declare our mystical deliverance by Christ offered and slain for us,
first goeth before the action of the holy supper: that done, then the
priest or deacon saith Ite missa est, meaning, thereby, the
deliverance and liberty which is spiritually wrought in us, after that
the body of Christ hath been offered for us. Or else, if Missa
otherwise should signify the celebration or the action of the supper,
it would not be said Ite, but Venite missa est, &c. Moreover, besides
other arguments, there be certain places in Cassianus which seem to
declare that Missa signifieth the dismission of the congregation: as
where he writeth of him which cometh not in time to the hours of
prayer, saying it not to be lawful for him to enter into the oratory,
that he ought, standing without the doors, to wait for the miss of the
congregation.

And again in the next chapter following, he inferreth the same vocable
Missa, in like sense: "contented with so much sleep as served, us for
the miss, or breaking up of the night vigil, unto the coming of the
day," &c. But, to let pass these conjectures, this by the way I give
the reader to note and understand: that as this word Missa never yet
entered into the church nor usage among the Greeks, so it is to be
observed among our Latin interpreters, (such as have translated of old
time the ancient Greek authors,) as Eusebius, and the Tripartite
History, (and others that were the Greek writers,) have these terms,
"to call the congregation," "to convent assemblies," and "to frequent
together;" the old translator of Epiphanius, and others, translate
upon the same Missas facere, collectus agere, missas celebrare, &c.
Whereby it is not obscure to be seen, that this word "mass," in the
old time, was not only and peculiarly applied to the action of
consecration, but as well as to all Christian assemblies collected, or
congregations convented, according as in the Dutch language this name
Masse signifieth any solemn frequency, or panagery, or gathering
together of the people. But of the name enough and too much.

To (express now) the absurdity of the said mass, and the irreligious
application thereof, unseemly and perilous for Christians to use, I
will bring two or three reasons of the worthy servant and martyr of
God, John Bradford, to which many more may also be added out of
others. First, the mass, saith he, is a most subtle and pernicious
enemy against Christ; and that, double ways: namely, against his
priesthood, and against his sacrifice. Which he proveth by this way:
for the priesthood of Christ, saith he, is an everlasting priesthood,
and such an one as cannot go to another; but the mass utterly putteth
him out of place, as though he was dead for ever, and so God were a
liar which said, that Christ should be "a Priest for ever;" which,
briefly, cometh unto this argument.

That thing is not perpetual, nor standeth alone, which admitteth
succession of others, to do the same thing that was done before:

But the mass-priests succeed after Christ, doing the same sacrifice,
as they say, which he did before:

Ergo, the mass-priests make Christ's priesthood not to be perpetual.

Another Argument.

All priests either be after the order of Aaron, or after the order of
Melchizedek, or after the order of the apostles, or after that
spiritual sort, whereof it is written, Vos estis spirituale
sacerdotium, &c.

But our mass-priests neither be after the order of Aaron, for that is
to resume that which Christ hath abolished; neither after the order of
Melchizedek, for that is peculiar only to Christ; neither after the
order of the apostles, for then should they be ministers, not masters;
not priests, but preachers; and which of the apostles was ever named
by the title of a priest? Again, neither are they after the general
sort of the spiritual priesthood, for after that prerogative every
true Christian is a spiritual priest, as well as they offering up
spiritual, not bodily, sacrifice: as prayers, thanksgiving, obedience,
mortification of the body framed to the obedience of his commandments.

Ergo, our mass-priests are no priests, unless it be after the order of
the priests of Baal!

Secondly, concerning the sacrifice of Christ above mentioned, he
reasoneth in like manner; which we have reduced in the way of argument
as followeth:

To reiterate a thing once done, for the attaining or accomplishing of
the end whereof it was begun, declareth the imperfection of the same
thing before.

The mass-priests do reiterate the sacrifice of Christ, once done for
the end whereof it was begun; that is, for propitiation and remission.

Ergo, mass-priests make the sacrifice of Christ to be imperfect; and
so are they injurious to the sacrifice of Christ.

For confirmation of the premises, mark here, reader, I beseech thee,
the Rubric here following, written before the Mass of the Five Wounds,
in the mass-book.

"Boniface; bishop of Rome, lay sick and was like to die, to whom our
Lord sent the archangel Raphael with the office of the Mass of the
Five Wounds, saying, Rise and write this office, and say it five
times, and thou shalt be restored to thy health immediately; and what
priest soever shall say this office for himself, or for any other that
is sick, five times, the person for whom it is said shall obtain
health and grace, and in the world to come, if he continue in virtue,
life everlasting. And in whatsoever tribulation a man shall be in this
life, if he procure this office to be said five times for him of a
priest, without doubt he shall be delivered. And if it be said for the
soul of the dead, anon as it shall be said and ended five times, his
soul shall be rid from pains. This hearing, the bishop did erect
himself up in his bed, conjuring the angel, in the name of Almighty
God, to tell him what he was, and wherefore he came, and that he
should depart without doing him harm; who answered, that he was
Raphael the archangel, sent unto him of God, and that all the premises
were undoubtedly true. Then the said Boniface confirmed the said
office of the Five Wounds by the apostolic authority."

Another argument against the mass is, for that it is a hinderance to
the true service of God, and to the godly life of men; the declaration
whereof is more at large by the said author set out, but, briefly, in
form of argument it may be thus contracted.

Another argument.

Whatsoever causeth or occasioneth a man to rest in outward serving of
God, (whose service should be all inward, in spirit and verity,) that
hindereth the true service of God.

The mass occasioneth a man to rest in outward serving; as, in hearing,
seeing, and saying mass, which be but outward senses of a man, and is,
as they say, meritorious.

Ergo, the mass hindereth the right and true service of God.

Another argument, proving that the mass hindereth good life, is this:

Upon the mass riseth false hope; a false remedy is promised to wicked
livers. For evil men, hearing mass in the morning, upon hope thereof,
take more security in doing all day what they list. And such as have
(in bibbing, brawling, taverning, swearing, whoring, dicing, carding)
committed wickedness, to them the mass is set up; promising him
sufficient propitiation, sacrifice, remedy of body and soul, for man
and beast, though they never heard preaching, never used praying,
never repented. Or, how wicked soever they have been, yet if they come
to the church, take holy bread and holy water, and hear mass, or find
a soul-priest upon the remedy thereof, then they think themselves
discharged, and good catholic men.

Upon what cause soever riseth false hope, and false remedy is promised
to wicked livers, which hindereth good life.

Ergo, the mass hindereth good life.

Another argument.

Where one thing is sufficient and serveth alone, there all other helps
be needless thereunto, wherein it serveth.

The mass (as they say) hath all -- serveth for all; for, by it cometh
pardon for sins, by it cometh deliverance from hell and purgatory, by
it cometh health for man and beast.

Ergo, all other helps else be needless; hearing of God's word, faith,
praying in spirit, repenting, preaching, piety, and all other helps to
good life, &c.

Another argument: proving that the mass is diverse and contrary from
the institution of Christ's supper.

I. Christ ordained his supper to be a memorial of his death and
passion, to be preached until he came.

The mass is no memorial thing of Christ remembered in the sacrament,
but rather they make the sacrament to be Christ himself offered and
sacrificed for remission of sins; both for the quick and the dead.

II. Christ ordained his supper to be celebrated and received of the
congregation; and therefore Paul biddeth the Corinthians to tarry one
for another. In the mass there is no such thing: choose the people to
come or no, "Sir John" is kin to the tide, he will tarry for no man;
if he have a boy to say "amen," it is enough.

III. Christ received not, but he distributed also the whole in every
part: "Sir John," when he hath received all alone, he showeth the
people the empty chalice; and if he distribute to the people once a
year, it is but in one kind alone.

IV. Christ ordained the supper to be a taking matter, an eating
matter, a distributing and a remembering matter: contrary our mass-men
make it a matter, not of taking, but of gazing, peeping, pixing,
boxing, carrying, re-carrying, worshipping, stooping, kneeling,
knocking, with "stoop down before," "hold up higher," "I thank God I
see my Maker to-day," &c. Christ ordained it a table-matter: we turn
it to an altar-matter. He, for a memorial, we, for a sacrifice: he
sat, our men stand; he in his common tongue, we in a foreign tongue:
whereby it is manifest to appear, how diverse and repugnant the mass
is to the institution of the Lord's supper.

Another argument: proving that the Mass is contrary to God's
commandments.

Item, Whereas the first table of God's blessed and sacred
commandments, teacheth men to worship and serve him, and to direct the
meditations of their hearts only unto him, and that in all places, at
all times, both publicly and privately;

The mass-book doth point out service for saints and for creatures by
name, to be served at least three hundred days and years; as appeareth
by the calendars, masses, collects, martyrologue, &c.:

Ergo, the doctrine and institution of the mass-book tendeth contrary
to God's holy commandments.

Another reason against the Mass.

Item, Whereas St. Paul, in express words, willeth all things to be
done in an edifying tongue, the mass is celebrated in a tongue
foreign, strange, and unknown to the people; so that although the
matter therein contained were wholesome and consonant to Scripture,
(as it is much disagreeing to the same,) yet for the strangeness of
the tongue it giveth but a sound, and worketh no edifying to the
ignorant.

Now both the tongue being strange to the ears of the people, and the
matter also in the mass contained being repugnant to God's word, what
defence can the mass have, but utterly it is to be rejected?

And forasmuch therefore as the mass so long used in a foreign language
hath not hitherto come to the understanding of the simple and vulgar
sort, to the intent they may themselves perceive the matter, and be
their own judges, I have here set forth the chiefest part thereof,
which is the canon, in English, so as I found it in a certain written
copy, by Master Coverdale translated, adjoining withal the rubric and
circumstance of the same in every point, as it is in the mass-book
contained.

The whole canon of the Mass, with the Rubric thereof, as it standeth
in the Mass-book, after Salisbury Use, translated word by word out of
Latin into English.

After the Sanctus, the priest immediately joining his hands together,
and lifting up his eyes, beginneth these words:

Te igitur clementissime, &c.; that is to say, _ "Therefore, most
gracious Father, through Jesus Christ thy Son our Lord, we humbly
beseech thee,"

Let him bow down his body while he saith: "And we desire,"

Here the priest, standing upright, must kiss the altar on the right
hand of the sacrifice, saying: "That thou accept and bless,"

Here let the priest make three crosses upon the chalice and the bread,
saying:

"These + gifts, these + presents, these + holy and unspotted
sacrifices."

When the signs are made upon the chalice, let him lift up his hands,
saying thus:

"Which, first of all, we offer unto thee for thy holy catholic church,
that thou vouchsafe to pacify, keep, unite, and govern it throughout
the whole world, with thy servant our pope N. and our bishop N.,"
[that is his own bishop only] "and our king N." [and they are
expressed by name.]

Then let there follow:

"And all true believers, and such as have the catholic and apostolic
faith in due estimation." Here let him pray for the living:

"Remember, Lord, thy servants and handmaids N. and N."

In the which prayer a rule must be observed for the order of charity.
Five times let the priest pray: first, for himself: secondly, for
father and mother, carnal and spiritual, and for other parents:
thirdly, for special friends, parishioners, and others: fourthly, for
all that stand by: fifthly, for all Christian people. And here may the
priest commend all his friends to God, (but my counsel is, that none
make over-long tarrying there, partly for distraction of mind, partly
because of immissions which may chance through evil angels,) and all
that stand hereby round about, whose faith and devotion unto thee is
known and manifest; for whom we offer unto thee, or which themselves
offer unto thee, this sacrifice of praise for them and theirs, for the
redemption of their souls, for the hope of their salvation and health,
and render their vows unto Thee, the eternal living and true God.

Communicating, and worshipping the memorial, first, of the glorious
and ever Virgin; bowing down a little, let him say:

"Mary, the mother of our God and Lord Jesu Christ, and also of thy
blessed apostles and martyrs, Peter, Paul, Andrew, James, John,
Thomas, Philip, Bartholomew, Matthew, Simon and Thaddeus, Linus,
Cletus, Clement, Sixtus, Cornelius, Cyprian, Laurence, Chrysogonus,
John and Paul, Cosmas and Damian, and of all thy saints: by whose
merits and prayers, grant thou, that in all things we may be defended
with the help of thy protection, through the same Christ our Lord.
Amen."

Here let the priest behold the host with great veneration, saying:

"Therefore, Lord, we beseech thee, that thou, being pacified, wilt
receive this oblation of our bound service, and of all thy household:
and order our days in thy peace, and command us to be delivered from
eternal damnation, and to be numbered in the flock of thine elect,
through Christ our Lord. Amen."

Here again let him hold the host, saying:

"Which oblation we beseech thee, O Almighty God, in all things to
make,"

Here let him make three crosses upon both when he saith:

"+ blessed, + appointed, + ratified, reasonable, and acceptable; that
unto us it may be,"

Here let him make a cross upon the bread, saying: + "The body," here
upon the chalice, "and + blood,"

Here with hands joined together, let him say, "of thy most dearly
beloved Son our Lord Jesu Christ;

Here let the priest lift up his hands and join them together, and
afterward wipe his fingers, and lift up the host, saying:

"Who, the next day, afore he suffered, took bread into his holy and
reverent hands, and his eyes being lift up into heaven,"

Here let him lift up his eyes,

"unto the God Almighty his Father,"

Here let him bow down, and afterward erect himself up a little,
saying:

"Rendering thanks unto thee, he + blessed, he brake,"

Here let him touch the host, saying:

"and gave unto his disciples, saying, Take ye, and eat of this ye all;
for this is my body."

And these words must be pronounced with one breath, and under one
prolation, without making of any pause between. After these words let
him bow himself to the host, and afterward lift [it] up above his
forehead, that it may be seen of the people: and let him reverently
lay it again before the chalice, in manner of a cross made with the
same. And then let him uncover the chalice, and hold it between his
hands, not putting his thumb and forefinger asunder, save only when he
blesseth, saying thus:

"Likewise after they had supped, he, taking this excellent cup into
his holy and reverent hands, rendering thanks also unto thee,"

Here let him bow himself, saying:

"Blessed, and gave unto his disciples, saying, Take, and drink of this
ye all;"

Here let him lift up the chalice a little, saying thus:

"For this is the cup of my blood, of the new and everlasting
testament, the mystery of faith, which, for you and for many, shall be
shed to the remission of sins."

Here let him lift the chalice to his breast, or further than his head,
saying:

"As oft as ye do these things, ye shall do them in remembrance of me."

Here let him set down the chalice again, and rub his fingers over the
chalice. Then let him lift up his arms, and cover the chalice. Then
let him lift up his arms crosswise, his fingers being joined together
until these words: de tuis donis; this is to say, of thine own
rewards.

"Wherefore, O Lard, we also, thy servants, and thy holy people, being
mindful as well of the blessed passion and resurrection, as of the
glorious ascension of the same Christ thy Son, our Lord God, do offer
unto thy excellent Majesty of thy own rewards and gifts."

Here let there be made five crosses, namely, the three first upon the
host and cup, saying:

+" a pure host; + a holy host; + an undefiled host."

The fourth upon the bread only, saying: "The holy + bread of eternal
life,"

The fifth upon the cup, saying:

"And + cup of eternal salvation. Vouchsafe thou also, with a merciful
and pleasant countenance, to have respect hereunto, and to accept the
same, as thou didst vouchsafe to accept the gifts of thy righteous
servant Abel, and the sacrifice of our patriarch Abraham, and the holy
sacrifice, the undefiled host, that the high priest Melchizedek did
offer unto thee."

Here let the priest, with his body bowed down, and his hands holden
across, say, Supplices te rogamus, "We humbly beseech thee," until
these words, Ex hac altaris participatione, "of this partaking of the
altar." And then let him stand up, kissing the altar on the right side
of the sacrifice; and let him make a sign of the cross upon the host,
and in his own face, when he saith, Omni benedictione cœlesti, "with
all heavenly benediction."

"We humbly beseech thee, O Almighty God, command thou these to be
brought by the hands of thy holy angel unto thy high altar in the
presence of thy Divine Majesty, that as many of us as,"

Here erecting up himself, let him kiss the altar on the right side of
the sacrifice, saying:

"Of this participation of the altar shall receive thy Son's holy"

Here let him make a sign of the cross upon the host, saying:

"body,"

Then upon the cup, saying:

"and + blood may be replenished"

Then let him make a sign in his own face, saying: "With all heavenly
benediction and grace through the same Christ our Lord. Amen."

Here let him pray for the dead.

"Remember, Lord, also, the souls of thy servants and handmaidens, N.
and N. which are gone before us with the mark of faith, and rest in
the sleep of peace. We beseech thee, O Lord, that unto them, and unto
all such as rest in Christ, thou wilt grant a place of refreshing, of
light, and of peace, through the same Christ our Lord. Amen."

Here let him smite once upon his breast, saying:

"Unto us sinners also, thy servants, hoping of the multitude of thy
mercies, vouchsafe to give some portion and fellowship with thy holy
apostles and martyrs; with John, Stephen, Matthias, Barnabas,
Ignatius, Alexander, Marcellinus, Peter, Felicitas, Perpetua, Agatha,
Lucia, Agnes, Cecilia, Anastasia, and with all thy saints; within
whose fellowship we beseech thee admit us, not weighing our merit, but
granting us forgiveness through Christ our Lord."

Here is not said "Amen."

"By whom, O Lord, all these good things thou dost ever create."

Here let him make a sign over the chalice three times, saying:

"Thou+ sanctifiest; thou + quickenest; thou + blessest, and givest
unto us."

Here let him uncover the chalice, and make a sign of the cross with
the host five times: first, beyond the chalice on every side;
secondly, even with the chalice; thirdly, within the chalice;
fourthly, like as at the first; fifthly, before the chalice.

"Through + him, and with + him and in him, is unto thee God, Father +
almighty in the unity of the Holy Ghost, all honour and glory."

Here let the priest cover the chalice, and hold his hands still upon
the altar till the Pater-noster be spoken, saying thus:

"World without end, Amen.-- Let us pray. Being advertised by wholesome
precepts, and taught by God's institution, we are bold to say,"

Here let the deacon take the paten, and hold it uncovered on the right
side of the priest, his arm being stretched out on high until da
propitius.

Here let the priest lift up his hands, saying, Pater noster, &c. The
choir must say, Sed libera nos, &c.

"Deliver us, we beseech thee, O Lord, from all evil past, present, and
for to come; and that, by the intercession of the blessed, glorious,
and our Virgin Mary the mother of God, and thy blessed apostles Peter,
and Paul, and Andrew; with all saints."

Here let the deacon commit the paten to the priest, kissing his hand;
and let the priest kiss the paten. Afterward let him put it to his
left eye, and then to the right. After that let him make a cross with
the paten above upon his head, and so lay it down again into its
place, saying:

"Give peace graciously in our days, that we, being helped through the
succour of thy mercy, may both be always free from sin, and safe from
all trouble,"

Here let him uncover the chalice, and take the body, doing reverence,
shifting it over in the hollow room of the chalice, holding it between
his thumbs and forefingers; and let him break it into three parts; the
first breaking, while there is said:

"Through the same our Lord Jesus Christ thy Son,"

The second breaking:

"Who, with thee, in the unity of the Holy Ghost, liveth and reigneth
God."

Here let him hold two pieces in his left hand, and the third piece in
the right hand, upon the brink of the chalice, saying this with open
voice: "World without end."

Let the choir answer:

"Amen."

Here let him make three crosses within the chalice with the third part
of the host, saying:

"The peace of the Lord + be always + with + you,"

Let the choir answer:

"And with thy spirit."

To say Agnus Dei, let the deacon and subdeacon approach near unto the
priest, both being on the right hand, the deacon nearer, the subdeacon
further off. And let them say privately:

"O Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world, have mercy
upon us: O Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world, have
mercy upon us: O Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world,
grant us peace."

In masses for the dead it is said thus:

"O Lamb of God, that takest away the sins of the world, give them
rest,"

With this addition in the third repetition, "Everlasting."

Here making a cross, let him put down the said third part of the host
into the sacrament of the blood, saying:

"This holy mingling together of the body and blood of our Lord Jesu
Christ be unto me, and to all that receive it, salvation of mind and
body: a wholesome preparation both to deserve and to receive eternal
life, through the same Christ our Lord."

Afore the pax be given, let the priest say:

"O Lord, holy Father, almighty eternal God, grant me so worthily to
take this holy body and blood of thy Son our Lord Jesu Christ, that by
this I may merit to receive forgiveness of all my sins, and be
replenished with thy Holy Spirit, and to have thy peace: for thou art
God alone, neither is there any other without thee, whose glorious
kingdom and empire endureth continually world without end, Amen."

Here let the priest kiss the corporas on the right side, and the brink
of the chalice, and afterward let him say to the deacon:

"Peace be unto thee, and to the church of God." Answer:

"And with thy spirit."

On the right hand of the priest let the deacon receive the pax of him,
and reach it to the subdeacon. Then to the step of the choir let the
deacon himself bear the pax unto the rectors of the choir; and let
them bring it to the choir, either of them to his own side, beginning
at the eldest. But in feasts and ferial days, when the choir is not
governed, the pax is borne from the deacon unto the choir by two of
the lowest of the second form, like as afore.

After the pax given, let the priest say the prayers following,
privately, before he communicate; holding the host with both his
hands:

"O God, Father, thou fountain and original of all goodness, who, being
moved with mercy, hast willed thine only begotten Son, for our sake,
to descend into the lower parts of the world, and to be incarnate,
whom I unworthy hold in my hands;"

Here let the priest bow himself to the host, saying: "I worship thee,
I glorify thee, I praise thee with whole intention of mind and heart:
and I beseech thee that thou fail not us thy servants, but forgive our
sins, so as with pure heart, and chaste body, we may be able to serve
thee, the only living and true God, through the same Christ our Lord:
Amen.

"O Lord Jesu Christ, thou Son of the living God, who, according to the
will of the Father, the Holy Ghost working withal, hast quickened the
world through thy death, deliver me, I beseech thee, through this thy
holy body, and this thy blood, from all my iniquities, and from all
evils. And make me to alway obey thy commandments, and never suffer me
to be separated from thee for evermore, thou Saviour of the world,
who, with God the Father, and the same Holy Ghost, livest and reignest
God, world without end: Amen.

"O Lord Jesu Christ, let not the sacrament of thy body and blood which
I receive, (though unworthy,) be to my judgment and damnation; but,
through thy goodness, let it profit to the salvation of my body and
soul: Amen."

To the body let him say with humiliation before he receive:

"Hail for evermore, thou most holy flesh of Christ; unto me, afore all
things and above all things, the highest sweetness. The body of our
Lord Jesu Christ be unto me, sinner, the way and life, in the + name
of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost: Amen."

Here let him take the body, a cross being first made with the same
body afore his mouth, saying:

"Hail for evermore, thou heavenly drink! unto me, before all things
and above all things, the highest sweetness. The body and blood of our
Lord Jesu Christ profit me, sinner, for a remedy everlasting unto life
eternal: Amen. In the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Ghost: Amen."

Here let him take the blood, which when it is received, let him bow
himself, and say the prayer:

"I render thanks to thee, O Lord, holy Father, almighty eternal God,
which hast refreshed me out of the most holy body and blood of thy Son
our Lord Jesu Christ. And I beseech thee, that this sacrament of our
salvation, which I, unworthy sinner, have received, come not to my
judgment nor condemnation after my merits; but to the profit of my
body, and to the salvation of my soul into life everlasting: Amen."

Which prayer being said, let the priest go to the right side of the
altar, with the chalice between his hands, his fingers being yet
joined together as afore, and let the subdeacon approach dear, and
pour out wine and water into the chalice. And let the priest rinse his
hands, lest any parcels of the body or blood be left behind in his
fingers or in the chalice. But, when any priest must celebrate twice
in one day, then, at the first mass, he must not receive any ablution,
but put it in the sacristy, or in a clean vessel, till the end of the
other mass; and then let both the ablutions be received.

After the first ablution, is said this prayer: "That we have received
with mouth, O Lord, let us take with a pure mind, and out of a
temporal gift, let it be to us a remedy everlasting."

Here let him wash his fingers in the hollow room of the chalice, with
wine being poured in by the subdeacon; which, when it is drunk up, let
the prayer follow:

"Lord, let this communion purge us from sin, and make us to be
partakers of the heavenly remedy." After the receiving of the
ablutions, let the priest lay the chalice upon the paten; that if
aught remain behind, it may drop. And afterward bowing himself, let
him say:

"Let us worship the sign of the cross, whereby we have received the
sacrament of salvation." Afterward let him wash his hands. In the mean
season let the deacon fold up the corporas. When his hands are washen,
and the priest returneth to the right end of the altar, let the deacon
reach the chalice to the priest's mouth, that if aught of that which
was poured in do remain behind, he may receive it. After that, let him
say the communion with his ministers. Then, making a sign of the cross
in his own face, let the priest turn himself to the people; and with
his arms somewhat lifted up, and his hands joined together, let him
say, Dominus vobiscum; and, turning him again to the altar, let him
say, Oremus, "Let us pray."

Then let him say the postcommon, according to the number and order of
the aforesaid prayers. Before the epistle, when the last postcommon is
ended, and the priest hath made a sign of the cross in his forehead,
let him turn him again to the people, and say, Dominus vobiscum. Then
let the deacon say, Benedicamus Domino. At another time is said, Ite
missa est. As oft as Ite missa est is said, it is always said in
turning to the people. And when Benedicamus Domino or Requiescant in
pace must be said, let it be said in turning to the altar. When these
things are spoken, let the priest (with his body bowed down, and his
hands joined together) in the midst before the altar, say, with a
still voice, this prayer:

"O holy Trinity, let the office of my bond-service please thee! and
grant that this sacrifice, which I, unworthy, have offered in the eyes
of thy Majesty, may be acceptable unto thee: and that unto me and all
them for whom I have offered it, it may avail to obtain remission,
thou being merciful, who livest and reignest God," &c.

Which prayer being ended, let the priest stand upright, crossing
himself in his face, saying, In nomine Patris, &c. And so when
obeisance is made, after the same order wherein they came afore to the
altar at the beginning of the mass, so, having on their apparel, with
the censer-bearer, and other ministers, let them go their way again.

THE END OF THE CANON.

Now it remaineth (as we have promised before) to entreat of the parts
and parcels of the Mass, declaring likewise how, and by whom, this
popish, or rather apish, mass became so clampered and patched together
with so many divers and sundry additions; whereby it may the better
appear what hath been the continuance of the same.

First, in the beginning of this preface it was declared before, how
this word "mass" was never used or known in the old primitive church
among the first Christians, nor among the Grecians. Therefore they
that deduce and derive the origin of the mass from St. James and
Basil, are far deceived. As I think, that St. James was once bishop at
Jerusalem, so I think not contrary, but sometimes he ministered at the
communion there, in breaking of bread, and that not without the Lord's
Prayer, and other prayers of thanksgiving, as we now in our communion
use like prayers, and these prayers make not the communion to be a
mass. And the like is to be said of St. Peter, who though he did
celebrate the communion at Rome, yet it followeth not that he said
mass at Rome, as some report him to have done.

Neither is it hard to fetch out the origin, how this error first came
up among the people, that St. James said mass at Jerusalem, if a man
consider well histories and authors which have written. For in the
history of Eusebius, Egesippus thus writeth of St. James, Eum ab
apostolis primum constitutum fuisse episcopum et liturgum, &c. Upon
the which word liturgus, it is not unlike, and divers suppose, this
error to come: that St. James did first set and institute the order of
mass. For so lightly the old translators, wheresoever they find
liturgia, or collecta, (???????a [Greek:koinonia],) they translated it
missa; whereupon the greatest occasion of this error riseth, to make
the people believe the mass to be so ancient as to proceed from the
apostles, and from St. James. Notwithstanding, that error, as it
lightly came up, so it may be as lightly exploded. For how could St.
James say mass then at Jerusalem, or St. Peter at Rome, when as yet
neither the name of mass was heard, nor the parts thereof invented?
And although Sigebert in his Chronicles reports, that in the city of
Bazas, being delivered from the siege of the Huns, the pastor of that
church did celebrate mass with thanksgiving, about the year 453, yet
Sigebert, in so saying, is to be taken as speaking rather after the
use and manner of his time when he wrote it, than of that time when it
was done. For in all the works of St. Augustine, and of Chrysostom,
and in all that age, the name of mass is not found, but it is called
either the supper of the Lord, or the Lord's board or communion,
synaxis, sacrifice, oblation, mystery, celebration of the sacrament,
eucharistia, the mystical table, mystagogia, cœna mystica; or with
some other like term they nominate it. The name of the mass was not
yet devised, nor were the patches thereof compiled. Platina
testifieth, that before Pope Celestine, only the epistle and gospel
were read at the communion, which being done, the communion ended. And
Gregory saith, that the apostles, afore the ministration of the
sacrament did use only the Lord's Prayer, that is, the Pater-noster.
Let us hear what Walafridus Strabo writeth of that matter: "That which
now is done in the church, with such a long circumstance of so many
orisons, lessons, or readings, songs and consecrations; all that the
apostles, and they that next succeeded the apostles, (as it is
thought,) did accomplish simply with prayer only, and with the
commemoration of the Lord's passion," &c. It followeth in the same
author: "And, as the report is, like as it is in the Roman church upon
Good Friday, where the communion is wont to be taken without any mass;
so it was in the old time with them," &c.

Now how this mass hath grown up and increased since, let us search
out, by the Lord's help, out of authors, so much as may be found.

The "Introite."

Pope Celestine gave the first Introite, as Platina and Sigebert write.

The Psalm. "Judica me Deus," &c.

And before the priest do prepare himself to his mass, first with the
psalm, Judica me Deus et discerne causam meam, &c.: that was ordained
by the said Celestine.

And where they ascribed to St. Ambrose the two prayers which he used
in the preparation to the mass, and he added to the books of Ambrose,
Erasmus judgeth the same to be none of his, and that rightly as it
seemeth: for therein are contained errors, not else to be found in the
books of Ambrose, both in giving adoration to the bread of the
sacrament, and making invocation to saints, namely, to blessed Mary;
as in the second prayer, where he saith, "And that this my prayer
maybe of efficacy, I desire the suffrage and intercession of blessed
Mary the virgin," &c.: whereby it may appear learned Ambrose not to be
the author of such an error.

Chrysostom, in the eleventh Homily upon the Gospel of Matthew, saith,
that in his time, and afore his time, the use was to sing whole
psalms, till they were entered and assembled together. And so belike
Celestine borrowed this custom of the Greeks, and brought it into the
Latin church, as Rupertus writeth.

Gregory the Great (as some write) called a synod at Rome, about the
year of our Lord 594, in which synod he appointed that the introite of
the mass should be taken out of some psalm.

The "Confiteor."

The Confiteor Pope Damasus brought into the mass, as it is written:
albeit peradventure not this popish Confiteor, winch in the latter
church hath been used, stuft full of idolatry and invocation of
saints, against the word of God.

The "Kyrie Eleison."

The Kyrie Eleison, nine times to be repeated in such a tongue as few
priests either understand, or do rightly pronounce, Gregory did
institute about 600 years after Christ; taking it out of the Greek
church, and yet transposing it otherwise than there it was used. For
among the Greeks this Kyrie Eleison, which they called their litany,
was sung of all the people; the which Gregory ordained to be sung only
of the choir: adding thereto also Christe Eleison, which the Grecians
used not; as Gregory himself, writing to the bishop of Syracuse, doth
testify.

"Gloria in Excelsis."

Next followeth Gloria in Excelsis, &c. which words were sung of the
angels, at the birth of our Saviour. Albeit these words also were
corrupted, as many other things were in the church; for where the
words of the angels' hymn were "to men good will;" the mass said, "to
men of good will," &c. This hymn was brought into the mass by Pope
Symmachus, (and not by Telesphorus, as some not truly write, that he
ordained three masses on Christmas day; for in his time there was no
mass, A.D. 140,) about the year of our Lord 510. And after, the said
hymn was augmented by Hilary, of Poictiers, with those words that
follow, Lan-damns te, &c., singing it first in his own church, which
was A.D. 340. And afterward it was brought into other churches by Pope
Symmachus, A.D. 510, as is aforesaid.

"Dominus vobiscum," with the answer "Oremus," and the Collects.

Dominus vobiscum, with the answer of the people, although we have no
certain author named by whom it came; yet this is certain, that it was
deduced out of the Greek church into the Latin; as may appear by the
Liturgy of Chrysostom and Basil (if the Liturgy be rightly ascribed
unto them): also by Origen, and other ancient writers; by whom, it may
seem that the liturgy or mass (as they call it) did first begin with
Dominus vobiscum, and then Sursum corda; after that Gratias agamus
Domino Deo nostro, and so following upon the same, Vere dignum et
justum est, &c.: to the which beginning of the canon other additions,
after, were put by others, as ye shall hear, by the Lord's grace,
hereafter more at large.

Hugo de Sto. Victore writeth, that this prayer was taken out of the
ancient salutation of Boaz saluting his harvest-folks. And out of the
book of Paralipomena, where the prophet saluteth Asa the king, with
his company about him, saying, Dominus vobiscum. Honorius writeth
thus: "As the priest saluteth the people with the words of the Old
Testament, Dominus vobiscum; so the bishop useth the words of the New
Testament, saying, Pax vobiscum," &c. Concerning the collects,
Walafridus writeth, that as they be divers and uncertain, so they were
made of divers and sundry authors, as every of them thought it
congrue. Hugo de Sto. Victore affirms, that chiefly they were made by
Gelasius and Gregory.

Why they were called collects, William Durand and Micrologus show the
cause: for that in the city of Rome they said them over the people
collected together on the station-day, therefore they were called
collectę.

The "Gradual," with "Alleluia," "Tract," and "Sequences."

The responsory, which is called the "gradual," (being wont to be sung
at the steps going up,) with Alleluia, Honorius saith that Ambrose
made them, but Pope Gregory ordained them to be received.

Upon festival days the "sequences," which were wont to be sung, were
chiefly composed by an abbot called Notherus de Sto. Gallo, and by
Pope Nicholas commanded to be sung in the mass.

The gradual the people were wont to sing when the bishop was about to
go up to the pulpit, or some higher standing, where the word of God
might be the better and more sensibly heard at his mouth, reading the
epistle and the gospel.

The epistle and the gospel.

The reading of the epistle and the gospel, although it was not used in
the apostles' times, yet it seemeth to be of ancient continuance, as
Hugo saith: "In former time the mass began first with the epistle of
St. Paul, after which epistle then followed the gospel, as also now,"
&c.

Walafridus saith, "It is uncertain who first ordered and disposed them
so to be."

Some attribute them to Jerome, some to Damasus, some to Telesphorus
aforesaid. This is certain, that Pope Anastasius ordained to stand up
at the hearing of the gospel read; about the year of our Saviour 406.

Petrus Ciruelus writeth thus: "We read that about five hundred years
since almost, the epistle," saith he, "was brought into the mass."

Honorius: "Alexander," saith he, "appointed the epistle and gospel to
be read at mass. The translation and the disposition of them, in that
order as they stand, Jerome the priest collected; but Damasus
appointed them to be read in the church, so as the use is now."

Betwixt the epistle and the gospel the old canons of the Spaniards did
forbid any hymn or canticle to be sung in the order of the mass, which
now by the Romish order is broken.

The Creed.

The creed was made by the synod of Constantinople, but, by Damasus the
pope, ordained to be sung at the mass. And whereas some affirm, that
it was brought in by Pope Marcus, about the year of our Lord 340 -- to
reconcile these two together, peradventure thus it may be taken, that
theone brought in the creed, or symbol, of the Nicene council, the
other appointed the creed of Constantinople, as is said.

The Offertory.

After this, oblations were wont to be offered of the people to the
priest; and the offertory to be sung of the choir.

Of these oblations speaketh Irenęus: "Instead of the sundry rites of
sacrifices, let the simple oblation of bread and wine suffice the
faithful."

Item, Walafridus: "Every person entering in the church must do
sacrifice, as the order of ecclesiastical institution doth teach."
What order this was, it is declared in Ordine Romano by these words:
"The people give every one his oblations; that is, bread and wine,
first the men, then the women. After them priests and deacons offer,
but bread only," &c.

Likewise Burchardus testifieth the same: "In the synod of Masēon it
was ordained, that every Sunday and festival day, oblation should be
made of all the people which came to the mass, or liturgy, both men
and women, in the church; every person bringing and offering his own
oblation. The liturgy being done, they should receive the oblations of
the priest," &c.

Thus ye may see what were their oblations and sacrifice in the ancient
time, in their liturgy. Whereof now remaineth nothing but the name
only with the song.

This offertory some ascribe to Eutychianus, about the year of our Lord
280, but thereof no certain evidence appeareth.

"Orate pro me, fratres," &c.

Nauclerus writeth, that Pope Leo brought in that which is said in the
mass, Orate pro me, fratres et sorores, &c.

The preface of the canon.

The preface of the canon from vere dignum et justum est, &c., to per
Christum Dominum nostrum, is given to Gelasius. Sursum corda seemeth
to be borrowed out of the old manner of the Greek church; St. Cyprian
also maketh mention of the same, and St. Augustine. And therefore
Thomas Walden judgeth that this part of the preface cannot be
attributed to Gelasius.

After Christum Dominum nostrum, in the old liturgy, then followed Qui
pridie quam pateretur, as Rhenanus supposeth; but then came Gelasius
I. about the year of our Lord 497, which inserted that which
followeth, Te igitur clementis ime, &c. Whereby it is to be noted,
that Polydore Virgil, which ascribeth Qui pridie to Pope Alexander, is
deceived.

The like is also to be said of Panormitane, who referreth the same
clause, Qui pridie, &c., to the apostles.

Furthermore note, good reader, how this doth agree with the long canon
of St. Ambrose (lib. iv. de Sacrament. cap. 5): Dicit Sacerdos, Fac
nobis hanc oblationem adscriptam, rationalem, acceptabilem, quad est
figura corporis et sanguinis Domini nostri Jesus Christi. Qui pridie
quam pateretur in sanctis manibus suis accepit panem, respexit ad
cesium, ad te Sancte Pater omnipotens et ęterne Deus, gratias agens
benedixit, fregit, &c. If it be true either that Panormitane saith, or
that Gelasius made Qui pridie, &c., how can this canon then be
fathered upon St. Ambrose? And by the same reason also his whole book,
entituled De Sacramentis, may be suspected; as of divers learned men
it is.

Then came Pope Sixtus ten years after him, who brought into the canon
Sanctus, Sanctus, thrice to be sung out of the book of Isaiah; and, to
annex it together, joined also that which goeth before, Per quem
majestatem tuam, &c.

He that writeth the Liturgy of Basil, ascribeth it to his name:
whether he doth it truly or no, I will not here contend. This is to be
noted, that seeing in the said Liturgy of Basil the same particle
Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus Dominus Deus Sabaoth: pleni sunt cœli et
terra gloria tua, Osanna in Excelsis is sung; therefore it must needs
follow, that either Leo, who was about the year of our Lord 460,
borrowed this out of Basil's Liturgy, or else the same is falsely
attributed to Basil.

After this followeth Sanctum sacrificium, immaculatam hostiam, till ye
come to placatus accipias, which Leo the First did make and institute.

The words in the communion, Hoc quotiescunque feceritis, in mei
memoriam facietis, &c., were put in by Pope Alexander, as Humbertus
writeth: Alexander martyr. et papa quintus ab apost. Petro, passionem
Domini inserens canon missę, ait, Hoc quotiescunque feceritis, &c.

Pope Gregory the Third, about the year of our Lord 732, put to his
piece, Et eorum quorum memoria, &c.

This Gregory the Third called a council at Rome, wherein he decreed,
that images should not only be had in temples, but also be worshipped,
and that all gainsayers should be counted as heretics.

Innocent the Third affirmeth Pope Gelasius, who was about four hundred
and ninety years after Christ, to have made a great piece of that
canon,as he himself did something therein, about the year of our Lord
1215.

Panormitane affirmeth that Gregory did add to the canon this clause,
Diesque nostros in pace disponas.

Briefly, Gregory saith, "that one Scholasticus made the most part of
the canon, finding also fault with the same, that in composing the
canon he would put in his own prayers, and leave out the Lord's
Prayer," &c.

Where it is to be noted, for the reconciling these writers together,
of whom some impute the canon to Gelasius, some again to Scholasticus:
in my conjecture it may be said, that both these be one, and so the
matter is reconciled. The reason that moveth me is this; for so I find
in a certain ancient book De Officio Missę, after these words,
Gelasius, Papa ex Scholastico effectus, in ordine 48. fecit Tractatus
et Hymnos, &c.

The elevation and adoration.

The elevation and adoration of the sacrament we cannot find to come in
by any other than by Honorius the Third, about the year of our Lord
1222; who ordained that the people then should kneel down and worship
the sacrament.

The "Pater-noster."

John the deacon, writing of Gregory, saith, "that Gregory caused the
Lord's Prayer to be recited immediately after the canon upon the
host," &c.

Although the apostles ever used the Lord's Prayer at the supper of the
Lord, as is said before; yet Gregory (belike) placed it so, in that
order, after the canon, and brought it in with those words, Pręceptis
salutaribus, &c.

Gregory: "The Lord's Prayer," saith he, "amongst the Grecians, was
wont to be sung generally of all the people: with us it is sung only
of the priest."

The "Agnus."

The Agnus, Pope Sergius, about the year of our Lord 700, brought into
the mass, as witnesseth Expositio Rom. Ordin. Propter oficium
confractionis Dominici corporis, constitutum est a papa Sergio ut
Agnus Dei decantetur, &c.

The "Pax."

Innocent ordained the pax to be given to the people. Pacis, ait,
osculum dandum post confecta mysteria, ut constet populism ad omnia,
quę in mysteriis aguntur, prębuisse consensum, &c.

Peter Martyr, in his commentaries on Jude, saith, that it was brought
in by Pope Leo the Second, as it is said: and yet he supposeth the
same not to be so, saying, "That this was an ancient custom in the
apostles' time, for Christians to salute one another with the kiss of
peace," &c.

To this of Peter Martyr agreeth also Gabriel Biel, writing in these
words: "In the primitive church the priest gave a kiss of peace to the
minister, to be given by him to the people."

The distribution and communion.

After this followeth the communion, wherein our popish mass and
ministers thereof do much alter and degenerate from ancient antiquity,
two manner of ways. First, in that they make no communion thereof,
receiving only to themselves, contrary both to their own words, where
they say after their receiving, Sacramenta quę sumpsimus, &c., and
also to the ancient examples and decrees of the apostles and others;
and where it is decreed in the epistle of Anacletus, "The consecration
being done, let all communicate together; unless they will be thrust
out of the church doors," &c.

Here note by the way, gentle reader, how Gratian, the writer of the
pope's decrees, is overseen, who, in his book De Consecrat., dist. 2,
referreth this saying of Anacletus to Pope Calixtus. And likewise also
Cochleus, writing against Musculus, followeth Gratian in the same
error.

Likewise in the canons of the apostles (if the canons were theirs) we
read, "All the faithful, who resort to the church, and tarry not out
the end of the service, and receive not the holy communion, be such
as, bringing in disorder to the church, ought to be dissevered," &c.
And again, Si quis episcopus, presbyter, aut diaconus, aut quicunque
ex sacerdotali consortio, oblatione facto, non communicaverint, causam
dicito, &c.

For how can that be called a communion, which is not common, but
private to one? As Micrologus writeth: "It cannot be called a
communion, except more than one do participate of one sacrifice," &c.

And Durandus: "In the primitive time all that were present at the
ministration were wont every day to communicate, because that the
apostles did all together drink of the cup," &c.

Secondly, They alter and degenerate therein from ancient antiquity, in
that when they communicate also with the people, yet they deprive them
of the holy cup: which deprivation was not in the church before the
council of Constance, about the year of our Lord 1414. For before, it
was so authenticly received, that it was counted a sacrilege to
receive the one without the other, as appeareth by the words of Pope
Gelasius. The whole in English is this: "We understand that there be
some, who, receiving the one part only of the holy body, abstain from
the cup of the sacred blood; who, because they be taught so to do, (by
what superstition I cannot tell,) either let them receive the
sacrament whole together, or let them abstain from the whole sacrament
altogether; because the division of that one and whole sacrament
cannot be without great sacrilege," &c.

Hitherto also pertaineth the testimony of St. Augustine in these
words: "There be you at the table; and at the cup there also be you
with us: for together we receive, and together we drink, because we
live together."

As also out of the book of Gregory it is manifest, that not only the
people received them in both kinds; but also the words were prescribed
to the minister, that he should say in giving the cup: "Let the priest
say, in giving the cup, 'The blood of our Lord Jesus Christ keep thee
to everlasting life, Amen.'"

Further, in rendering the cause why it should so be done, Thomas
Aquinas writeth: "For that serveth to represent the passion of Christ,
wherein his blood was parted severally from the body, &c. Secondly,
for that it is convenient to the use of the sacrament, that the body
should severally be given to the faithful for meat, and the blood for
drink."

And therefore served the office of the deacons, as we read: "To lay
the offerings of the people upon the altar to be hallowed, and when
the mysteries be consecrated, to distribute the cup of the sacred
blood of the Lord to the faithful," &c.

But among all other testimonies to prove that the sacrament ought to
be common to all people in both kinds, there is none more evident than
that of Jerome: "The supper of the Lord ought to be indifferently
common to all his disciples there present," &c.

And thus have ye heard the canon described, which otherwise is called
Secretum; that is, "The secret of the mass," being so termed, because
the priest was wont to read it in secret or in silence. The reason
thereof Pope Innocent the Third declareth in his third book: "For that
the holy words," saith he, "of the canon should not grow in contempt
with the people, by the daily use and hearing thereof." And he
bringeth in an example concerning the same of certain shepherds, which
in the fields, using the same words of the canon upon their bread and
wine, "the matter was turned," saith he, "into flesh and blood, and
they plagued therefor from heaven:" but with such popish tales the
church hath been long replenished.

The Postcommon.

After the canon and communion then followeth the postcommon, with the
collects, which the mass-book requireth always to be used in an odd
number, sometimes teaching to use but one, as in the Sundays in Lent;
and sometimes three, as in certain masses from Low-Sunday till the
Ascension; but never to pass the number of seven.

"Ite missa est."

Last of all cometh Ite missa est, whereby the minister dimitteth and
sendeth away all the congregation there present to their business:
for, as you heard before, it was decreed in ancient time, that it was
not lawful to depart from the congregation in the time of holy
ministration, before the end of the whole communion. And therefore,
all things being accomplished, the minister, turning to the assembly,
pronounceth, Ite missa est.

Where note, that upon Sundays and festival days only, when Gloria in
excelsis was sung, Ite missa est was wont to be said: on the work days
Benedicamus Domino; sometimes Requiescant in pace.

Now concerning such trinkets as were to the aforesaid mass
appertaining or circumstant: first, the linen albes and corporasses
were brought in by Pope Mark, A.D. 340; if that be true which is
thought by some. Where note again, that in the time of this pope it
was nothing offensive for every honest priest to have his own proper
wife. In the time also of this Mark was the council of Elvira in
Spain, which condemned all kinds of images and pictures in temples.

Contrary to the which council Pope Gregory the Third, about the year
of our Lord 732, calling a council at Rome, did not only stablish the
images before condemned, but condemned the gainsayers for heretics, as
is aforesaid.

By Sixtus the Second it was ordained, that no liturgy should be done
save only upon altars hallowed, about the year of our Lord 260, as
some suppose. But as I see no firm probation upon the same, so have I
probable conjecture the same not to be true.

Some there be that shame not to say, that St. Clement brought in the
albes and vestments to the popish mass.

Item, That the sacrament of the blood of the Lord should be
consecrated in chalices of glass, and not of wood, as it was in time
before, they say it was the ordinance of Pope Zephyrinus.

After this came in golden chalices, and a true proverb withal, "That
once they had wooden chalices, and golden priests; now they have
golden chalices, and wooden priests."

Sabinian ordained the ringing of bells and burning of lamps in
churches.

Vitalian, the playing on the organs.

Damasus, by the instigation of Jerome, appointed Gloria Patri after
the Psalms.

Pelagius devised the memento for the dead. Leo brought in the incense.

Eutychian, as others say, brought in the offertory, which was then
after a manner far otherwise than it is, or hath been used now a great
while. For what time as many of the heathen, being greatly accustomed
with offerings, were converted unto Christ, and could not be well
brought from their old long use of offerings, the pope thought to bear
somewhat with the weak, and permitted them to bring meats into the
congregation or church, that when the bishop had blessed them, they
that brought them might distribute them to the poor, or take them to
their own use. But afterwards did Pope Gregory so help with this
sentence, "Thou shalt not appear in the sight of thy God empty," &c.,
that as he willed the people to lay their offerings upon the altar, so
they did; and have not yet forgotten to do so still.

Soul-masses, and masses applied for the dead, came in partly by
Gregory, partly by Pelagius, who brought in the Memento, as is said.

Wherein note, good reader, and mark, how these two stand together,
that which our Saviour saith in his evangelist, Do this in remembrance
of me; and that which they say, "In whose commemoration the body of
Christ is taken," &c. Christ would it to be done in his remembrance;
and the pope saith, "Do it in remembrance of the dead," &c.-- What can
be more contrary?

Innocent the Third ordained that the sacrament should be reserved in
the church. The same brought also in auricular confession as a law,
about the year of our Lord 1215. He did also constitute that no
archbishop should enjoy the pall, unless he were of his own religion;
and therefore no great marvel if there be such unity in popery.

Vigilius ordained that the priest should say mass having his face
toward the east.

Platina writeth how the first Latin mass was sung in the sixth council
of Constantinople, which was about the year of our Lord 680: so that
the said mass was there and then first allowed, and not before. And
yet they (I mean the Greek church) should have known as soon as the
mass, if it had proceeded from James or Basil, as the Latin church did
know it.

The opinion to think the mass to help souls in purgatory, was
confirmed by Pope John the Seventeenth by reason of a dream, wherein
he dreamed that he saw (and heard the voices of) devils lamenting and
bewailing, that souls were delivered from them by the saying of masses
and diriges. And therefore he did approve and ratify the feast of All
Souls, brought in by Odilo. Moreover he adjoined also to the same the
feast of Allhallows, about the year of our Lord 1003.

Concerning Lent fast, some think that Telesphorus, about the year of
our Lord 140, was the author thereof. But that peradventure may be as
true, as that which they also attribute to him, that he ordained three
masses of one priest to be said on Christmas day. Or, if he did ordain
that fast, yet he did ordain it but freely to be kept: for so I find
among the decrees, that Lent was commanded first to be fasted but only
of the clergy or churchmen.

Pope Leo commanded the sacrament to be censed.

Pope Boniface set in his foot for covering of the altars.

In St. Cyprian's time it seemeth that water was then mingled with the
wine, whereof we read mention in his second book of Epistles, which
mixture is referred to Alexander the First, in the Order of the Roman
canon.

As concerning the breaking of the body in three parts, we read also
mention to be made in the same book of Order, but no certain author
thereof to be named. The words of the book be these: "Three ways is
the body of the Lord understood: one which rose again from the dead,
being signified by that part which is let fall to the blood in the
chalice; the other is that which yet is living in the earth, which the
part of the priest eaten doth signify; the third is that which now
resteth in Christ, which also is figured by that particle that is
reserved upon the altar."

Dedication of churches came in by Felix the Third; and that churches
might not be hallowed but by a bishop, A.D. 492.

The canticle, Gloria laus, &c., in the procession before the mass on
Palm Sunday, was instituted by Theodulphus, bishop of Orleans, as
Sigebert writeth, about the year of our Lord 483.

Giving of holy bread came in by this occasion, as it is to be
gathered, partly out of Honorius, partly out of Durandus, and others.
The manner was in ancient time, that the ministers were wont to
receive certain meal of every house or family, wherewith a great loaf
was made, called Panis Dominicus, able to serve in the communion, and
to be distributed unto the people, who then were wont every day to be
present and to receive, especially they thatoffered the meal: for whom
it was wont therefore to be said in the canon, Omnium circumstantium,
qui tibi hoc sacrificium laudis offerunt, &c. But afterward, the 
number of the people increasing, and piety decreasing, as Durandus
writeth, it was then ordained to communicate but only upon Sundays.

At length followed the third constitution, that thrice a year, at
least Easter, every man should communicate; it being thus provided,
that instead of the daily communion before used, the pax did serve.
And instead of receiving upon the Sunday, bread was hallowed, and
suddenly given and distributed unto the people, which also was called
Eulogia; the constitution whereof seemeth to proceed from Pope Pius.
For so we read in the decrees of the said Pope Pius: "That the
minister shall take of the oblations offered of the people, remaining
of the consecration, or else of the bread which the faithful bring
unto the church, or else to take of his own bread, and cut it
conveniently in portions in a clean and a convenient vessel; so that
after the solemnity of the ministration being done, they that were not
prepared and ready to communicate, may receive every Sunday or
festival day 'eulogies,' or benedictions, with the same."

As concerning holy water, which they used to sprinkle at the church
door upon them that entered in, I will not say that it sprung from the
idolatrous use of the Gentiles.

This I say as I find in Historia Zozomeni: "It was an old custom among
the Romans, that at the entering in at the church door, the priest,
after the usual manner of the ethnics, having in his hand moist
branches of olive, did sprinkle with the same such as entered in," &c.
To the which custom this our manner of giving of holy water is so
like, that it seemeth to proceed out of the same.

In the book of the pope's Decrees, and in the Distinctions of Gratian,
there is a certain decree fathered upon Alexander the First, about the
year of our Lord 121; which decree may well seem to be a bastard
decree, neither agreeing to such a father, nor such a time, concerning
the conjuring of holy water. The words of the decree be these: "We
bless water sprinkled with salt among the people, that all such as be
sprinkled with the same may be sanctified and purified; which thing we
charge and command all priests to do. For if the ashes of the cow, in
the old law, being sprinkled among the people, did sanctify and
cleanse them, much more water sprinkled with salt, and hallowed with
godly prayers, sanctifieth and cleanseth the people. And if that
Elisha the prophet, by the sprinkling of salt, did heal and help the
barrenness of the water; how much more doth the salt, being hallowed
by godly prayers, take away the barrenness of human things, and
sanctify and purge them that be defiled; also multiply other things
that be good, and turn away the snares of the devil, and defend men
from the deceptions of fantasy," &c.

Thus ye have heard the author and father of holy water, which some
also ascribe to Pope Sixtus, who succeeded Alexander: but as the
papists do not agree in the first author or institutor of this
hallowing of elements, so I think the same untruly to be ascribed to
either. But leaving the probation of this to further leisure, let us
now hear, in our own tongue, their own words, which they use in this
their conjuration.

The form and words used of the priest in conjuring salt.

"I conjure thee, thou creature of salt, by the + living God, by the +
true God, by the holy God, &c.: that thou mayest be made a conjured
salt, to the salvation of them that believe; and that unto all such as
receive thee thou mayest be health of soul and body; and that from out
of the place wherein thou shalt be sprinkled, may fly away and depart
all fantasy, wickedness, or craftiness of the devil's subtlety, and
every foul spirit," &c.

The form of conjuring water.

"I conjure thee, thou creature of water, in the name of + God the
Father almighty, and in the name of + Jesu Christ his Son our Lord,
and in the virtue + of the Holy Ghost, that thou become a conjured
water to expel all power of the enemy," &c.

Who seeth not in these words blasphemy intolerable; how that which is
only due to the blood of Christ, and promised to faith only in him, is
transferred to earthly and insensate creatures, to be salvation both
to body and spirit, inwardly to give remission of sins, to give health
and remedy against evils and devils, against all fantasies,
wickedness, and all foul spirits, and to expel the power of the enemy,
&c.? If this be true, whereto serveth the blood of Christ, and the
virtue of Christian faith?

Therefore judge thyself, gentle reader, whether thou think this
trumpery rightly to be fathered upon those ancient fathers aforenamed;
or else whether it may seem more like truth that John Sleidan writeth,
whose words, in his second book De Monarchiis, are these: "The decrees
of these aforesaid bishops and martyrs be inserted in the Book of
Councils; but of these decrees many be so childish, so trifling, and
so far disagreeing from the Holy Scripture, that it is very like that
the same werefeigned and counterfeited of others long after their
time," &c. Thus much saith Sleidan, with more words in that place;
unto whose testimony if I might be so bold also to add my conjecture,
I would suppose the conjuration of this aforesaid water and salt to
spring out of the same fountain from whence proceeded the conjuring of
flowers and branches, because I see the order and manner of them both
to be so like and uniform as may appear.

The manner of hallowing flowers and branches.

"I conjure thee, thou creature of flowers and branches, in the name of
+ God the Father almighty, and in the name of + Jesu Christ his Son
our Lord, and in the virtue of the Holy + Ghost. Therefore be thou
rooted out and displanted from this creature of flowers and branches,
all thou strength of the adversary, all thou host of the devil, and
all the power of the enemy, even every assault of the devils," &c.

And thus much concerning the antiquity of holy bread and holy water;
whereby thou mayest partly conjecture the same not to be so old as
Stephen Gardiner, in his letter against Master Ridley above mentioned,
would have; being both deceived himself, and also going about to
seduce others.

Furthermore, as touching the relics and the memorial of saints brought
into the mass, Gregory the Third is the author thereof, who also added
to the canon thereof this clause, Quorum solemnitates hodie in
conspectu Divinę majestatis tuę celebrantur, &c.

Finally, it were too long to recite every thing in order, devised and
brought in particularly to the mass, and to the church. For after that
man's brain was once set on devising, it never could make an end of
heaping rite upon rite, and ceremony upon ceremony, till all religion
was turned well nigh to superstition. Thereof cometh oil and cream,
brought in by Pope Silvester, not wont to be hallowed but by a bishop:
that the corporas should not be of silk, but only of fine linen cloth:
that the psalms should be sung on sides, the one side of the choir
singing one verse, the other another, with Gloria Patri, &c.: that
baptism should be ministered at no other time in the year but only at
Easter and Whitsuntide, (save only to infants, and such as were in
extreme infirmity,) and that it should be required forty days before:
so determined by Pope Sirloins. And therefore was it that fonts were
hallowed only at these two seasons, the which hallowing they keep yet
still, but the ordinance they have rejected. Item, that bells also
were christened. Item, no priest should wear a beard, or have long
hair: so appointed by Pope Martin the First. Item, that auricular
confession should be made, that the book of decrees and decretals
should be established, and transubstantiation confirmed; in which
three acts Pope Innocent the Third was the chiefest doer, about the
year of our Lord 1215.

And thus have ye in sum the gatherings of the mass, with the canon and
all the appurtenance of the same: which, not much unlike to the crow
of Ęsop, being patched with the feathers of so many birds, was so long
a gathering, that the temple of Solomon was not so long in building,
as the pope's mass was in making, Whereby judge now thyself,good
reader, whether this mass did proceed from James and other apostles,
or no. And yet this was one of the principal causes for which so much
turmoil was made in the church, with the bloodshed of so many godly
men, suffering in so many quarters of this realm; some consumed by
fire; some pined away with hunger; some hanged; some slain; some
racked; some tormented one way, some another: and that only or chiefly
for the cause of this aforesaid popish mass; as by the reading of this
story following, by the grace of Christ our Lord, shall appear more at
large. In whom I wish thee to continue in health, and to persevere in
the truth.

$

241. THE BEGINNING OF THE REIGN OF QUEEN MARY

The first entering of Queen Mary to the crown, with the alteration of
religion, and other perturbations happening the same time in this
realm of England.

WHAT time King Edward, by long sickness, began to appear more feeble
and weak, in the mean while, during the time of this his sickness, a
certain marriage was provided, concluded, and shortly also upon the
same solemnized in the month of May, between the Lord Guilford, son to
the duke of Northumberland, and the Lady Jane, the duke of Suffolk's
daughter; whose mother, being then alive, was daughter to Mary, King
Henry's second sister, who first was married to the French king, and
afterward to Charles duke of Suffolk. But to make no long tarriance
hereupon, the marriage being ended, and the king waxing every day more
sick than other, whereas indeed there seemed in him no hope of
recovery, it was brought to pass by the consent not only of the
nobility, but also of the chief lawyers of the realm, that the king,
by his testament, did appoint the aforesaid Lady Jane, daughter to the
duke of Suffolk, to be inheritrix unto the crown of England, passing
over his two sisters, Mary and Elizabeth.

To this order subscribed all the king's council, and the chief of the
nobility, the mayor and city of London, and almost all the judges and
chief lawyers of this realm, saving only Justice Hales of Kent, a man
both favouring true religion, and also an upright judge as any hath
been noted in this realm, who, giving his consent unto Lady Mary,
would in no case subscribe to Lady Jane. Of this man (God willing' you
shall hear more in the sequel of this story. The causes laid against
Lady Mary, were as well for that it was feared she would marry with a
stranger, and thereby entangle the crown; as also that she would clean
alter religion, used both in King Henry her father's, and also in King
Edward her brother's days, and so bring in the pope, to the utter
destruction of the realm, which indeed afterward came to pass, as by
the course and sequel of this story may well appear.

Much probable matter they had thus to conjecture of her, by reason of
her great stubbornness showed and declared in her brother's days, as
in the letters before mentioned, passing between her and King Edward
and the council, may appear. The matter being thus concluded, and
after confirmed by every man's hand, King Edward, an imp of so great
hope, not long after this, departed by the vehemency of his sickness,
when he was sixteen years of age; with whom also decayed in a manner
the whole flourishing estate and honour of the English nation.

When King Edward was dead, this Jane was established in the kingdom by
the nobles' consent, and was forthwith published queen by proclamation
at London, and in other cities where was any great resort, and was
there so taken and named. Between this young damsel and King Edward
there was little difference in age, though in learning and knowledge
of the tongues she was not only equal, but also superior unto him,
being instructed of a master right nobly learned. If her fortune had
been as good as her bringing up, joined with fineness of wit,
undoubtedly she might have seemed comparable not only to the house of
Vespasians, Sempronians, and the mother of the Gracchi, yea, to any
other women beside, that deserved high praise for their singular
learning; but also to the university men, which have taken many
degrees of the schools.

In the mean time, while these things were a-working at London, Mary,
which had knowledge of her brother's death, writeth to the lords of
the council in form as followeth.

A letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the lords of the council, wherein
she claimeth the crown after the decease of King Edward.

"My Lords, we greet you well, and have received sure advertisement,
that our dearest brother the king, our late sovereign lord, is
departed to God's mercy; which news how woeful they be unto our heart,
he only knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must, and do, humbly
submit us and our wills. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to
wit now, after his Majesty's departure and death, concerning the crown
and governance of this realm of England, with the title of France, and
all things thereto belonging, what hath been provided by act of
parliament, and the testament and last will of our dearest father,
besides other circumstances advancing our right, you know, the realm
and the whole world knoweth; the rolls and records appear by the
authority of the king our said father, and the king our said brother,
and the subjects of this realm; so that we verily trust that there is
no good true subject, that is, can, or would, pretend to be ignorant
thereof: and of our part we have of ourselves caused, and, as God
shall aid and strengthen us, shall cause, our right and title in this
behalf to be published and proclaimed accordingly. And albeit this so
weighty a matter seemeth strange, that our said brother, dying upon
Thursday at night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you
thereof, yet we consider your wisdoms and prudence to be such, that
having eftsoons amongst you debated, pondered, and well weighed this
present case with our estate, with your own estate, the commonwealth,
and all our honours, we shall and may conceive great hope and trust,
with much assurance in your loyalty and service; and therefore for the
time interpret and take things not to the worst, and that ye will,
like noblemen, work the best. Nevertheless, we are not ignorant of
your consultations, to undo the provisions made for our preferment,
nor of the great bands, and provisions forcible, wherewith ye be
assembled and prepared -- by whom, and to what end, God and you know,
and nature cannot but fear some evil. But be it that some
consideration politic, or whatsoever thing else hath moved you
thereto; yet doubt you not, my Lords, but we can take all these your
doings in gracious part, being also right ready to remit and fully
pardon the same, and that freely, to eschew bloodshed and vengeance,
against all those that can or will intend the same; trusting also
assuredly you will take and accept this grace and virtue in good part,
as appertaineth, and that we shall not be enforced to use the service
of others our true subjects and friends, which in this our just and
right cause, God, in whom our whole affiance is, shall send us.
Wherefore, my Lords, we require you, and charge you and every of you,
that of your allegiance which you owe to God and us, and to none
other, for our honour and the surety of our person, only employ
yourselves, and forthwith, upon receipt hereof, cause our right and
title to the crown and government of this realm to be proclaimed in
our city of London and other places, as to your wisdom shall seem
good, and as to this case appertaineth; not failing hereof as our very
trust is in you. And this our letter, signed with our hand, shall be
your sufficient warrant in this behalf.
"Given under our signet, at our manor of Kenning-hall, the ninth of
July, 1553."
Votre tres humble et tres obeissante fille
MARIE


To this letter of the Lady Mary, the lords of the council make answer
again, as followeth:

"Madam, we have received your letters, the ninth of this instant,
declaring your supposed title, which you judge yourself to have, to
the imperial crown of this realm, and all the dominions thereunto
belonging. For answer whereof, this is to advertise you, that
forasmuch as our sovereign lady Queen Jane is, after the death of our
sovereign lord Edward the Sixth, a prince of most noble memory,
invested and possessed with the just and right title in the imperial
crown of this realm, not only by good order of old ancient laws of
this realm, but also by our late sovereign lord's letters patent,
signed with his own hand, and sealed with the great seal of England,
in presence of the most part of the nobles, councillors, judges, with
divers other grave and sage personages, assenting and subscribing to
the same: we must, therefore, as of most bounden duty and allegiance,
assent unto her said Grace, and to none other, except we should (which
faithful subjects cannot) fall into grievous and unspeakable
enormities. Wherefore we can no less do, but, for the quiet both of
the realm and you also, to advertise you, that forasmuch as the
divorce made between the king of famous memory, King Henry the Eighth,
and the Lady Katharine your mother, was necessary to be had both by
the everlasting laws of God, and also by the ecclesiastical laws, and
by the most part of the noble and learned universities of Christendom,
and confirmed also by the sundry acts of parliaments remaining yet in
their force, and thereby you justly made illegitimate and unheritable
to the crown imperial of this realm, and the rules, and dominions, and
possessions of the same, you will, upon just consideration hereof, and
of divers other causes lawful to be alleged for the same, and for the
just inheritanceof the right line and godly order taken by the late
king our sovereign lord King Edward the Sixth, and agreed upon by the
nobles and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease by any pretence to
vex and molest any of our sovereign lady Queen Jane's subjects from
their true faith and allegiance due unto her Grace: assuring you, that
if you will for respect show yourself quiet and obedient, (as you
ought,) you shall find us all and several ready to do you any service
that we with duty may, and be glad, with your quietness, to preserve
the common state of this realm, wherein you may be otherwise grievous
unto us, to yourself, and to them. And thus we bid you most heartily
well to fare. From the Tower of London, in this ninth of July, 1553.

"Your Ladyship's friends, showing yourself an obedient subject,
Thomas Canterbury.
The Marquis of Winchester.
John Bedford.
William Northampton.
Thomas Ely, chancellor.
Northumberland.
Henry Suffolk.
Henry Arundel.
Shrewsbury.
Pembroke.
Cobham.
R. Riche.
Huntingdon.
Cheney.
Darcy.
R. Cotton.
John Gates.
W. Cecil.
W. Peter.
John Cheke.
John Mason.
Edward North.
R. Bowes."

After this answer received, and the minds of the lords perceived, Lady
Mary speedeth herself secretly away far off from the city, hoping
chiefly upon the good will of the commons, and yet perchance not
destitute altogether of the secret advertisements of some of the
nobles. When the council heard of her sudden departure, and perceived
her stoutness, and that all came not to pass as they supposed, they
gathered speedily a power of men together, appointing an army, and
first assigned that the duke of Suffolk should take that enterprise in
hand, and so have the leading of the band. But afterward, altering
their minds, they thought it best to send forth the duke of
Northumberland, with certain other lords and gentlemen; and that the
duke of Suffolk should keep the Tower, where the Lord Guilford and the
Lady Jane the same time were lodged.

In the which expedition the guard also, albeit they were much
unwilling at the first thereunto, yet notwithstanding, through the
vehement persuasions of the lord treasurer, Master Chomley, and
others, they were induced to assist the duke, and to set forward with
him.

These things thus agreed upon, and the duke now being set forward
after the best array out of London, having notwithstanding his times
prescribed, and his journey appointed by the council, to the intent he
might not seem to do any thing but upon warrant, Mary, in the mean
while, tossed with much travail up and down, to work the surest way
for her best advantage, withdrew herself into the quarters of Norfolk
and Suffolk, where she understood the duke's name to be had in much
hatred for the service that had been done there of late under King
Edward, in subduing the rebels; and there, gathering to her such aid
of the commons on every side as she might, kept herself close for a
space within Framlingham castle. To whom first of all resorted the
Suffolk men; who, being always forward in promoting the proceedings of
the gospel, promised her their aid and help, so that she would not
attempt the alteration of the religion, which her brother King Edward
had before established by laws and orders publicly enacted, and
received by the consent of the whole realm in that behalf.
(Illustration: Queen Mary receiving a letter)

To make the matter short, unto this condition she eftsoons agreed,
with such promise made unto them that no innovation should be made of
religion, as that no man would or could then have misdoubted her.
Which promise, if she had as constantly kept, as they did willingly
preserve her with their bodies and weapons, she had done a deed both
worthy her blood, and had also made her reign more stable to herself
through former tranquillity. For though a man be never so puissant of
power, yet breach of promise is an evil upholder of quietness; fear is
worse; but cruelty is the worst of all.

Thus Mary, being guarded with the power of the gospellers, did
vanquish the duke, and all those that came against her. In
consideration whereof it was, methinks, a heavy word that she answered
to the Suffolk men afterwards, who did make supplication to her Grace
to perform her promise: "Forasmuch," saith she, "as you, being but
members, desire to rule your head, you shall one day well perceive
that members must obey their head, and not look to bear rule over the
same." And not only that, but also to cause the more terror unto
others, a certain gentleman named Master Dobbe, dwelling about Wyndham
side, for the same cause, (that is, for advertising her by humble
request of her promise,) was punished, being three sundry times set on
the pillory to be a gazing-stock unto all men. Divers others delivered
her books and supplications made out of the Scripture, to exhort her
to continue in the doctrine then established; and for their good will
were sent to prison. But such is the condition of man's nature, as
here you see, that we are for the must part more ready always to seek
friendship when we stand in need of help, than ready to requite a
benefit once past and received. Howbeit, against all this, one sheet-
anchor we have, which may be a sure comfort to all miserable
creatures, that equity and fidelity are ever perfect and certainly
found with the Lord above; though the same, being shut out of the
doors in this world, be not to be found here among men. But, seeing
our intent is to write a story, not to treat of office, let us lay
Suffolk men aside for a while, whose deserts, for their readiness and
diligence with the queen, I will not here stand upon. What she
performed on her part, the thing itself, and the whole story of this
persecution, do testify, as hereafter more plainly will appear.

On the contrary side, the duke of Northumberland, having his warrant
under the broad seal, with all furniture in readiness, as he took his
voyage, and was now forward in his way; what ado there was, what
stirring on every side, what sending, what riding and posting, what
letters, messages, and instructions went to and fro, what talking
among the soldiers, what heart-burning among the people, what fair
pretences outwardly, inwardly what privy practices there were, what
speeding of ordnance daily and hourly out of the Tower, what rumours
and coming down of soldiers from all quarters there were; a world it
was to see, and a process to declare, enough to make a whole Iliad.

The greatest help that made for the Lady Mary was the short journeys
of the duke, which by commission were assigned to him before, as is
above mentioned. For the longer the duke lingered in his voyage, the
Lady Mary the more increased in puissance, the hearts of the people
being mightily bent unto her, which after the council at London
perceived, and understood how the common multitude did withdraw their
hearts from them, to stand with her, and that certain noblemen began
to go the other way, they turned their song, and proclaimed for queen
the Lady Mary, eldest daughter to King Henry the Eighth, and appointed
by parliament to succeed King Edward, dying without issue.

And so the duke of Northumberland, being by counsel and advice sent
forth against her, was left destitute, and forsaken alone at Cambridge
with some of his sons, and a few others, among whom the earl of
Huntingdon was one; who there were arrested and brought to the Tower
of London, as traitors to the crown, notwithstanding that he had there
proclaimed her queen before.

Thus have ye Mary now made a queen, and the sword of authority put
into her hand, which how she afterward did use, we may see in the
sequel of this book. Therefore, (as I said,) when she had been thus
advanced by the gospellers, and saw all in quiet by means that her
enemies were conquered, sending the duke captive to the Tower before,
(which was the twenty-fifth of July,) she followed not long after,
being brought up the third day of August to London, with the great
rejoicing of many men, but with a greater fear of more, and yet with
flattery peradventure most great, of feigned hearts.

Thus coming up to London, her first lodging she took at the Tower,
where the aforesaid Lady Jane, with her husband the Lord Guilford, a
little before her coming, were imprisoned; where they remained waiting
her pleasure almost five months. But the duke, within a month after
his coming to the Tower, being adjudged to death, was brought forth to
the scaffold, and there beheaded; albeit he, having a promise, and
being put in hope of pardon, (yea, though his head were upon the
block,) if he would recant and hear mass, consented thereto, and
denied in words that true religion, which, before time, as well in
King Henry the Eighth's days, as in King Edward's, he had oft
evidently declared himself both to favour and further -- exhorting
also the people to return to the catholic faith, as he termed it;
whose recantation the papists did forthwith publish and set abroad,
rejoicing not a little at his conversion, or rather subversion, as
then appeared.

Thus the duke of Northumberland, with Sir John Gates, and Sir Thomas
Palmer, (which Palmer, on the other side, confessed his faith that he
had learned in the gospel, and lamented that he had not lived more
gospel-like,) being put to death; in the mean time Queen Mary,
entering thus her reign with the blood of these men, besides hearing
mass herself in the Tower, gave a heavy show and signification hereby,
but especially by the sudden delivering of Stephen Gardiner out of the
Tower, that she was not minded to stand to that which she so deeply
had promised to the Suffolk men before, concerning the not subverting
or altering the state of religion, as in very deed the surmise of the
people was therein nothing deceived.

Besides the premises, other things also followed, which every day more
and more discomforted the people, declaring the queen to bear no good
will to the present state of religion; as not only the releasing of
Gardiner, being then made lord chancellor of England and bishop of
Winchester, Dr. Poynet being put out; but also that Bonner was
restored to his bishopric again, and Dr. Ridley displaced. Item, Dr.
Day, to the bishopric of Chichester; John Scory being put out. Item,
Dr. Tonstal to the bishopric of Durham. Item, Dr. Heath to the
bishopric of Worcester, and John Hooper committed to the Fleet. Item,
Dr. Vesey to Exeter, and Miles Coverdale put out. These things being
marked and perceived, great heaviness and discomfort grew more and
more to all good men's hearts; but on the contrary, to the wicked,
great rejoicing: in which discord of minds, and diversity of
affections, was now to be seen a miserable face of things in the whole
commonwealth of England. They that could dissemble, took no great care
how the matter went: but such whose consciences were joined to truth,
perceived already coals to be kindled, which after should be the
destruction of many a true Christian man; as indeed it came to pass.
In the mean while Queen Mary, after these beginnings, having removed
from the Tower to Hampton Court, caused a parliament to be summoned
against the tenth of October next ensuing, whereof more is to be said
hereafter.

$

242. PROHIBITION OF UNAUTHORISED PREACHING.

Ye heard before, how divers bishops were removed, and others placed in
their rooms; amongst whom was Dr. Ridley, bishop of London, a worthy
man both of fame and learning. This Dr. Ridley, in the time of Queen
Jane, had made a sermon at Paul's Cross, so commanded by the council;
declaring there his mind to the people as touching the Lady Mary, and
dissuaded them, alleging there the incommodities and inconveniences
which might rise by receiving her to be their queen; prophesying, as
it were before, that which after came to pass, that she would bring in
foreign power to reign over them, besides the subverting also of all
Christian religion then already established: showing, moreover, that
the same Mary being in his diocese, he, according to his duty, (being
then her ordinary,) had travailed much with her to reduce her to this
religion, and notwithstanding in all other points of civility she
showed herself gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned
true faith and doctrine, she showed herself so stiff and obstinate,
that there was no other hope of her to be conceived, but to disturb
and overturn all that, which, with so great labours, had been
confirmed and planted by her brother afore. Shortly after this sermon,
Queen Mary was proclaimed; whereupon he, speedily repairing to
Framlingham to salute the queen, had such cold welcome there, that,
being despoiled of all his dignities, he was sent back upon a lame
halting horse to the Tower.

After him preached also Master Rogers the next Sunday, entreating very
learnedly upon the gospel of the same day.

This so done, Queen Mary, seeing all things yet not going so after her
mind as she desired, devised with her council to bring to pass that
thing by other means, which as yet, by open law, she could not well
accomplish; directing forth an inhibition by proclamation, that no man
should preach or read openly in churches the word of God, besides
other things also in the same proclamation inhibited, the copy whereof
here followeth.

An inhibition of the queen, for preaching, printing, &c.

"The queen's Highness, well remembering what great inconveniences and
dangers have grown to this her Highness's realm in times past, through
the diversity of opinions in questions of religion, and hearing also
that now of late, since the beginning of her most gracious reign, the
same contentions be again much revived, through certain false and
untrue reports and rumours spread by some light and evil-disposed
persons, hath thought good to do to understand, to all her Highness's
most loving subjects, her most gracious pleasure in manner following:

"First, her Majesty, being presently by the only goodness of God
settled in her just possession of the imperial crown of this realm,
and other dominions thereunto belonging, cannot now hide that
religion, which God and the world knoweth she hath ever professed from
her infancy hitherto: which as her Majesty is minded to observe and
maintain for herself by God's grace, during her time, so doth her
Highness much desire, and would be glad, the same were of all her
subjects quietly and charitably embraced.

"And yet she doth signify unto all her Majesty's loving subjects, that
of her most gracious disposition and clemency, her Highness mindeth
not to compel any her said subjects thereunto, until such time as
further order by common assent may be taken therein: forbidding
nevertheless all her subjects of all degrees, at their perils, to move
seditions, or stir unquietness in her people, by interpreting the laws
of this realm after their brains and fantasies, but quietly to
continue for the time, till (as before is said) further order may be
taken, and therefore willeth and straitly chargeth and commandeth all
her said good loving subjects to live together in quiet sort and
Christian charity, leaving those new-found devilish terms of papist or
heretic, and such like, and applying their whole care, study, and
travail, to live in the fear of God, exercising their conversations in
such charitable and godly doing, as their lives may indeed express
that great hunger and thirst of God's glory and holy word, which, by
rash talk and words, many have pretended: and in so doing they shall
best please God, and live without danger of the laws, and maintain the
tranquillity of the realm. Whereof as her Highness shall be most glad,
so, if any man shall rashly presume to make any assemblies of people,
or at any public assemblies, or otherwise, shall go about to stir the
people to disorder or disquiet, she mindeth, according to her duty, to
see the same most severely reformed and punished according to her
Highness's laws.

"And furthermore, forasmuch as it is also well known, that sedition
and false rumours have been nourished and maintained in this realm, by
the subtlety and malice of some evil-disposed persons, which take upon
them, without sufficient authority, to preach and to interpret the
word of God after their own brain in churches, and other places both
public and private, and also by playing of interludes, and printing of
false-found books, ballads, rhymes, and other lewd treatises in the
English tongue, concerning doctrine, in matters now in question and
controversy, touching the high points and mysteries of Christian
religion; which books, ballads, rhymes, and treatises, are chiefly by
the printers and stationers set out to sale to her Grace's subjects,
of an evil zeal, for lucre and covetousness of vile gain: her
Highness, therefore, straitly chargeth and commandeth all and every of
her said subjects, of whatsoever state, condition, or degree they be,
that none of them presume from henceforth to preach; or, by way of
reading in churches, or other public or private places, (except in
schools of the university,) to interpret or teach any Scriptures, or
any manner of points of doctrine concerning religion; neither also to
print any books, matter, ballad, rhyme, interlude, process, or
treatise, nor to play any interlude, (except they have her Grace's
special licence in writing for the same,) upon pain to incur her
Highness's indignation and displeasure.

"And her Highness also further chargeth and commandeth all and every
her said subjects, that none of them, of their own authority, do
presume to punish, or to rise against any offender in the causes
above-said, or any other offender in words or deeds in the late
rebellion committed or done by the duke of Northumberland, or his
complices, or to seize any of their goods, or violently to use any
such offender by striking or imprisoning or threatening the same; but
wholly to refer the punishment of all such offenders unto her Highness
and public authority, whereof her Majesty mindeth to see due
punishment, according to the order of her Highness's laws.

"Nevertheless, as her Highness mindeth not hereby to restrain and
discourage any of her loving subjects, to give from time to time true 
information against any such offenders in the causes abovesaid, unto
her Grace or her council, for the punishment of every such offender,
according to the effect of her Highness's laws provided in that part:
so her said Highness exhorteth and straitly chargeth her said
subjects, to observe her commandment and pleasure in every part
aforesaid, as they will avoid her said Highness's indignation and most
grievous displeasure; the severity and rigour whereof, as her Highness
shall be most sorry to have cause to put the same in execution, so
doth she utterly determine not to permit such unlawful and rebellious
doings of her subjects (whereof may ensue the danger of her royal
estate) to remain unpunished, but to see her said laws touching these
points to be thoroughly executed: which extremities she trusteth all
her said loving subjects will foresee, dread, and avoid accordingly;
her said Highness straitly charging and commanding all mayors,
sheriffs, justices of peace, bailiffs, constables, and all other
public officers and ministers, diligently to see to the observing and
executing of her said commandments and pleasure, and to apprehend all
such as shall wilfully offend in this part, committing the same to the
next gaol, there to remain without bail or main-prize, till, upon
certificate made to her Highness, or her privy council, of their names
and doings, and upon examination had of their offences, some further
order shall be taken for their punishment, to the example of others,
according to the effect and tenor of the laws aforesaid.

"Given at our manor of Richmond, the eighteenth day of August, in the
first year of our most prosperous reign."

Master Bourn preaching at Paul's Cross.

About this time, or not long before, Bonner, bishop of London, being
restored, appointed Master Bourn, a canon of Paul's, to preach at the
Cross, who afterward was bishop of Bath. Bourn took occasion of the
gospel of that day, to speak somewhat largely in justifying of Bonner,
being then present: "Which Bonner," said he, "upon the same text, in
that place that day four years, had preached before: and was, upon the
same, most cruelly and unjustly cast into the most vile dungeon of the
Marshalsea, and there kept during the time of King Edward." His words
sounded so evil in the ears of the hearers, that they could not keep
silence; and began to murmur and to stir in such sort, that the mayor
and aldermen, with other estates then present, feared much an uproar.
But the truth is, that one hurled a dagger at the preacher; but who it
was, it could not then be proved, albeit afterward it was known.

In fine the stir was such, that the preacher plucked in his head, and
durst no more appear in that place. The matter of this sermon tended
much to the derogation and dispraise of King Edward, which thing the
people in no case could abide. Then Master Bradford, at the request of
the preachers brother and others, then being in the pulpit, stood
forth and spake so mildly, Christianly, and effectually, that with few
words he appeased all: and afterward he and Master Rogers conducted
the preacher betwixt them from the pulpit to the grammar-school door,
where they left him safe, as further, in the story of Master Bradford,
is declared. But, shortly after, they were both rewarded with long
imprisonment, and, last of all, with fire in Smithfield.

By reason of this tumult at Paul's Cross, an order was taken by the
lords of the council with the mayor and aldermen of London to this
effect:

"That they, calling the next day following a common council of the
city, should thereby charge every householder to cause their children,
apprentices, and other servants, to keep their own parish churches
upon the holy days, and not to suffer them to attempt any thing to the
violating of the common peace: willing them also to signify to the
said assembly the queen's determination, uttered unto them by her
Highness the twelfth of August, in the Tower; which was, that albeit
her Grace's conscience was stayed in the matters of religion, yet she
graciously meant not to compel or strain other men's consciences
otherwise than God should (as she trusted) put in their hearts a
persuasion of the truth that she was in, through the opening of his
word unto them by godly, virtuous, and learned preachers, &c.

"Also it was then ordered, that every alderman, in his ward, should
forthwith send for the curates of every parish within their liberties;
and warn them not only to forbear to preach themselves, but also not
to suffer any others to preach, or make any open or solemn reading of
Scripture in their churches, unless the said preachers were severally
licensed by the queen."

After this sermon at Paul's Cross aforenamed, the next day after it
followed that the queen's guard was at the Cross with their weapons to
guard the preacher. And when quiet men withdrew themselves from the
sermon, order was taken by the mayor, that the ancients of all
companies should be present, lest the preacher should be discouraged
by his small auditory.

August.-- The fifteenth of August, A.D. 1553, was one William Butler
committed by the council to the Marshalsea, for uttering certain words
against Master Bourn, preacher, for his sermon at Paul's Cross on
Sunday last before.

The sixteenth of August, was Humphrey Palden committed to the Compter,
for words against the said Bourn's sermon at Paul's Cross.

A letter sent to the sheriffs of Buckingham and Bedford, for the
apprehending of one Fisher, parson of Amersham, a preacher.

Another letter to the bishop of Norwich, not to suffer any preacher or
other to preach or expound the Scripture openly, without special
licence from the queen.

The same day were Master Bradford, Master Vernon, and Master Beacon,
preachers, committed to the charge of the lieutenant of the Tower.

The same day, also, was Master John Rogers, preacher, commanded to
keep himself prisoner in his own house at Paul's, without having any
conference with any other than those of his own household.

The twenty-second of August, there were two letters directed to Master
Coverdale, bishop of Exeter, and Master Hooper, bishop of Gloucester,
for their undelayed repair to the court, and there to attend the
council's pleasure.

The same day, Fisher, parson of Amersham, made his appearance before
the council, according to their letter the sixteenth of August, and
was appointed the next day to bring in a note of his sermon.

The twenty-fourth of August, was one John Melvin, a Scot, and
preacher, sent to Newgate in London by the council.

The twenty-sixth of August, there was a letter sent to the mayor of
Coventry and his brethren, for the apprehension of one Symons, of
Worcester, preacher, and then vicar of St. Michael's in Coventry; and
for the sending of him up to the council, with his examinations and
other matters they could charge him with; with a commission to them to
punish all such as had, by means of his preaching, used any talk
against the queen's proceedings.

The twenty-ninth of August, Master Hooper, bishop of Gloucester, made
his personal appearance before the council, according to their letters
the twenty-second of August.

The thirty-first of August, Master Coverdale, bishop of Exeter, made
his appearance before the council, according to their letters the
twenty-second of August.

September.-- The first of September, 1553, Master Hooper and Master
Coverdale appeared again before the council, whence Master Hooper was
committed to the Fleet, and Master Coverdale commanded to attend the
lords' pleasure.

The second of September, Master Hugh Saunders, vicar of St. Michael's
in Coventry, was before the council for a sermon, and was commanded to
appear again upon Monday next after.

The fourth of September, a letter was directed from the council to
Master Hugh Latimer, for his appearance before them.

About the fifth day of September the same year, Peter Martyr came to
London from Oxford, where for a time he had been commanded to keep his
house, and found there the archbishop of Canterbury, who offered to
defend the doctrine of the Book of Common Prayer, both by Scriptures
and doctors, assisted by Peter Martyr and a few others, as hereafter
ye shall hear. But whilst they were in hope to come to disputations,
the archbishop and others were imprisoned; but Peter Martyr was
suffered to return whence he came.

The same day there was a letter sent to the mayor of Coventry to set
Hugh Symons at liberty, if he would recant his sermon; or else to stay
him, and to signify so much to the council.

The thirteenth of September, Master Hugh Latimer appeared before the
council, according to their letter the fourth of September, and was
committed to the Tower close prisoner, having his servant Austin to
attend upon him.

The same day the archbishop of Canterbury, appearing before the
council, was commanded to appear the next day at afternoon before them
in the Star-chamber.

The fourteenth of September, the archbishop of Canterbury, according
to their former day's commandment, made his appearance before the
lords in the Star-chamber; where they, charging him with treason, and
spreading abroad of seditious bills to the disquieting of the state,
committed him from thence to the Tower of London, there to remain till
further justice and order at the queen's pleasure.

The fifteenth of September, there was a letter sent to Master Horn,
dean of Durham, for his appearance before them; and another was sent
to him the seventh of October next after, for his speedy appearance.

The sixteenth of September, there were letters sent to the mayors of
Dover and Rye, to suffer all French protestants to pass out of this
realm, except such whose names should be signified to them by the
French ambassador.

October.-- The first day of October Queen Mary was crowned at
Westminster, and the tenth day of the same month began the parliament
with the solemn mass of the Holy Ghost, after the popish manner,
celebrated with great pomp in the palace of Westminster; to the which
mass among the other lords, according to the manner, should come the
bishops which yet remained undeposed, which were the archbishop of
York, Dr. Taylor, bishop of Lincoln, John Harley, bishop of Hereford.
Of the bishops, Dr. Taylor and Master Harley, (presenting themselves
according to their duty, and taking their place amongst the lords,)
after they saw the mass begin, not abiding the sight thereof, withdrew
themselves from the company; for the which cause the bishop of Lincoln
being examined, and protesting his faith, was, upon the same,
commanded to attend; who not long after, at Ankerwyke, by sickness
departed. Master Harley, because he was married, was excluded both
from the parliament and from his bishopric.

Mass being done, the queen, accompanied with the estates of the realm,
was brought into the parliament-house, there, according to the manner,
to enter and begin the consultation: at which consultation or
parliament were repealed all statutes made in the time of King Henry
the Eighth for pręmunire, and statutes made in King Edward the Sixth's
time for administration of Common Prayer and Sacrament in the English
tongue; and further, the attainder of the duke of Northumberland was
by this parliament confirmed. In the mean while many men were forward
in erecting of altars and masses in churches. And such as would stick
to the laws made in King Edward's time, till others should be
established, some of them were marked, and some presently apprehended;
among whom Sir James Hales, a knight of Kent and justice of the Common
Pleas, was one; who, notwithstanding he had ventured his life in Queen
Mary's cause, in that he would not subscribe to the disinheriting of
her by the king's will, yet for that he did, at a quarter sessions,
give charge upon the statutes made in the time of King Henry the
Eighth, and Edward the Sixth, for the supremacy and religion, he was
imprisoned in the Marshalsea, Compter, and Fleet, and so cruelly
handled and put in fear, by talk that the warden of the Fleet used to
have in his hearing, of such torments as were in preparing for
heretics, (or for what other cause God knoweth,) that he sought to rid
himself out of this life by wounding himself with a knife, and
afterward was contented to say as they willed him: whereupon he was
discharged. But, after that, he never rested till he had drowned
himself in a river, half a mile from his house in Kent: of whom more
is to be seen, when you come to his story.

$

243. A DISPUTATION ON RELIGION ORDERED BY THE QUEEN.

During the time of this parliament, the clergy likewise, after their
wonted manner, had a convocation, with a disputation also, appointed
by the queen's commandment, at Paul's church in London the same time,
which was about the eighteenth of October; in the which convocation,
first Master John Harpsfield, bachelor of divinity, made a sermon ad
clerum, the sixteenth of October. After the sermon done, it was
assigned by the bishops, that they of the clergy-house, for avoiding
confusion of words, should choose them a prolocutor; to the which room
and office, by common assent, was named Dr. Weston, dean of
Westminster, and presented to the bishops with an oration of Master
Pie, dean of Chichester, and also of Master Wimbisley, archdeacon of
London: which Dr. Weston, being chosen and brought unto the bishops,
made his gratulatory oration to the house, with the answer again of
Bishop Bonner.

After these things thus sped in the convocation-house, they proceeded
next to the disputation appointed, as is above said, by the queen's
commandment, about the matter of the sacrament; which disputation
continued six days: wherein Dr. Weston was chief on the pope's part,
who behaved himself outrageously in taunting and checking. In
conclusion, such as disputed on the contrary part were driven some to
flee, some to deny, and some to die; though to the most men's
judgments that heard the disputation, they had the upper hand, as here
may appear by the report of the said disputation, the copy whereof we
thought fit here to annex as followeth:

The true report of the disputation had and begun in the convocation-
house at London the eighteenth of October, A.D. 1553.

"Whereas divers and uncertain rumours be spread abroad of the
disputation had in the convocation-house; to the intent that all men
may know the certainty of all things therein done and said, as much as
the memory of him that was present thereat call bear away, he hath
thought good, at request, thoroughly to describe what was said therein
on both parties of the matters argued and had in question, and of the
entrance thereof."

The act of the first day.

"First, upon Wednesday, being the eighteenth of October, at afternoon,
Master Weston, the prolocutor, certified the house, that it was the
queen's pleasure, that the company of the same house, being learned
men assembled, should debate of matters of religion, and constitute
laws thereof, which her Grace and the parliament would ratify. 'And
for that,' said he, 'there is a book of late set forth, called the
Catechism, [which he showed forth,] bearing the name of this
honourable synod, and yet put forth without your consents, as I have
learned; being a book very pestiferous, and full of heresies; and
likewise a book of Common Prayer very abominable,' as it pleased him
to term it. 'I thought it therefore best, first to begin with the
articles of the Catechism, concerning the sacrament of the altar, to
confirm the natural presence of Christ in the same, and also
transubstantiation. Wherefore,' said he, 'it shall be lawful, on
Friday next ensuing, for all men freely to speak their conscience in
these matters, that all doubts may be removed, and they fully
satisfied therein.'"

The act of the second day.

"The Friday coming, being the twentieth of October, when men had
thought they should have entered disputations of the questions
proposed, the prolocutor exhibited two several bills unto the house;
the one for the natural presence of Christ in the sacrament of the
altar; the other concerning the Catechism, that it was not of that
house's agreement set forth, and that they did not agree thereunto:
requiring all them to subscribe to the same, as he himself had done.
Whereunto the whole house did immediately assent, except six, which
were the dean of Rochester, the dean of Exeter, the archdeacon of
Winchester, the archdeacon of Hereford, the archdeacon of Stow, and
one other.

"And whilst the rest were about to subscribe these two articles, John
Philpot stood up, and spake, first, concerning the articles of the
Catechism, that he thought they were deceived in the title of the
Catechism, in that it beareth the title of the synod of London last
before this; although many of them which then were present were never
made privy thereof in setting it forth; for that this house had
granted the authority to make ecclesiastical laws unto certain persons
to be appointed by the king's Majesty; and whatsoever ecclesiastical
laws they, or the most part of them, did set forth, according to a
statute in that behalf provided, it might be well said to be done in
the synod of London, although such as be of this house now, had no
notice thereof, before the promulgation. And in this point he thought
the setter-forth thereof nothing to have slandered the house, as they,
by their subscription, went about to persuade the world, since they
had our synodal authority unto them committed, to make such spiritual
laws as they thought convenient and necessary.

"And moreover he said, as concerning the article of the natural
presence in the sacrament, that it was against reason and order of
learning, and also very prejudicial to the truth, that men should he
moved to subscribe before the matter were thoroughly examined and
discussed. But when he saw that allegation might take no place, being
as a man astonished at the multitude of so many learned men, as there
were of purpose gathered together to maintain old traditions more than
the truth of God's holy word, he made this request unto the
prolocutor: That whereas there were so many ancient learned men
present on that side, as in the realm the like again were not to be
found in such number; and that on the other side of them that had not
subscribed, were not past five or six, both in age and learning far
inferior unto them: therefore, that equality might be had in this
disputation, he desired that the prolocutor would be a mean unto the
lords, that some of those that were learned, and setters-forth of the
same Catechism, might be brought into the house, to show their
learning that moved them to set forth the same; and that Dr. Ridley
and Master Rogers, with two or three more, might be licensed to be
present, at this disputation, and to be associated with them.

"This request was thought reasonable, and was proposed unto the
bishops, who made this answer: That it was not in them to call such
persons unto our house, since some of them were prisoners. But they
said, they would be petitioners in this behalf unto the council, and
in case any were absent that ought to be of the house, they willed
them to be taken in unto them if they listed. After this, they minding
to have entered into disputation, there came a gentleman as messenger
from the lord great master, signifying unto the prolocutor, that the
lord great master and the earl of Devonshire would be present at the
disputations, and therefore he deferred the same unto Monday, at one
of the clock at afternoon."

The act of the third day.

"Upon Monday, the twenty-third of October, at the time appointed, in
the presence of many earls, lords, knights, gentlemen, and divers
other of the court and of the city also, the prolocutor made a
protestation, that they of the house had appointed this disputation,
not to call the truth into doubts, to the which they had already all
subscribed, saving five or six, but that those gainsayers might be
resolved of their arguments in the which they stood, 'as it shall
appear unto you, not doubting but they will also condescend unto us.'

"Then he demanded of Master Haddon, whether we would reason against
the questions proposed, or no. To whom he made answer, that he had
certified him before, in writing, that he would not, since the request
of such learned men as were demanded to be assistant with them, would
not be granted. Master Elmar likewise was asked, who made the
prolocutor the like answer; adding moreover this, that they had done
too much prejudice already to the truth, to subscribe before the
matter was discussed: and little or nothing it might avail to reason
for the truth, since all they were now determined to the contrary.

"After this he demanded of Master Cheney, who, the prolocutor said,
allowed the presence with them; but he denied the transubstantiation
by the means of certain authorities upon the which he standeth, and
desireth to be resolved, (as you shall hear,) whether he will propose
his doubts concerning transubstantiation, or no. 'Yea,' quoth he, 'I
would gladly my doubts to be resolved, which move me not to believe
transubstantiation. The first is out of St. Paul to the Corinthians,
who, speaking of the sacrament of the body and blood of Christ,
calleth it ofttimes bread, after the consecration. The second is out
of Origen, who, speaking of this sacrament, saith, that the material
part thereof goeth down to the excrements. The third is out of
Theodoret, who making mention of the sacramental bread and wine after
the consecration, saith, that they go not out of their former
substance, form, and shape. These be some of my doubts, among many
others, wherein I require to be answered.'

"Then the prolocutor assigned Dr. Moreman to answer him, who, to St.
Paul, answered him thus: 'The sacrament is called by him bread indeed;
but it is thus to be understood: that it is the sacrament of bread;
that is, the form of bread.'

"Then Master Cheney inferred and alleged, that Hesychius called the
sacrament both bread and flesh. 'Yea,' quoth Moreman, 'Hesychius
calleth it bread, because it was bread, and not because it is so.' And
passing over Origen, he came to Theodoret, and said, that men mistook
his authority, by interpreting a general into a special, as Peter
Martyr hath done in the place of Theodoret, interpreting ??s?a [Greek:
ousia], for substance, which is a special signification of the word;
whereas ??s?a [Greek: ousia] is a general word, as well to accidents
as to substance; and therefore I answer thus unto Theodoret; That the 
sacramental bread and wine do not go out of their former substance,
form, and shape; that is to say, not out of their accidental substance
and shape.'

"After this Master Cheney sat him down; and by and by Master Elmar
stood up, as one that could not abide to hear so fond an answer to so
grave an authority, and reasoned upon the authority of Theodoret
alleged before by Master Cheney, and declared, that Moreman's answer
to Theodoret was no just or sufficient answer, but an illusion and
subtle evasion, contrary to Theodoret's meaning. 'For,' said he, 'if
??s?a [Greek: ousia] should signify an accident in the place alleged,
as it is answered by Master Moreman, then were it a word superfluous
set in Theodoret there, where do follow two other words, which
sufficiently do expound the accidents of the bread, that is e?d?? ?a?
s??µa [Greek: eidos kai schema], which signify in English, shape and
form.' And so he proved out of the same author, by divers allegations,
that ??s?a [Greek: ousia], in Greek, could not be so generally taken
in that place, as Moreman for a shift would have it. But Moreman, as a
man having no other salve for that sore, affirmed still, that ? ??s?a
[Greek: ousia], which signifieth substance, must needs signify an
accidental substance properly. To whose importunity, since he could
have no other answer, Elmar, as a man wearied with his importunity,
gave place.

"After this stood up John Philpot, and said, that he could prove, that
by the matter that Theodoret entreateth of in the place above alleged,
and by the similitude which he maketh to prove his purpose, by no
means Master Moreman's interpretation of ??s?a [Greek: ousia], might
be taken for an accidental substance, as he for a shift would
interpret it to be; for the matter which Theodoret entreateth of in
that place, is against Eutiches, a heretic, who denied two natures of
substance to remain in Christ, being one person, and that his
humanity, after the accomplishment of the mystery of our salvation,
ascending into heaven, and being joined unto the Divinity, was
absorpt, or swallowed up of the same; so that Christ should be no more
but of one Divine substance only, by his opinion. Against which
opinion Theodoret writeth, and by the similitude of the sacrament
proveth the contrary against the heretic: that like as in the
sacrament of the body of Christ, after the consecration, there is the
substance of Christ's humanity, with the substance of bread remaining
as it was before, not being absorpt by the humanity of Christ, but
joined by the Divine operation thereunto; even so in the person of
Christ, being now in heaven, of whom this sacrament is a
representation, there be two several substances, that is, his Divinity
and humanity, united in one hypostasis or person, which is Christ; the
humanity not being absorpt by the conjunction of the Divinity, but
remaining in his former substance. 'And this similitude,' quoth
Philpot, brought in of Theodoret to confound Eutiches, should prove
nothing at all, if the very substance of the sacramental bread did not
remain as it did before. But if Dr. Moreman's interpretation might
take place for transubstantiation, then should the heretic have
thereby a strong argument, by Theodoret's authority so taken, to
maintain his heresy, and to prove himself a good Christian man; and he
might well say thus unto Theodoret: Like as thou, Theodoret, if thou
wert of Dr. Moreman's mind, dost say, that after the consecration in
the sacrament, the substance of the bread is absorpt or
transubstantiate into the human body of Christ coming thereunto, so
that in the sacrament is now but one substance of the humanity alone,
and not the substance of bread as it was before: even so likewise may
I affirm, and conclude by thine own similitude, that the humanity
ascending up by the power of God into heaven, and adjoined unto the
Deity, was by the might thereof absorpt and turned into one substance
with the Deity; so that now there remaineth but one Divine substance
in Christ, no more than in the sacramental signs of the Lord's supper,
after the consecration, doth remain any more than one substance,
according to your belief and construction.'

"In answering to this, Dr. Moreman staggered, whose defect Philpot
perceiving, spake on this wise, Well, Master Moreman, if you have no
answer at this present ready, I pray you devise one, if you can
conveniently. against our next meeting here again.'

"With that his saying the prolocutor was grievously offended, telling
him that he should not brag there, but that he should be fully
answered. Then said Philpot, 'It is the only thing that I desire, to
be answered directly in this behalf; and I desire of you, and of all
the house at this present, that I may be sufficiently answered, which
I am sure you are not able to do, saving Theodoret's authority and
similitude upright, as he ought to be taken.' None other answer, then,
was made to Philpot's reason, but that he was commanded to silence.

"Then stood up the dean of Rochester, offering himself to reason in
the first question against the natural presence, wishing that the
Scripture and the ancient doctors, in this point, might be weighed,
believed, and followed. And against this natural presence, he thought
the saying of Christ in St. Matthew to make sufficiently enough, if
men would credit and follow Scripture; who said there of himself, that
poor men we should have alway with us, but Him we should not have
always 'which was spoken,' quoth he, 'concerning the natural presence
of Christ's body. Therefore we ought to believe as he hath taught --
that Christ is not naturally present on earth in the sacrament of the
altar.'

To this was answered by the prolocutor, that we should not have Christ
present always to exercise alms-deeds upon him, but upon the poor.

"But the dean prosecuted his argument, and showed it out of St.
Augustine further, that the same interpretation of the Scripture
alleged, was no sufficient answer; who writeth on this wise, on the
same sentence: 'When he said, (saith St. Augustine,) Me shall ye not
have always with you; he spake of the presence of his body. For by his
majesty, by his providence, by his unspeakable and invisible grace,
that is fulfilled which is said of him, Behold, I am with you until
the consummation of the world. But in the flesh, which the Word took
upon him, in that which was born of the Virgin, in that which was
apprehended of the Jews, which was crucified on the cross, which was
let down from the cross, which was wrapped in clouts, which was hid in
the sepulchre, which was manifested in the resurrection, You shall not
have me always with you. And why? For after a bodily presence he was
conversant with his disciples forty days; and they accompanying him,
seeing and not following him, he ascended and is not here; for there
he sitteth at the right hand of the Father; and yet here he is,
because he is not departed in the presence of his majesty. After
another manner we have Christ always, by the presence of his majesty;
but, after the presence of his flesh, it is rightly said, You shall
not verily have me always with you. For the church had him in the
presence of his flesh a few days, and now by faith it apprehendeth
him, and seeth him not with eyes.'

"To this authority Dr. Watson took upon him to answer, and said, he
would answer St. Augustine by St. Augustine. And having a certain book
in his hand of notes, he alleged out of the seventieth treatise upon
St. John, that after that mortal condition and manner we have not now
Christ on earth, as he was heretofore before his passion.

"Against whose answer John Philpot replied, and said, that Master
Watson had not fully answered St. Augustine by St. Augustine, as he
would seem to have done; for that in the place above mentioned by
master dean of Rochester, he doth not only teach the mortal state of
Christ's body before his passion, but also the immortal condition of
the same after his resurrection: in the which mortal body St.
Augustine seemeth plainly to affirm, that Christ is not present upon
the earth, neither in form visibly, neither in corporal substance
invisibly, as in few lines after the place above alleged, St.
Augustine doth more plainly declare by these words, saying, 'Now these
two manners of Christ's presence declared, who is, by his majesty,
providence, and grace, now present in the world, who before
hisascension was present in flesh; and being now placed at the right
hand of the Father, is absent in the same from the world, I think
(saith St. Augustine) that there remaineth no other question in this
matter.'

"'Now,' quoth Philpot, if St. Augustine acknowledged no more presence
of Christ to be now on earth, but only his Divine presence, and
touching his humanity, to be in heaven, we ought to confess and
believe the same. But if we put a third presence of Christ, that is,
corporally to be present always in the sacrament of the altar
invisibly, according to your suppositions, whereof St. Augustine
maketh no mention at all in all his works; you shall seem to judge
that, which St. Augustine did never comprehend.'

"'Why,' quoth Watson, 'St. Augustine, in the place by me alleged --
maketh he no mention how St. Stephen, being in this world, saw Christ
after his ascension? '

"It is true,' said Philpot: 'but he saw Christ, as the Scripture
telleth, in the heavens, being open, standing at the right hand of God
the Father.' Further to this Watson answered not.

"Then the prolocutor went about to furnish up an answer to St.
Augustine, saying, that he is not now in the world after the manner of
bodily presence, but yet present, for all that, in his body.

"To whom Philpot answered, that the prolocutor did grate much upon
this word secundum in St. Augustine; which signified', after the
manner, or in form: but he doth not answer to id quod, which is that
thing or substance of Christ, in the which Christ suffered, arose, and
ascended into heaven, in the which thing and substance he is in
heaven, and not in earth; as St. Augustine, in the place specified,
most clearly doth define.

"To this nothing else being answered, the dean of Rochester proceeded
in the maintenance of his argument, and read out of a book of
annotations sundry authorities for the confirmation thereof; to the
which Moreman, who was appointed to answer him, made no direct answer,
but bade him make an argument, saying, that master dean had recited
many words of doctors, but he made not one argument. Then said the
dean, 'The authorities of the doctors by me rehearsed, be sufficient
arguments to prove mine intent, to the which my desire is to be
answered of you.' But still Moreman cried, 'Make an argument,' to
shift off the authority which he could not answer unto.

"After this the dean made this argument out of the institution of the
sacrament: Do this in remembrance of me; and, Thus ye shall show forth 
the Lord's death until he come.-- The sacrament is the remembrance of
Christ: ergo, the sacrament is not very Christ; for yet he is not
come. For these words, until he come,' do plainly signify the absence
of Christ's body. Then the prolocutor went about to show that these
words, 'until he come,' did not import any absence of Christ on the
earth, by other places of Scripture, where donec, 'until,' was used in
like sense; but directly to the purpose he answered nothing. In
conclusion the dean fell to questioning with Moreman, whether Christ
did eat the paschal lamb with his disciples, or not? He answered,
'Yea.' Further, he demanded whether he did eat likewise the sacrament
with them, as he did institute it? Moreman answered, 'Yea.' Then be
asked, what he did eat, and whether he did eat his own natural body,
as they imagine it to be, or no? which when Moreman had affirmed; then
said the dean, 'It is a great absurdity by you granted;' and so he sat
down.

"Against this absurdity Philpot stood up and argued, saying, he could
prove it by good reason deduced out of the Scripture, that Christ ate
not his own natural body at the institution of the sacrament; and the
reason is this:

"Receiving of Christ's body hath a promise of remission of sins with
it annexed.

"Christ, eating the sacrament, had no promise of remission of sin.

"Ergo, Christ, in the sacrament, did not eat his own body.

"To this reason Moreman answered, denying the former part of the
argument, that the sacrament had a promise of remission of sins
annexed unto it.

"Then Philpot showed this to be the promise in the sacrament: Which is
given for you, which is shed for you, for the remission of sins. But
Moreman would not acknowledge that to be any promise, so that he drave
Philpot to John vi., to vouch his saying with these words; The bread
which I will give, is my flesh, which I will give for the life of the
world.

"Moreman answering nothing directly to this argument, Harpsfield
started up to supply that which was wanted in his behalf; and thinking
to have answered Philpot, confirmed more strongly his argument,
saying, 'Ye mistake the promise which is annexed to the body of Christ
in the sacrament: for it pertained not to Christ, but to his
disciples, to whom Christ said, This is my body which is given for
you; and not for Christ himself.'

"'You have said well for me,' quoth Philpot, 'for that is mine
argument. The promise of the body of Christ took no effect in Christ:
ergo, Christ ate not his own body.'

"Then the prolocutor, to shoulder out the matter, said, the argument
was nought; for by the like argument he might go about to prove, that
Christ was not baptized, because the remission of sin, which is
annexed unto baptism, took no effect in Christ. To the which Philpot
replied, that like as Christ was baptized, so he ate the sacrament:
but he took on him baptism, not that he had any need thereof, or that
it took any effect in him; but as our Master, to give the church an
example to follow him in the ministration of the sacrament, and
thereby to exhibit unto us himself; and not to give himself to
himself.

"No more was said in this; but afterward the prolocutor demanded of
Philpot, whether he would argue against the natural presence, or no?
To whom he answered, Yea, if he would hear his argument without
interruption, and assign one to answer him, and not many; which is a
confusion to the opponent, and especially for him that was of an ill
memory.

"By this time the night was come on; wherefore the prolocutor brake up
the disputation for that time, and appointed Philpot to be the first
that should begin the disputation the next day after, concerning the
presence of Christ in the sacrament."

The act of the fourth day.

"On Wednesday, the twenty-fifth of October, John Philpot, as it was
before appointed, was ready to have entered the disputation, minding
first to have made a certain oration, and a true declaration in Latin
of the matter of Christ's presence, which was then in question. Which
thing the prolocutor perceiving, by and by he forbade Philpot to make
any oration or declaration of any matter; commanding him, also, that
he should make no argument in Latin, but to conclude on his arguments
in English.

"Then said Philpot, 'This is contrary to your order taken at the
beginning of this disputation. For then you appointed that all the
arguments should be made in Latin, and thereupon I have drawn and
devised all my arguments in Latin. And because you, master prolocutor,
have said heretofore openly in this house, that I had no learning, I
had thought to have showed such learning as I have, in a brief
oration, and a short declaration of the questions now in controversy;
thinking it so most convenient also, that in case I should speak
otherwise in my declaration than should stand with learning, or than I
were able to warrant and justify by God's word, it might the better he
reformed by such as were learned of the house, so that the unlearned
sort, being present, might take the less offence thereat.'

"But this allegation prevailed nothing with the prolocutor, who bade
him still form an argument in English, or else to hold his peace. Then
said Philpot, 'You have sore disappointed me, thus suddenly to go from
your former order: but I will accomplish your commandment, leaving
mine oration apart; and I will come to my arguments, the which, as
well as so sudden a warning will serve, I will make in English. But
before I bring forth any argument, I will, in one word, declare what
manner of presence I disallow in the sacrament, to the intent the
hearers may the better understand to what end and effect mine
arguments shall tend; not to deny utterly the presence of Christ in
his sacraments, truly ministered according to his institution; but
only to deny that gross and carnal presence, which you of this house
have already subscribed unto, to be in the sacrament of the altar,
contrary to the truth and manifest meaning of the Scriptures: That by
transubstantiation of the sacramental bread and wine, Christ's natural
body should, by the virtue of the words pronounced by the priest, be
contained and included under the forms or accidents of bread and wine.
This kind of presence, imagined by men, I do deny,' quoth Philpot,
'and against this I will reason.'

"But before he could make an end of that he would have said, he was
interrupted of the prolocutor, and commanded to descend to his
argument. At whose unjust importunity Philpot being offended, and
thinking to purchase him a remedy therefor, he fell down upon his
knees before the earls and lords which were there present, being a
great number, whereof some were of the queen's council, beseeching
them that he might have liberty to prosecute his arguments, without
interruption of any man; the which was gently granted him of the
lords. But the prolocutor, putting in use a point of the practice of
prelates, would not condescend thereunto, but still cried, 'Hold your
peace, or else make a short argument' 'I am about it,' quoth Philpot,
'if you will let me alone. But first, I must needs ask a question of
my respondent (who was Dr. Chedsey) concerning a word or twain of your
supposition; that is, of the sacrament of the altar: What he meaneth
thereby, and whether he taketh it as some of the ancient writers do,
terming the Lord's supper the sacrament of the altar -- partly because
it is a sacrament of that lively sacrifice which Christ offered for
our sins upon the altar of the cross,-- and partly because that
Christ's body, crucified for us, was that bloody sacrifice, which the
blood-shedding of all the beasts offered upon the altar in the old
law, did prefigurate and signify unto us, in signification whereof the
old writers sometimes do call the sacrament of the body and blood of
Christ, among other names which they ascribe thereunto, the sacrament
of the altar? Or whether you take it otherwise; as for the sacrament
of the altar which is made of lime and stone, over the which the
sacrament hangeth, and to be all one with the sacrament of the mass,
as it is at this present in many places? This done, I will direct mine
arguments according as your answer shall give me occasion.'

"Then made Dr. Chedsey this answer, that in their supposition they
took the sacrament of the altar, and the sacrament of the mass, to be
all one.

"'Then,' quoth Philpot, 'I will speak plain English as master
prolocutor willeth me, and make a short resolution thereof: That that
sacrament of the altar, which ye reckon to be all one with the mass,
once justly abolished, and now put in full use again, is no sacrament
at all, neither is Christ in any wise present in it.' And this his
saying he offered to prove before the whole house, if they listed to
call him thereunto; and likewise he offered to vouch the same before
the queen's Grace, and her most honourable council, [or] before the
face of six of the best learned men of the house, of the contrary
opinion, and refused none. And if I shall not be able,' quoth he, 'to
maintain by God's word that I have said, and confound those six which
shall take upon them to withstand me in this point, let me be burned
with as many faggots as be in London, before the court gates.' This he
uttered with great vehemency of spirit.

"At this the prolocutor, with divers others, was very much offended,
demanding of him, whether he wist what he said, or no? 'Yea,' quoth
Philpot, 'I wot well what I say;' desiring no man to be offended with
his saying, for that he spake no more than by God's word he was able
to prove. And praised be God,' quoth he, 'that the queen's Grace hath
granted us of this house, (as our prolocutor hath informed us,) that
we may freely utter our consciences in these matters of controversy in
religion: and therefore I will speak here my conscience freely,
grounded upon God's holy word, for the truth; albeit some of you here
present mislike the same.'

"Then divers of the house, besides the prolocutor, taunted and
reprehended him for speaking so unfearingly against the sacrament of
the mass, and the prolocutor said, he was mad; and threatened him,
that he would send him to prison, if he would not cease his speaking.

"Philpot, seeing himself thus abused, and not permitted with free
liberty to declare his mind, fell into an exclamation, casting his
eyes up towards the heaven, and said, 'O Lord, what a world is this,
that the truth of thy holy word may not be spoken and abiden by!' And
for very sorrow and heaviness the tears trickled out of his eyes.

"After this the prolocutor, being moved by some that were about him,
was content that he should make an argument, so that he would be brief
therein.

"'I will be as brief,' quoth Philpot, 'as I may conveniently be, in
uttering all that I have to say. And first, I will begin to ground my
arguments upon the authority of Scriptures, whereupon all the building
of our faith ought to be grounded; and after, I shall confirm the same
by ancient doctors of the church. And I take the occasion of my first
argument out of Matthew xxviii., of the saying of the angel to the
three Marys, seeking Christ at the sepulchre, saying, He is risen, he
is not here: and Luke xxiii., the angel asketh them, Why they sought
him that liveth among the dead. Likewise the Scripture testifieth,
that Christ is risen, ascended into heaven, and sitteth on the right
hand of the Father: all the which is spoken of his natural body: ergo,
it is not on earth included in the sacrament.

"'I will confirm this yet more effectually, by the saying of Christ in
John xvi.; I came, saith Christ, from my Father into the world, and
now I leave the world and go away to my Father: the which coming and
going he meant of his natural body. Therefore we may affirm thereby,
that it is not now in the world.

"'But I look here,' quoth he, to be answered with a blind distinction
of visibly and invisibly, that he is visibly departed in his humanity,
but invisibly he remaineth notwithstanding in the sacrament. But that
answer I prevent myself, that with more expedition I may descend to
the pith of mine arguments, whereof I have a dozen to propose; and
will prove that no such distinction ought to take away the force of
that argument, by the answer which Christ's disciples gave unto him,
speaking these words: Now thou speakest plainly, and utterest forth no
proverb; which words St. Cyril, interpreting, saith, 'That Christ
spake without any manner of ambiguity and obscure speech.' And
therefore I conclude hereby thus, that if Christ spake plainly, and
without parable, saying, I leave the world now and go away to my
Father, then that obscure, dark, and imperceptible presence of
Christ's natural body, to remain in the sacrament upon earth
invisibly, contrary to the plain words of Christ, ought not to be
allowed. For nothing can be more uncertain, or more parabolical and
insensible, than so to say. Here now will I attend what you will
answer, and so descend to the confirmation of all that I have said by
ancient writers..

"Then Dr. Chedsey, reciting his argument in such order as it was made,
took upon him to answer severally to every part thereof on this wise.
First, to the saying of the angel, That Christ is not here; and, Why
seek ye the living among the dead? he answered, that these sayings
pertained nothing to the presence of Christ's natural body in the
sacrament; but that they were spoken of Christ's body being in the
sepulchre, when the three Marys thought him to have been in the grave
still. And therefore the angel said, Why do ye seek him that liveth
among the dead? And to the authority of John xvi., where Christ saith,
Now I leave the world and go to my Father, he meant that of his
ascension. And so likewise did Cyril, interpreting the saying of the
disciples, that knew plainly that Christ would visibly ascend into
heaven. But that doth not exclude the invisible presence of his
natural body in the sacrament; for St. Chrysostom, writing to the
people of Antioch, doth affirm the same, comparing Elijah and Christ
together, and Elijah's cloak unto Christ's flesh: 'Elijah,' quoth he,
'when he was taken up in the fiery chariot, left his cloak behind him
unto his disciple Elisha. But Christ, ascending into heaven, took his
flesh with him, and left also his flesh behind him.' Whereby we may
right well gather, that Christ's flesh is visibly ascended into
heaven, and invisibly abideth still in the sacrament of the altar.

"To this Philpot replied, and said, You have not directly answered to
the saying of the angel, Christ is risen, and is not here, because you
have omitted that which was the chiefest point of all. For,' said he,
'I proceeded further, as thus: He is risen, ascended, and sitteth at
the right hand of God the Father: ergo, he is not remaining on the
earth. Neither is your answer to Cyril, by me alleged, sufficient; but
by and by I will return to your interpretation of Cyril, and more
plainly declare the same, after that I have first refelled the
authority of Chrysostom, which is one of your chief principles that
you alleged, to make for your gross carnal presence in the sacrament;
which being well weighed and understood, pertaineth nothing
thereunto.'

"At that the prolocutor startled, that one of the chief pillars in
this point should be overthrown; and therefore recited the said
authority in Latin first, and afterward Englished the same, willing
all that were present to note that saying of Chrysostom, which he
thought invincible on their side. But I shall make it appear,' quoth
Philpot, 'by and by, that it doth make little for your purpose.' And
as he was about to declare his mind in that behalf, the prolocutor did
interrupt him, as he did almost continually; wherewith Philpot, not
being content, said, Master prolocutor thinketh that he is in a
sophistry school, where he knoweth right well the manner is, that when
the respondent perceiveth that he is like to be enforced with an
argument, to the which he is not able to answer, then he loth what he
can, with cavillation and interruption, to drive him from the same.'

"This saying of Philpot was ill taken of the prolocutor and his
adherents; and the prolocutor said, that Philpot could bring nothing
to avoid that authority, but his own vain imagination. 'Hear,' quoth
Philpot, 'and afterward judge. For I will do in this, as in all other
authorities wherewith you shall charge me in refelling any of my
arguments that I have to prosecute, answering either unto the same by
sufficient authorities of Scripture, or else by some other testimony
of like authority of yours, and not of mine own imagination; the which
if I do, I will it to be of no great credit. And concerning the saying
of Chrysostom, I have two ways to beat him from your purpose; the one
out of Scripture, the other out of Chrysostom himself, in the place
here by you alleged. First, where he seemeth to say, that Christ
ascending took his flesh with him, and left also his flesh behind him,
truth it is: for we all do confess and believe, that Christ took on
him our human nature in the Virgin Mary's womb, and, through his
passion in the same, hath united us to his flesh; and thereby are we
become one flesh with him: so that Chrysostom might therefore right
well say, that Christ, ascending, took his flesh, which he received of
the Virgin Mary, away with him; and also left his flesh behind him,
which are we that he his elect in this world, which are the members of
Christ, and flesh of his flesh; as very aptly St. Paul to the
Ephesians, in the fifth chapter, doth testify, saying, We are flesh of
his flesh, and bone of his bones. And if percase any man will reply,
that he entreateth there of the sacrament, so that this interpretation
cannot so aptly be applied unto him in that place, then will I yet
interpret Chrysostom another way by himself. For in that place, a few
lines before those words which were here now lately read, are these
words; that Christ, after he ascended into heaven, left unto us,
endued with his sacraments, his flesh in mysteries; that is,
sacramentally. And that mystical flesh Christ leaveth as well to his
church in the sacrament of baptism, as in the sacramental bread and
wine. And that St. Paul justly doth witness, saying, As many of us as
are baptized in Christ have put upon us Christ: and thus you may
understand that St. Chrysostom maketh nothing for your carnal and
gross presence in the sacrament, as you wrongfully take him.'

"Now in this mean while Master Pie rounded the prolocutor in the ear,
to put Philpot to silence, and to appoint some other, mistrusting lest
he would shrewdly shake their carnal presence in conclusion, if he
held on long, seeing in the beginning he gave one of their chief
foundations such a pluck. Then the prolocutor said to Philpot, that he
had reasoned sufficiently enough, and that some other should now
supply his room. Wherewith he was not well content, saying: 'Why, sir,
I have a dozen arguments concerning this matter to be proposed, and I
have yet scarce overgone my first argument; for I have not brought in
any confirmation thereof out of any ancient writer, (whereof I have
for the same purpose many,) being hitherto still letted by your oft
interrupting of me.'

"'Well,' quoth the prolocutor, 'you shall speak no more now, and I
command you to hold your peace.'

"'You perceive,' quoth Philpot, that I have stuff enough for you, and
am able to withstand your false supposition, and therefore you command
me to silence.' 'If you will not give place,' quoth the prolocutor, 'I
will send you to prison.' 'This is not,' quoth Philpot,' according to
your promise made in this house, nor yet according to your brag made
at Paul's Cross, that men should be answered in this disputation to
whatsoever they can say; since you will not suffer me, of a dozen
arguments, to prosecute one.'

"Then Master Pie took upon him to promise that he should be answered
another day. Philpot seeing he might not proceed in his purpose, being
therewith justly offended, ended, saying thus: 'A sort of you here,
which hitherto have lurked in corners, and dissembled with God and the
world, are now gathered together to suppress the sincere truth of
God's holy word, and to set forth every false device, which, by the
catholic doctrine of the Scripture, ye are not able to maintain.'

"Then stepped forth Master Elmar, chaplain to the duke of Suffolk,
whom Master Moreman took upon him to answer; against whom Master Elmar
objected divers and sundry authorities for the confirming of the
argument he took the day before in hand, to prove that ??s?a [Greek:
ousia] in the sentence of Theodoret, brought in by Master Cheney, must
needs signify substance, and not accidents: whose reasons and
probations, because they were all grounded and brought out of the
Greek, I do pass over, for that they want their grace in English, and
also their proper understanding. But his allegations so encumbered
Master Moreman, that he desired a day to overview them, for at that
instant he was without a convenient answer.

"Then did the prolocutor call Master Haddon, dean of Exeter, and
chaplain to the duke of Suffolk, who prosecuted Theodoret's authority
in confirming Master Elmar's argument: to whom Dr. Watson took upon
him to give answer; who, after long talk, was so confounded, that he
was not able to answer to the word mysterium: but, forasmuch as he
seemed to doubt therein, Master Haddon took out of his bosom a Latin
author to confirm his saying, and showed the same to Master Watson,
asking him whether he thought the translation to be true, or that the
printer were in any fault. 'There may be a fault in the printer,'
quoth Watson, 'for I am not remembered of this word.' Then did Master
Haddon take out of his bosom a Greek book, wherein he showed forth
with his finger the same words; which Master Watson could not deny.
His arguments further I omit to declare at large, because they were
for the most part in Greek, about the bolting of the true
signification of ??s?a [Greek: ousia].

"Then stept forth Master Pern, and in argument made declaration of his
mind against transubstantiation, and confirmed the sayings and
authorities alleged by Master Elmar and Master Haddon; to whom the
prolocutor answered, saying, I much marvel, Master Pern, that you will
say thus; forasmuch as, on Friday last, you subscribed to the
contrary.' Which his saying Master Elmar did mislike, saying to the
prolocutor, that he was to blame, so to reprehend any man, 'partly for
that this house,' quoth he, 'is a house of free liberty for every man
to speak his conscience, and partly for that you promised yesterday,
that, notwithstanding any man had subscribed, yet he should have free
liberty to speak his mind.' And for that the night did approach, and
the time was spent, the prolocutor, giving them praises for their
learning, did yet notwithstanding conclude, that, all reasoning set
apart, the order of the holy church must be received, and all things
must be ordered thereby."

The act of the fifth day.

"On Friday, the twenty-seventh of October, Dr. Weston the prolocutor
did first propound the matter, showing that the convocation hath spent
two days in disputation already about one only doctor, who was
Theodoret, and about one only word, which was ??s?a [Greek: ousia]:
yet were they come, the third day, to answer all things that could be
objected, so that they would shortly put their arguments. So Master
Haddon, dean of Exeter, desired leave to oppose Master Watson, which,
with two other more, that is, Morgan and Harpsfield, was appointed to
answer.

"Master Haddon demanded this of him, 'Whether any substance of bread
or wine did remain after the consecration.' Then Master Watson asked
of him again, Whether he thought there to be a real presence of
Christ's body or no? Master Haddon said, It was not meet nor order-
like, that he who was appointed to be respondent, should be opponent;
and he whose duty it was to object, should answer.-- Yet Master
Watson, a long while, would not agree to answer; but, that thing first
being granted him, at last an order was set, and Master Haddon had
leave to go forward with his argument.

"Then he proved, by Theodoret's words, a substance of bread and wine
to remain. For these are his words: 'The same they were before the
sanctification, which they are after.' Master Watson said, that
Theodoret meant not the same substance, but the same essence.

"Whereupon they were driven again unto the discussing of the Greek
word ??s?a [Greek: ousia]; and Master Haddon proved it to mean a
substance, both by the etymology of the word, and by the words of the
doctor. 'For ??s?a [Greek: ousia],' quoth he, cometh of the particle
??,[Greek:on] which descendeth of the verb e?µ? [Greek:eimi]; and so
cometh the noun oboia, which signifieth substance.' Then Master Watson
answered, that it had not that signification only: but Master Haddon
proved that it must needs so signify in that place.

"Then Haddon asked Watson, When the bread and wine became symbols?
Whereunto he answered, 'After the consecration, and not before.' Then
gathered Master Haddon this reason out of his author:

"The same thing, saith Theodoret, that the bread and wine were before
they were symbols, the same they remain still in nature and substance,
after they are symbols.

"Bread and wine they were before:

"Therefore bread and wine they are after.

"Then Master Watson fell to the denial of the author, and said he was
a Nestorian; and he desired that he might answer to Master Cheney who
stood by, for that he was more meet to dispute in the matter, because
he had granted and subscribed unto the real presence.

"Master Cheney desired patience of the honourable men to hear him,
trusting that he should so open the matter, that the verity should
appear: protesting furthermore, that he was no obstinate or stubborn
man, but would be conformable to all reason; and if they, by their
learning, (which he acknowledged to be much more than his,) could
answer his reasons, then he would be ruled by them, and say as they
said; for he would be no author of schism, nor hold any thing contrary
to the holy mother the church, which is Christ's spouse.

"Dr. Weston liked this well, and commended him highly, saying that he
was a well-learned and sober man, and well exercised in all good
learning, and in the doctors; and finally, a man meet, for his
knowledge, to dispute in that place: 'I pray you hear him,' quoth he.

"Then Master Cheney desired such as there were present, to pray two
words with him unto God, and to say, Vincat veritas: 'Let the verity
take place, and have the victory;' and all that were present cried
with a loud voice, Vincat veritas, Vincat veritas.

"Then said Dr. Weston to him, that it was hypocritical. 'Men may
better say,' quoth he, 'Vicit veritas, Truth hath gotten the victory.'
Master Cheney said again, if he would give him leave, he would bring
it to that point, that he might well say so.

"Then he began with Master Watson after this sort: 'You said, that
Master Haddon was unmeet to dispute, because he granteth not the
natural and real presence; but I say, you are much more unmeet to
answer, because you take away the substance of the sacrament."

"Master Watson said, he [Cheney] had subscribed to the real presence,
and should not go away from that: so said Weston also, and the rest of
the priests; insomuch that for a great while he could have no leave to
say any more, till the lords spake, and willed that he should be
heard.

"Then Master Cheney told them what he meant by his subscribing to the
real presence, far otherwise than they supposed. So then he went
forward, and prosecuted Master Haddon's argument, in proving that
??s?a [Greek: ousia] was a substance; using the same reason that
Master Haddon did before him. And when he had received the same answer
also that was made to Master Haddon, he said, it was but a lewd
refuge, when they could not answer, to deny the author: and proved the
author to be a catholic doctor; and, that being proved, he confirmed
that which was said of the nature and substance further. 'The
similitude of Theodoret is this,' quoth he: 'As the tokens of Christ's
body and blood, after the invocation of the priests, do change their
names, and yet continue the same substance; so the body of Christ,
after his ascension, changed its name, and was called immortal, yet
had it its former fashion, figure, and circumscription; and, to speak
at one word, the same substance of his body. Therefore,' said Master
Cheney, 'if, in the former part of the similitude, you deny the same
substance to continue, then, in the latter part of the similitude,
which agreeth with it, I will deny the body of Christ, after his
ascension, to have the former nature and substance. But that were a
great heresy; therefore it is also a great heresy to take away the
substance of blood and wine after the sanctification.'

"Then was Master Watson enforced to say, that the substance of the
body, in the former part of the similitude brought in by him, did
signify quantity, and other accidents of the sacramental tokens which
be seen, and not the very substance of the same; and therefore
Theodoret saith, 'those things which be seen.' For, according to
philosophy, the accidents of things be seen, and not the substances.

"Then Master Cheney appealed to the honourable men, and desired that
they should give no credit to them in so saying; for if they should so
think as they would teach, after their Lordships had ridden forty
miles on horseback, (as their business doth sometimes require,) they
should not be able to say at night, that they saw their horses all the
day, but only the colour of their horses. And, by his reason, Christ
must go to school, and learn of Aristotle to speak: for when he saw
Nathanael under the fig-tree, if Aristotle had stood by, he would have
said, 'No, Christ; thou sawest not him, but the colour of him.'

"After this, Watson said, 'What if it were granted that Theodoret was
on the other side? Where they had one of that opinion, there were a
hundred on the other.'

"Then the prolocutor called for Master Morgan to help, and said, that
Theodoret did no more than he might lawfully do. For first, he granted
the truth; and then, for fear of such as were not fully instructed in
the faith, he spake a????µat??? [Greek: ainigmatikos]; that is,
covertly, and in a mystery; and this was lawful for him to do: for
first he granted the truth, and called them the body of Christ, and
the blood of Christ. Then, afterwards, he seemed to give somewhat to
the senses, and to reason: 'but, that Theodoret is of the same mind
that they were of, the words following,' quoth he, 'do declare; for
that which followeth is a cause of that which went before. And
therefore he saith, 'The immortality,' &c., whereby it doth appear,
that he meant the Divine nature, and not the human.'

"Then was Morgan taken with misalleging of the text: for the book had
not this word 'for;' for the Greek word did rather signify 'truly' and
not 'for;' so that it might manifestly appear, that it was the
beginning of a new matter, and not a sentence rendering a cause of
that he had said before.

"Then it was said by Watson again, 'Suppose that Theodoret be with
you, who is one that we never heard of printed, but two or three years
ago; yet is he but one, and what is one against the whole consent of
the church?' After this, Master Cheney inferred, that not only
Theodoret was of that mind, that the substance of bread and wine do
remain, but divers others also, and especially Irenęus, who, making
mention of this sacrament, saith thus: 'When the cup which is mingled
with wine, and the bread that is broken, do receive the word of God,
it is made the eucharist of the body and blood of Christ, by the which
the substance of our flesh is nourished, and doth consist.' If the
thanksgiving do nourish our body, then there is some substance besides
Christ's body.

"To the which reason both Watson and Morgan answered, that ex quibus,
'by the which,' in the sentence of Irenęus, was referred to the next
antecedent, that is, to the body and blood of Christ; and not to the
wine which is in the cup, and the bread that is broken.

"Master Cheney replied, that it was not the body of Christ which
nourished our bodies. 'And let it be that Christ's flesh nourished' to
immortality, yet it doth not answer to that argument, although it be
true, no more than that answer which was made to my allegation out of
St. Paul, The bread which the break, &c., with certain other like:
whereunto you answered, That bread was not taken there in its proper
signification, but for that it had been; no more than the rod of Aaron
was taken for the serpent, because it had been a serpent.'

"After this, Master Cheney brought in Hesychius, and used the same
reason that he did, of burning of symbols; and he asked them, What was
burnt. Master Watson said, we must not inquire nor ask, but if there
were any fault, impute it to Christ. Then said Master Cheney, Whereof
came those ashes -- not of substance? or can any substance arise of
accidents?

"Then was Master Harpsfield called in to see what he could say in the
matter; who told a fair tale of the omnipotency of God, and of the
imbecility and weakness of man's reason, not able to attain to godly
things. And he said, that it was convenient, whatsoever we saw, felt,
or tasted, not to trust our senses. And he told a tale out of St.
Cyprian, how a woman saw the sacrament burning in her coffer; 'and
that which burned there,' quoth Harpsfield, 'burneth here, and
becometh ashes.' But what that was that burnt, he could not tell. But
Master Cheney continued still, and forced them with this question,
What it was that was burnt? 'It was either,' said he, the substance of
bread, or else the substance of the body of Christ, which were too
much absurdity to grant.' At length they answered, that it was a
miracle; whereat Master Cheney smiled, and said, that he could then
say no more.

"Then Dr. Weston asked of the company there, whether those men were
sufficiently answered, or no. Certain priests cried, 'Yea,' but they
were not heard at all for the great multitude which cried, 'No, No;'
which cry was heard and noised almost to the end of Paul's. Whereat
Dr. Weston, being much moved, answered bitterly, that he asked not the
judgment of the rude multitude and unlearned people, but of them which
were of the house. Then asked he of Master Haddon and his fellows,
whether they would answer them other three days? Haddon, Cheney, and
Elmar said, 'No.' But the archdeacon of Winchester stood up and said,
that they should not say, but they should be answered; and though all
others did refuse to answer, yet he would not, but offered to answer
them all one after another. With his proffer the prolocutor was not
contented, but railed on him, and said, that he should go to Bedlam:
to whom the archdeacon soberly made this answer, that he was more
worthy to be sent thither, who used himself so ragingly in that
disputation, without any indifferent equality. Then rose Dr. Weston
up, and said:

"'All the company have subscribed to our article, saving only these
men which you see. What their reasons are, you have heard. We have
answered them three days, upon promise (as it pleased him to descant
without truth, for no such promise was made) that they should answer
us again as long as the order of disputation doth require; and if they
be able to defend their doctrine, let them so do.'

"Then Master Elmar stood up, and proved how vain a man Weston was; for
he affirmed that they never promised to dispute, but only to open and
testify to the world their consciences. For when they were required to
subscribe, they refused, and said that they would show good reasons
which moved them, that they could not with their consciences
subscribe; as they had partly already done, and were able to do more
sufficiently: 'Therefore,' quoth he, 'it hath been ill called a
disputation, and they were worthy to be blamed that were the authors
of that name. For we meant not to dispute, nor now mean to answer,
before our arguments,' quoth he, 'which we have to propound, be
solved, according as it was appointed. For by answering we should but
encumber ourselves, and profit nothing; since the matter is already
decreed upon and determined, whatsoever we shall prove, or dispute to
the contrary.'"

The act of the sixth day.

"On Monday following, being the thirtieth of October, the prolocutor
demanded of John Philpot, archdeacon of Winchester, whether he would
answer in the questions before propounded to their objections, or no?
To whom he made this answer, That he would willingly so do, if,
according to their former determination, they would first answer
sufficiently to some of his arguments, as they had promised to do,
whereof he had a dozen, not half of the first being yet decided: and
if they would answer fully and sufficiently but to one of his
arguments, he promised that he would answer to all the objections that
they should bring. Then the prolocutor bade him propound his argument,
and it should be resolutely answered by one of them; whereunto Master
Morgan was appointed.

"'Upon Wednesday last,' quoth Philpot, 'I was enforced to silence
before I had prosecuted half mine argument; the sum whereof was this
(as was gathered by the just context of the Scripture)-- That the
human body of Christ was ascended into heaven, and placed on the right
hand of God the Father: wherefore it could not be situate upon earth
in the sacrament of the altar, invisible after the imagination of
man.' The argument was denied by Morgan: for the proof whereof,
Philpot said, that this was it wherewith he had to confirm his first
argument, if they would have suffered him the other day, as now he
trusted they would.

"'One self and same nature,' quoth he, 'receiveth not in itself any
thing that is contrary to itself.

"'But the body of Christ is a human nature, distinct from the Deity,
and is a proper nature of itself:

"'Ergo, it cannot receive any thing that is contrary to that nature,
and that varieth from itself.

"'But bodily to be present, and bodily to be absent; to be on earth,
and to be in heaven, and all at one present time; be things contrary
to the nature of a human body: ergo, it cannot be said of the human
body of Christ, that the selfsame body is both in heaven, and also in
earth, at one instant, either visibly or invisibly.'

"Morgan denied the major, that is, the first part of the argument; the
which Philpot vouched out of Vigilius, an ancient writer. But Morgan
cavilled that it was no Scripture, and bade him prove the same out of
Scripture.

"Philpot said, he could also so do, and right well deduce the same out
of St. Paul, who saith, that Christ is like unto us in all points,
except sin: and therefore, like as one of our bodies cannot receive in
itself any thing contrary to the nature of the body, as to be in
Paul's church and at Westminster at one instant, or to be at London
visibly and at Lincoln invisibly at one time, (for that is contrary to
the nature of a body, and of all creatures, as Didimus and Basil
affirm, that an invisible creature, as an angel,cannot be at one time
in divers places,) wherefore he concluded that the body of Christ
might not be in more places than in one, which is in heaven; and so
consequently not to be contained in the sacrament of the altar.

"To this the prolocutor took upon him to answer, saying, that it was
not true that Christ was like unto us in all points, as Philpot took
it, except sin. For that Christ was not conceived by the seed of man,
as we be.

"Whereunto Philpot again replied, that Christ's conception was
prophesied before, by the angel, to be supernatural; but after he had
received our nature by the operation of the Holy Ghost in the Virgin's
womb, be became in all points like unto us, except sin.

"Then Morgan inferred that this saying of Paul did not plainly prove
his purpose.

"'Well,' quoth Philpot, 'I perceive that you do answer but by
cavillation, yet am I not destitute of other Scriptures to confirm my
first argument, although you refuse the probation of so ancient and
catholic a doctor as Vigilius is. St. Peter, in the sermon that he
made in Acts iii., making mention of Christ, saith these words, Whom
heaven must receive, until the consummation of all things, &c.: which
words are spoken of his humanity. .If heaven must hold Christ, then
can he not be here on earth, in the sacrament, as is pretended.'

"Then Morgan, laughing at this, and giving no direct answer at all,
Harpsfield stood up, being one of the bishop of London's chaplains,
and took upon him to answer to the saying of St. Peter, and demanded
of Philpot, whether he would, ex necessitate, that is, of necessity,
force Christ to any place, or no.

"Philpot said, that he would no otherwise force Christ of necessity to
any place, than he is taught by the words of the Holy Ghost, which
sound thus: That Christ's human body must abide in heaven until the
day of judgment,-- as he rehearsed out of the chapter before
mentioned.

"'Why,' quoth Harpsfield, 'do ye not know that God is God omnipotent?'
'Yes,' said Philpot, 'I know that right well; neither doubt I any
thing at all of his omnipotency. But of Christ's omnipotency, what he
may do, is not our question, but rather what he doth. I know he may
make a stone in the wall a man, if he list, and also that he may make
more worlds: but doth he therefore so? It were no good consequent so
to conclude, He may do this or that, therefore he doth it.

"Only so much is to be believed of God's omnipotency, as is in the
word expressed.

"That Christ's body is both in heaven, and here also really in the
sacrament, is not expressed in the word:

"Ergo, it is not to be believed, that the body of Christ, being in
heaven, is here also really in the sacrament.'

"'Why,' quoth the prolocutor, then you will put Christ in prison in
heaven.' To the which Philpot answered, 'Do you reckon heaven to be a
prison? God grant us all to come to that prison.'

"After this Harpsfield inferred that this word oportet in St. Peter,
which signifieth in English 'must,' did not import so much as I would
infer, of necessity, as by other places of Scripture it may appear, as
in 1 Tim. iii., where Paul saith, A bishop must be the husband of one
wife. 'Here,' quoth he, 'oportet doth not import such a necessity; but
that he that never was married, may be a bishop.'

"To this Philpot said again, that the places were not alike which he
went about to compare; and that in comparing of the Scriptures we must
not consider the naked words, but the meaning rather of the
Scriptures, for that, in the place by him alleged, St. Paul doth
declare of what quality a bishop ought to be. But in the other, St.
Peter teacheth us the place where Christ must necessarily be until the
end of the world: which we ought to believe to be true. And this
comparison of this word oportee doth no more answer mine argument,
than if I should say of you now being here, Oportet te hic esase, You
must needs be here; which importeth such a necessity for the time,
that you can no otherwise be but here: and yet you would go about in
words to avoid this necessity with another oportet in another sense,
as this; Oportet te esse virum bonum, You must be a good man; where
oportet doth not in very deed conclude any such necessity, but that
you may be an evil man. Thus you may see that your answer is not
sufficient, and as it were no answer to my argument.'

"Then the prolocutor brought in another oportet, to help this matter,
(if it might be,) saying, 'What say you to this, Oportet hęreses esse:
must heresies needs be therefore, because of this word oportet?'

"'Yea, truly,' quoth Philpot, 'it cannot otherwise be, if you will add
that which followeth immediately upon these words of Paul, that is,
That such as be the elect of God may be manifested and known.'

"'Why,' quoth the prolocutor, the time hath been, that no heresies
were.' 'I know no such time,' quoth Philpot; 'for since the time of
Abel and Cain heresies have been, and then began they.'

"Then said the prolocutor, Will you now answer Morgan an argument or
two?' 'I will,' quoth Philpot, 'if I may first be answered to my
argument any thing according to truth and learning.' 'What!' quoth the
prolocutor, 'you will never be answered.'

"'How I am answered,' quoth Philpot, 'let all men that are here
present judge, and especially such as be learned; and with what
cavillations you have dallied with me. First, to the ancient authority
of Vigilitis you have answered nothing at all, but only denying it to
be Scripture, that he saith. Secondly, to the saying of St. Peter in
the Acts, ye have answered thus -- demanding of me whether I would
keep Christ in prison, or no. Let men now judge, if this be a
sufficient answer or no.'

"Then stood Morgan up again, and asked Philpot whether he would be
ruled by the universal church, or no?

"'Yes,' quoth he, 'if it be the true catholic church. And since you
speak so much of the church, I would fain that you would declare what
the church is.'

"'The church,' quoth Morgan, 'is diffused and dispersed throughout the
whole world.'

"'That is a diffuse definition,' quoth Philpot, 'for I am yet as
uncertain as I was before, what you mean by the church: but I
acknowledge no church but that which is grounded and founded on God's
word; as St. Paul saith, Upon the foundation of the apostles and
prophets, and upon the Scriptures of God.'

"'What!' quoth Moreman, 'was the Scripture before the church?' 'Yea,'
quoth Philpot.

"'But I will prove nay,' quoth Moreman, 'and I will begin at Christ's
time. The church of Christ was before any Scripture written; for
Matthew was the first that wrote the gospel, about a dozen years after
Christ: ergo, the church was before the Scripture.'

"To whom Philpot answering, denied his argument; which when Moreman
could not prove, Philpot showed that his argument was elenchus, or a
fallacy, that is, a deceivable argument. For he took the Scripture
only to be that which is written by men in letters; whereas in very
deed, all prophecy uttered by the Spirit of God, was counted to be
Scripture before it was written in paper and ink, for that it was
written in the hearts, and graven in the minds, yea, and inspired in
the mouths, of good men and of Christ's apostles, by the Spirit of
Christ; as the salutation of the angel was the Scripture of Christ,
and the word of God, before it was written.

"At that Moreman cried, 'Fie! fie!' wondering that the Scripture of
God should be counted Scripture before it was written; and affirmed,
that he had no knowledge that said so.

"To whom Philpot answered, that concerning knowledge in this behalf,
for the trial of the truth about the questions in controversy, he
would wish himself no worse matched than with Moreman.

"At the which saying the prolocutor was grievously offended, saying,
that it was arrogantly spoken of him, that would compare with such a
worshipful learned man as Moreman was, being himself a man unlearned,
yea, a madman; meeter to be sent to Bethlehem, than to be among such a
sort of learned and grave men as were there; and a man that never
would be answered, and one that troubled the whole house: and
therefore he did command him that he should come no more into the
house, demanding of the house whether they would agree thereupon, or
no. To whom a great company answered Yea.' Then said Philpot again,
that he might think himself happy that was out of that company.

"After this Morgan rose off, and rounded the prolocutor in the ear.
And then again the prolocutor spake to Philpot, and said, 'Lest thou
shouldest slander the house, and say that we will not suffer you to
declare your mind, we are content you shall come into the house as you
have done before; so that you be apparelled with a long gown and a
tippet, as we be, and that you shall not speak, but when I command
you.' 'Then,' quoth Philpot, 'I had rather be absent altogether.'"

Thus they reasoning to and fro, at length, about the thirteenth of
December, Queen Mary, to take up the matter, sendeth her commandment
to Bonner, bishop of London, that he should dissolve and break up the
convocation.

During the time of this disputation, the twentieth day of November,
the mayor of Coventry sent up unto the lords of the council Baldwin
Clarke, John Careless, Thomas Wilcocks, and Richard Estelin, for their
behaviour upon Allhallows-day last before: whereupon Careless and
Wilcocks were committed to the Gatehouse, and Clarke and Estelin to
the Marshalsea.

The same day there was a letter directed to Sir Christopher Heydon,
and Sir William Farmer, knights, for the apprehension of John
Huntingdon, preacher, for making a rhyme against Dr. Stokes and the
sacrament: who, appearing before the council the third of December
next after, was, upon his humble submission and promise to amend as
well in doctrine as in living, again suffered to depart.

$

244. DEPOSED BISHOPS RE-APPOINTED, AND APPOINTED BISHOPS DEPOSED.

In the days of King Henry, and also King Edward reigning after him,
divers noblemen, bishops, and others, were cast into the Tower, some
charged with treason, as Lord Courtney, and the duke of Norfolk --
whose son, Lord Henry, earl of Surrey, had been the same time
beheaded, a worthy and ingenuous gentleman, for what cause, or by
whom, I have not here to deal: this is certain, that not many years
after his death followed the beheading of both the Lord Seymours, and
at last of the duke of Northumberland also -- some for the pope's
supremacy, and suspicious letters tending to sedition, (as Tonstal,
bishop of Durham,) and others for other things, all which continued
there prisoners till Queen Mary's coming-in: unto whom the said queen
eftsoons granted their pardon, and restored them to their former
dignities; amongst whom, also, was Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
whom she not only freed out of captivity, but also advanced him to be
high chancellor of England. Furthermore, to the Lord Courtney she
showed such favour, that she made him earl of Devonshire, insomuch
that there was a suspicion amongst many, that she would marry him; but
that proved otherwise.

The same time Bonner, also, had been prisoner in the Marshalsea; whom
likewise Queen Mary delivered, and restored to the bishopric of London
again, displacing Dr. Ridley, with divers other good bishops more, as
is above mentioned: as Cranmer from Canterbury, the archbishop of York
likewise, Poynet from Winchester, John Hooper from Worcester, Barlow
from Bath, Harley from Hereford, Taylor from Lincoln, Ferrar from St.
David's, Coverdale from Exeter, Scorry from Chichester, &c., with a
great number of archdeacons, deans, and briefly, all such beneficed
men, who either were married, or would constantly adhere to their
profession. All which were removed from their livings, and others of
the contrary sect set in the same, as Cardinal Pole, (who was then
sent for,) Gardiner, Heath, White, Day, Tubervill, etc.

And as touching Cranmer, of whom mention was made before, forasmuch as
there was rumour spread of him the same time in London, that he had
recanted, and caused mass to be said at Canterbury, for purging of
himself he published abroad a declaration of his truth and constancy
in that behalf, protesting that he neither had so done, nor minded so
to do: adding moreover, that if it would so please the queen, he, with
Peter Martyr, and certain others whom he would choose, would, in open
disputation, sustain the cause of the doctrine taught and set forth
before in the time of King Edward, against all persons whomsoever. But
while he was in expectation to have this disputation obtained, he,
with other bishops, was laid fast in the Tower, and Peter Martyr
permitted to depart the realm; and so went he to Strasburg.

After this, in the month of November, the Archbishop Cranmer,
notwithstanding he had earnestly refused to subscribe to the king's
will in disinheriting his sister Mary, alleging many grave and pithy
reasons for her legitimation, was, in Guildhall of London, arraigned
and attainted of treason, with the Lady Jane, and three of the duke of
Northumberland's sons, who, at the entreaty of certain persons, were
had again to the Tower, and there kept for a time. All which
notwithstanding, Cranmer, being pardoned of treason, stood only in the
action and case of doctrine, which they called heresy, whereof he was
right glad and joyful.

This being done in November, the people, and especially the churchmen,
perceiving the queen so eagerly set upon her old religion, they
likewise, for their parts, to show themselves no less forward to serve
the queens appetite, (as the manner is, of the multitude, commonly to
frame themselves after the humour of the prince and time present,)
began in their choirs to set up the pageant of St. Katharine, and of
St. Nicholas, and of their processions in Latin, after all their old
solemnity, with their gay gardeviance, and grey amices.

And when the month of December was come, the parliament brake up; but
first of all such statutes were repealed, which were made either of
pręmunire, or touched any alteration of religion and administration of
sacraments under King Edward: in the which parliament, also,
communication was moved of the queen's marriage with King Philip, the
emperor's son.

$

245. WYAT'S REBELLION

In this mean while Cardinal Pole, being sent for by Queen Mary, was by
the emperor requested to stay with him, to the intent (as some think)
that his presence in England should not be a let to the marriage which
he intended between Philip his son, and Queen Mary. For the making
whereof be sent a most ample ambassade, with full power to make up the
marriage betwixt them; which took such success, that after they had
communed of the matters a few days, they knit up the knot.

The thirteenth of January, 1554, Dr. Crome, for his preaching upon
Christmas day without licence, was committed to the Fleet.

The twenty-first of January, Master Thomas Wootton, esquire, was, for
matters of religion, committed to the Fleet close prisoner.

This mention of marriage was about the beginning of January, and was
very evil taken of the people, and of many of the nobility, who, for
this and for religion, conspiring among themselves, made a rebellion,
whereof Sir Thomas Wyat, knight, was one of the chief beginners; who,
being in Kent, said, (as many else perceived,) that the queen and the
council would, by foreign marriage, bring upon this realm most
miserable servitude, and establish popish religion. About the twenty-
fifth of January news came to London of this stir in Kent, and shortly
after of the duke of Suffolk, who was fled into Warwickshire and
Leicestershire, there to gather a power. The queen therefore caused
them both, with the Carews of Devonshire, to be proclaimed traitors;
and sent into Kent against Wyat, Thomas, duke of Norfolk, who, being
about Rochester bridge forsaken of them that went with him, returned
safe to London without any more harm done to him, and without
bloodshed on either part.

Furthermore, to apprehend the Duke of Suffolk, being fled into
Warwickshire, was sent the earl of Huntingdon in post, who, entering
the city of Coventry before the duke, disappointed him of his purpose.
Wherefore the duke, in great distress, committed himself to the
keeping of a servant of his, named Underwood, in Astley Park, who,
like a false traitor, betrayed him. And so he was brought up to the
Tower of London.

In the mean while Sir Peter Carew, hearing of that was done, fled into
France; but the others were taken, and Wyat came towards London in the
beginning of February. The queen, hearing of Wyat s coming, came into
the city to the Guildhall, where she made a vehement oration against
Wyat; the contents (at least the effect) whereof here followeth, as
near as out of her own mouth could be penned.

"I am come unto you in mine own person, to tell you that, which
already you see and know; that is, how traitorously and rebelliously a
number of Kentishmen have assembled themselves against both us and
you. Their pretence (as they said at the first) was for a marriage
determined for us: to the which, and to all the articles thereof, ye
have been made privy. But since, we have caused certain of our privy
council to go again unto them, and to demand the cause of this their
rebellion; and it appeared then unto our said council, that the matter
of the marriage seemed to be but a Spanish cloak to cover their
pretended purpose against our religion; for that they arrogantly and
traitorously demanded to have the governance of our person, the
keeping of the Tower, and the placing of our councillors.

"Now, loving subjects, what I am ye right well know. I am your queen,
to whom at my coronation, when I was wedded to the realm and laws of
the same, (the spousal ring whereof I have on my finger, which never
hitherto was, nor hereafter shall he, left off,) you promised your
allegiance and obedience unto me. And that I am the right and true
inheritor of the crown of this realm of England, I take all
Christendom to witness. My father, as ye all know, possessed the same
regal state, which now rightly is descended unto me: and to him always
ye showed yourselves most faithful and loving subjects; and therefore
I doubt not, but ye will show yourselves [such] likewise to me, and
that ye will not suffer a vile traitor to have the order and
governance of our person, and to occupy our estate, especially being
so vile a traitor as Wyat is; who most certainly, as he hath abused
mine ignorant subjects which be on his side, so doth he intend and
purpose the destruction of you, and spoil of your goods. And I say to
you, on the word of a prince, I cannot tell how naturally the mother
loveth the child, for I was never the mother of any; but certainly, if
a prince and governor may as naturally and earnestly love her
subjects, as the mother doth love the child, then assure yourselves,
that I, being your lady and mistress, do as earnestly and tenderly
love and favour you. And I, thus loving you, cannot but think that ye
as heartily and faithfully love me; and then I doubt not but we shall
give these rebels a short and speedy overthrow.

"As concerning the marriage, ye shall understand that I enterprised
not the doing thereof without advice, and that by the advice of all
our privy council, who so considered and weighed the great commodities
that might ensue thereof, that they not only thought it very
honourable, but also expedient, both for the wealth of the realm, and
also of you our subjects. And as touching myself, I assure you, I am
not so bent to my will, neither so precise nor affectionate, that
either for mine own pleasure I would choose where I list, or that I am
so desirous, as needs I would have one. For God, I thank him, to whom
be the praise therefore, I have hitherto lived a virgin, and doubt
nothing, but with God's grace, I am able so to live still. But if, as
my progenitors have done before, it may please God that I might leave
some fruit of my body behind me, to be your governor, I trust you
would not only rejoice thereat, but also I know it would be to your
great comfort. And certainly, if I either did think or know, that this
marriage were to the hurt of any of you my commons, or to the
impeachment of any part or parcel of the royal state of this realm of
England, I would never consent thereunto, neither would I ever marry
while I lived. And on the word of a queen, I promise you, that if it
shall not probably appear to all the nobility and commons in the high
court of parliament, that this marriage shall be for the high benefit
and commodity of the whole realm, then will I abstain from marriage
while I live.

"And now, good subjects, pluck up your hearts, and, like true men,
stand fast against these rebels, both our enemies and yours, and fear
them not; for I assure you, I fear them nothing at all. And I will
leave with you my Lord Howard, and my lord treasurer, who shall be
assistants with the mayor for your defence."

Here is to be noted, that at the coming of Queen Mary to the
Guildhall, it being bruited before, that she was coming with harnessed
men, such a fear came among them, that a number of the Londoners,
fearing lest they should be there entrapped and put to death, made out
of the gate before her entering in. Furthermore note, that when she
had ended her oration, (which she seemed to have perfectly conned
without book,) Winchester, standing by her, when the oration was done,
with great admiration cried to the people, "Oh how happy are we, to
whom God hath given such a wise and learned prince!" &c.

Two days after, which was the third of February, the Lord Cobham was
committed to the Tower, and Master Wyat entered into Southwark, who,
forasmuch as he could not enter that way into London, returning
another way by Kingston with his army, came up through the streets
into Ludgate, and returning thence was resisted at Temple-bar, and
there yielded himself to Sir Clement Parson, and so was brought by him
to the court, and with him the residue of his army (for before, Sir
George Harper and almost half of his men ran away from him at Kingston
bridge) were also taken, and about a hundred killed, and they that
were taken were had to prison, and a great many of them were hanged,
and he himself afterward executed at the Tower Hill, and then
quartered; whose head, after being set up upon Hay Hill, was thence
stolen away, and great search made for the same: of which story ye
shall hear more (the Lord willing) hereafter.
(Illustration: Thomas Wyat on the Scaffold)

$

246. LADY JANE GREY.

The twelfth day of February was beheaded the Lady Jane, to whom was
sent Master Fecknam, alias Howman, from the queen, two days before her
death, to commune with her, and to reduce her from the doctrine of
Christ to Queen Mary's religion: the effect of which communication
here followeth:

Fecknam.--"Madam, I lament your heavy case; and yet I doubt not, but
that you bear out this sorrow of yours with a constant and patient
mind."

Jane.--"You are welcome unto me, sir, if your coming be to give
Christian exhortation. And as for my heavy case, I thank God, I do so
little lament it, that rather I account the same for a more manifest
declaration of God's favour toward me, than ever he showed me at any
time before. And therefore there is no cause why either you, or others
which bear me good will, should lament or be grieved with this my
case, being a thing so profitable for my soul's health."

Fecknam.--"I am here come to you at this present, sent from the queen
and her council, to instruct you in the true doctrine of the right
faith: although I have so great confidence in you, that I shall have,
I trust, little need to travail with you much therein."

Jane.--"Forsooth, I heartily thank the queen's Highness, which is not
unmindful of her humble subject: and I hope, likewise, that you no
less will do your duty therein both truly and faithfully, according to
that you were sent for."

Fecknam.--"What is then required of a Christian man?"

Jane.--"That he should believe in God the Father, the Son, and the
Holy Ghost, three persons and one God."

Fecknam.--"What? Is there nothing else to be required or looked for in
a Christian, but to believe in him?"

Jane.--"Yes, we must love him with all our heart, with all our soul,
and with all our mind, and our neighbour as ourself."

Fecknam.--"Why? then faith justifieth not, nor saveth not."

Jane.--"Yes verily, faith, as Paul saith, only justifieth."

Fecknam.--"Why? St. Paul saith, If I have all faith without love, it
is nothing."

Jane.--"True it is; for how can I love him whom I trust not, or how
can I trust him whom I love not? Faith and love go both together, and
yet love is comprehended in faith."

Fecknam.--"How shall we love our neighbour?"

Jane.--"To love our neighbour is to feed the hungry, to clothe the
naked, and to give drink to the thirsty, and to do to him as we would
do to ourselves."

Fecknam.--"Why? then it is necessary unto salvation to do good works
also, and it is not sufficient only to believe."

Jane.--"I deny that, and I affirm that faith only saveth: but it is
meet for a Christian, in token that he followeth his Master Christ, to
do good works; yet may we not say that they profit to our salvation.
For when we have done all, yet we be unprofitable servants, and faith
only in Christ's blood saveth us."

Fecknam.--"How many sacraments are there?"

Jane.--"Two: the one the sacrament of baptism, and the other the
sacrament of the Lord's supper."

Fecknam.--"No, there are seven."

Jane.--"By what Scripture find you that?"

Fecknam.--"Well, we will talk of that hereafter. But what is signified
by your two sacraments?"

Jane.--"By the sacrament of baptism I am washed with water and
regenerated by the Spirit, and that washing is a token to me that I am
the child of God. The sacrament of the Lord's supper, offered unto me,
is a sure seal and testimony that I am, by the blood of Christ, which
he shed for me on the cross, made partaker of the everlasting
kingdom."

Fecknam." Why? what do you receive in that sacrament? Do you not
receive the very body and blood of Christ?"

Jane.--"No surely, I do not so believe. I think that at the supper I
neither receive flesh nor blood, but bread and wine: which bread when
it is broken, and the wine when it is drunken, put me in remembrance
how that for my sins the body of Christ was broken, and his blood shed
on the cross; and with that bread and wine I receive the benefits that
come by the breaking of his body, and shedding of his blood, for our
sins on the cross."

Fecknam.--"Why, doth not Christ speak these words, Take, eat, this is
my body? Require you any plainer words? Doth he not say, it is his
body?"

Jane.--"I grant he saith so; and so he saith, I am the vine, I am the
door; but he is never the more for that the door or the vine. Doth not
St. Paul say, He calleth things that are not, as though they were? God
forbid that I should say, that I eat the very natural body and blood
of Christ: for then either I should pluck away my redemption, or else
there were two bodies, or two Christs. One body was tormented on the
cross, and if they did eat another body, then had he two bodies: or if
his body were eaten, then was it not broken upon the cross; or if it
were broken upon the cross, it was not eaten of his disciples."

Fecknam.--"Why, is it not as possible that Christ, by his power, could
make his body both to be eaten and broken, and to be born of a virgin,
as to walk upon the sea, having a body, and other suchlike miracles as
he wrought by his power only?"

Jane.--"Yes verily, if God would have done at his supper any miracle,
he might have done so: but I say, that then he minded no work nor
miracle, but only to break his body and shed his blood on the cross
for our sins. But I pray you to answer me to this one question: Where
was Christ when he said, Take, eat, this is my body? Was he not at the
table, when he said so? He was at that time alive, and suffered not
till the next day. What took he, but bread? what brake he, but bread?
and what gave he, but bread? Look, what he took, he brake: and look,
what he brake, he gave: and look, what he gave, they did eat: and yet
all this while be himself was alive, and at supper before his
disciples, or else they were deceived."

Fecknam.--"You ground your faith upon such authors as say and unsay
both in a breath; and not upon the church, to whom ye ought to give
credit."

Jane.--"No, I ground my faith on God's word, and not upon the church.
For if the church be a good church, the faith of the church must be
tried by God's word; and not God's word by the church, neither yet my
faith. Shall I believe the church because of antiquity, or shall I
give credit to the church that taketh away from me the half part of
the Lord's supper, and will not let any man receive it in both kinds?
which things, if they deny to us, then deny they to us part of our
salvation. And I say, that it is an evil church, and not the spouse of
Christ, but the spouse of the devil, that altereth the Lord's supper,
and both taketh from it, and addeth to it. To that church, say I, God
will add plagues; and from that church will he take their part out of
the book of life. Do they learn that of St. Paul, when he ministered
to the Corinthians in both kinds? Shall I believe this church? God
forbid!"

Fecknam." That was done for a good intent of the church, to avoid a
heresy that sprang on it."

Jane.--"Why, shall the church alter God's will and ordinance, for good
intent? How did King Saul? The Lord God defend!"

With these and such-like persuasions he would have had her lean to the
church, but it would not be. There were many more things whereof they
reasoned, but these were the chiefest.

After this, Fecknam took his leave, saying, that he was sorry for her:
"For I am sure," quoth he, "that we two shall never meet."

Jane.--"True it is," said she, "that we shall never meet, except God
turn your heart; for I am assured, unless you repent and turn to God,
you are in an evil case. And I pray God, in the bowels of his mercy,
to send you his Holy Spirit; for he hath given you his great gift of
utterance, if it pleased him also to open the eyes of your heart."

A later of the Lady Jane, sent unto her father.

"Father, although it hath pleased God to hasten my death by you, by
whom my life should rather have been lengthened; yet can I so
patiently take it, as I yield God more hearty thanks for shortening my
woeful days, than if all the world had been given unto my possession,
with life lengthened at my own will. And albeit I am well assured of
your impatient dolours, redoubled manifold ways, both in bewailing
your own woe, and especially, as I hear, my unfortunate state; yet, my
dear father, (if I may without offence rejoice in my own mishaps,)
meseems in this I may account myself blessed, that washing my hands
with the innocency of my fact, my guiltless blood may cry before the
Lord, Mercy to the innocent! And yet, though I must needs acknowledge,
that being constrained, and, as you wot well enough, continually
assayed, in taking upon me I seemed to consent, and therein grievously
offended the queen and her laws: yet do I assuredly trust, that this
my offence towards God is so much the less, (in that being in so royal
estate as I was,) mine enforced honour blended never with mine
innocent heart. And thus, good father, I have opened unto you the
state wherein I at present stand; whose death at hand, although to you
perhaps it may seem right woeful, to me there is nothing that can be
more welcome, than from this vale of misery to aspire to that heavenly
throne of all joy and pleasure with Christ our Saviour. In whose
stedfast faith, (if it may be lawful for the daughter so to write to
the father,) the Lord that hitherto hath strengthened you, so continue
you, that at the last we may meet in heaven with the Father, the Son,
and the Holy Ghost."

At what time her father was flourishing in freedom and prosperity in
the time of King Edward, there belonged unto him a certain learned
man,student and graduate of the university of Oxford; who, then, being
chaplain to the said duke, and a sincere preacher (as he appeared) of
the gospel, according to the doctrine of that time set forth and
received, shortly after that the state of religion began to alter by
Queen Mary, altered also in his profession with the time, and of a
protestant became a friend and defender of the pope's proceedings. At
whose sudden mutation and inconstant mutability, this Christian lady
being not a little aggrieved, and most of all lamenting the dangerous
state of his soul, in sliding so away for fear from the way of truth,
writeth her mind unto him in a sharp and vehement letter: which, as it
appeareth to proceed of an earnest and zealous heart, so would God it
might take such effect with him, as to reduce him to repentance, and
to take better hold again for the health and wealth of his own soul.
The copy of the letter is this as followeth.

Another letter of the Lady Jane, to Master Harding, late chaplain to
the duke of Suffolk, her father, and then fallen from the truth of
God's most holy word.

"So oft as I call to mind the dreadful and fearful saying of God, That
he which layeth hold upon the plough, and looketh back, is not meet
for the kingdom of heaven; and, on the other side, the comfortable
words of our Saviour Christ to all those that, forsaking themselves,
do follow him; I cannot but marvel at thee, and lament thy case, which
seemed sometime to be the lively member of Christ, but now the
deformed imp of the devil; sometime the beautiful temple of God, but
now the stinking and filthy kennel of Satan; sometime the unspotted
spouse of Christ, but now the unshamefaced paramour of antichrist;
sometime my faithful brother, but now a stranger and apostate;
sometime a stout Christian soldier, but now a cowardly runaway. Yea,
when I consider these things, I cannot but speak to thee, and cry out
upon thee, thou seed of Satan, and not of Judah, whom the devil hath
deceived, the world hath beguiled, and the desire of life subverted,
and made thee of a Christian an infidel. Wherefore hast thou taken the
testament of the Lord in thy mouth? Wherefore hast thou preached the
law and the will of God to others? Wherefore past thou instructed
others to be strong in Christ, when thou thyself dost now so
shamefully shrink, and so horribly abuse the testament and law of the
Lord? when thou thyself preachest not to steal, yet most abominably
stealest, not from men, but from God, and, committing most heinous
sacrilege, robbest Christ thy Lord of his right members, thy body and
soul; and choosest rather to live miserably with shame to the world,
than to die, and gloriously with honour reign with Christ, in whom
even in death is life? Why dost thou now show thyself most weak, when
indeed thou oughtest to be most strong? The strength of a fort is
unknown before the assault, but thou yieldest thy hold before any
battery be made. O wretched and unhappy man, what art thou, but dust
and ashes? and wilt thou resist thy Maker that fashioned thee and
framed thee? Wilt thou now forsake Him, that called thee from the
custom gathering among the Romish antichristians, to be an ambassador
and messenger of his eternal word? He that first framed thee, and
since thy first creation and birth preserved thee, nourished and kept
thee, yea, and inspired thee with the spirit of knowledge, (I cannot
say of grace,) shall he not now possess thee? Darest thou deliver up
thyself to another, being not thine own, but his? How canst thou,
having knowledge, or how darest thou, neglect the law of the Lord, and
follow the vain traditions of men; and whereas thou hast been a public
professor of his name, become now a defacer of his glory? Wilt thou
refuse the true God, and worship the invention of man, the golden
calf, the whore of Babylon, the Romish religion, the abominable idol,
the most wicked mass? Wilt thou torment again, rend and tear the most
precious body of our Saviour Christ, with thy bodily and fleshly
teeth? Wilt thou take upon thee to offer up any sacrifice unto God for
our sins, considering that Christ offered up himself, as Paul saith,
upon the cross, a lively sacrifice once for all? Can neither the
punishment of the Israelites, (which, for their idolatry, they so oft
received,) nor the terrible threatenings of the prophets, nor the
curses of God's own mouth, fear thee to honour any other god than him?
Dost thou so regard him, that spared not his dear and only Son for
thee, so diminishing, yea, utterly extinguishing his glory, that thou
wilt attribute the praise and honour due unto him to the idols, which
have mouths and speak not, eyes and see not, ears and hear not; which
shall perish with them that made them?

"What saith the prophet Baruch, where he recited the epistle of
Jeremy, written to the captive Jews? Did he not forewarn them that in
Babylon they should see gods of gold, silver, wood, and stone borne
upon men's shoulders, to cast fear before the heathen? But be not ye
afraid of them, saith Jeremy, nor do as other do. But when you see
others worship them, say you in your hearts, It is thou, O Lord, that
oughtest only to be worshipped; for, as for those gods, the carpenter
framed them and polished them: yea, gilded be they, and laid over with
silver and vain things, and cannot speak. He showeth, moreover, the
abuse of their deckings, how the priests took off their ornaments, and
apparelled their women withal: how one holdeth a sceptre, another a
sword in his hand, and yet can they judge in no matter, nor defend
themselves, much less any other, from either battle, or murder, nor
yet from gnawing of worms, or any other evil thing. These, and such-
like words, speaketh Jeremy unto them, whereby he proveth them to be
but vain things, and no gods. And at last he concludeth thus:
Confounded be all they that worship them. They were warned by Jeremy,
and thou as Jeremy hast warned others, and art warned thyself by many
Scriptures in many places. God saith, he is a jealous God, which will
have all honour, glory, and worship given to him only. And Christ
saith, in Luke iv., to Satan which tempted him, even to the same
Beelzebub, the same devil, which hath prevailed against thee: It is
written, saith he, Thou shalt honour the Lord thy God, and him only
shalt thou serve.

"These, and such like, do prohibit thee and all Christians to worship
any other god than that which was before all worlds, and laid the
foundations both of heaven and earth. And wilt thou honour a
detestable idol, invented by Romish popes, and the abominable college
of crafty cardinals? Christ offered himself up once for all, and wilt
thou offer him up again daily at thy pleasure?--But thou wilt say,
thou doest it for a good intent. O sink of sin! O child of perdition!
Dost thou dream therein of a good intent, where thy conscience beareth
thee witness of God's threatened wrath against thee? How did Saul? who
for that he disobeyed the word of the Lord for a good intent, was
thrown from his worldly and temporal kingdom. Shalt thou, then, that
dost deface God's honour, and rob him of his right, inherit the
eternal and heavenly kingdom? Wilt thou, for a good intent, dishonour
God, offend thy brother, and endanger thy soul, where-for Christ hath
shed his most precious blood? Wilt thou, for a good intent, pluck
Christ out of heaven, and make his death void, and deface the triumph
of his cross by offering him up daily? Wilt thou, either for fear of
death, or hope of life, deny and refuse thy God, who enriched thy
poverty, healed thy infirmity, and yielded to thee his victory, if
thou couldest have kept it? Dost thou not consider that the thread of
thy life hangeth upon him that made thee, who can (as his will is)
either twine it harder to last the longer, or untwine it again to
break the sooner? Dost thou not then remember the saying of David, a
notable king, to teach thee, a miserable wretch, in his hundred and
fourth Psalm, where he saith thus: When thou takest away thy Spirit, O
Lord, from men, they die and are turned again to their dust; but when
thou lettest thy breath go forth, they shall be made, and thou shalt
renew the face of the earth. Remember the saying of Christ in his
gospel: Whosoever seeketh to save his life, shall lose it: but
whosoever will lose his life for my sake, shall find it. And in the
same place, Whosoever loveth father or mother above me, is not meet
for me. He that will follow me, let him forsake himself and take up
his cross, and follow me. What cross? the cross of infamy and shame,
of misery and poverty, of affliction and persecution, for his name's
sake. Let the oft falling of those heavenly showers pierce thy stony
heart. Let the two-edged sword of God's holy word shear asunder the
sinews of worldly respects, even to the very marrow of thy carnal
heart, that thou mayest once again forsake thyself and embrace Christ.
And, like as good subjects will not refuse to hazard all, in the 
defence of their earthly and temporal governor, so fly not like a
white-livered milksop from the standing wherein thy chief Captain
Christ hath set thee in array of this life. Fight manfully, come life,
come death: the quarrel is God's, and undoubtedly the victory is ours.

"But thou wilt say, 'I will not break unity.' What? not the unity of
Satan and his members? not the unity of darkness, the agreement of
antichrist and his adherents? Nay, thou deceivest thyself with a fond
imagination of such a unity as is among the enemies of Christ. Were
not the false prophets in a unity? Were not Joseph's brethren and
Jacob's sons in a unity? Were not the heathen, as the Amalekites, the
Perizzites, and Jebusites, in a unity? Were not the scribes and
Pharisees in a unity? Doth not King David testify, Convenerunt in unum
adversus Dominum? Yea, thieves, murderers, conspirators, have their
unity. But what unity? Tully saith of amity, Amicitia non est, nisi
inter bonos. But mark, my friend, (yea, friend, if thou be not God's
enemy,) there is no unity but where Christ knitteth the knot among
such as be his. Yea, be well assured, that where his truth is
resident, there it is verified what he himself saith, Non veni mittere
pacem in terram, sed gladium, &c., but to set one against another, the
son against the father, and the daughter against the mother-in-law.
Deceive not thyself, therefore, with the glittering and glorious name
of Unity; for antichrist hath his unity, yet not in deed, but in name.
The agreement of ill men is not a unity, but a conspiracy.

"Thou hast heard some threatenings, some cursings, and some
admonitions, out of the Scripture, to those that love themselves above
Christ. Thou hast heard, also, the sharp and biting words to those
that deny him for love of life. Saith he not, He that denieth me
before men, I will deny him before my Father in heaven? And to the
same effect writeth Paul: It is impossible, saith he, that they which
were one lightened, and have tasted of the heavenly gift, and were
partakers of the Holy Ghost, and have tasted of the good word of God,
if they fall and slide away, crucifying to themselves the Son of God
afresh, and making of him a mocking-stock, should he renewed again by
repentance. And again, saith he, If we shall willingly sin, after we
have received the knowledge of his truth, there is no oblation left
for sin, but the terrible expectation of judgment, and fire which
shall devour the adversaries. Thus St. Paul writeth, and this thou
readest; and dost thou not quake and tremble?

"Well, if these terrible and thundering threatenings cannot stir thee
to cleave unto Christ, and forsake the world; yet let the sweet
consolations and promises of the Scriptures, let the example of Christ
and his apostles, [and of] holy martyrs and confessors, encourage thee
to take faster hold of Christ. Hearken what he saith: Blessed are you
when men revile you, and persecute you for my sake: rejoice and be
glad, for great is your reward in heaven; for so persecuted they the
prophets that were before you. Hear what Isaiah the prophet saith:
Fear not the curse of men; be not afraid of their blasphemies; for
worms and moths shall eat them up like cloth and wool: but my
righteousness shall endure for ever, and my saving health from
generation to generation. What art thou then, saith he, that fearest a
mortal man, the child of man, which fadeth away like the flower, and
forgettest the Lord that made thee, that spread out the heavens, and
laid the foundation of the earth? I am the Lord thy God, that made the
sea to rage, and be still, whose name is the Lord of hosts: I shall
put my word in thy mouth, and defend thee with the turning of a hand.
And our Saviour Christ saith to his disciples, They shall accuse you,
and bring you before princes and rulers, for my name's sake; and some
of you they shall persecute and kill: but fear you not, saith he, nor
care you what you shall say: for it is the Spirit of your Father that
speaketh within you. Even the very hairs of your head are all
numbered. Lay up treasure for yourselves, saith he, where no thief
cometh, nor moth corrupteth. Fear not them that kill the body, but are
not able to kill the soul; but fear him that hath power to destroy
both soul and body. If ye were of the world, the world would love his
own: but because ye are not of the world, but I have chosen you out of
the world, therefore the world hateth you.

"Let these and such-like consolations, taken out of the Scriptures,
strengthen you to God-ward: let not the examples of holy men and women
go out of your mind, as Daniel and the rest of the prophets; of the
three children; of Eleazar, that constant father; of the seven of the
Maccabees' children; of Peter, Paul, Stephen, and other apostles and
holy martyrs in the beginning of the church, as of good Simeo,
archbishop of Solyma, and Zetrophone, with infinite others under
Sapor, the king of the Persians and Indians, who contemned all
torments devised by the tyrants, for their Saviour's sake. Return,
return again into Christ's war, and, as becometh a faithful warrior,
put on that armour that St. Paul teacheth to be most necessary for a
Christian man. And, above all things, take to you the shield of faith,
and be you provoked by Christ's own example to withstand the devil, to
forsake the world, and to become a true and faithful member of his
mystical body, who spared not his own body for our sins.

"Throw down yourself with the fear of his threatened vengeance, for
this so great and heinous an offence of apostacy: and comfort
yourself, on the other part, with the mercy, blood, and promise of him
that is ready to turn unto you, whensoever you turn unto him. Disdain
not to come again with the lost son, seeing you have so wandered with
him. Be not ashamed to turn again with him from the swill of
strangers, to the delicates of your most benign and loving Father,
acknowledging that you have sinned against heaven and earth: against
heaven, by staining the glorious name of God, and causing his most
sincere and pure word to be evil spoken of through you: against earth,
by offending so many of your weak brethren, to whom you have been a
stumbling-block through your sudden sliding. Be not abashed to come
home again with Mary, and weep bitterly with Peter, not only with
shedding the tears of your bodily eyes, but also pouring out the
streams of your heart -- to wash away, out of the sight of God, the
filth and mire of your offensive fall. Be not abashed to say with the
publican, Lord he merciful unto me a sinner. Remember the horrible
history of Julian of old, and the lamentable case of Spira of late,
whose case, methinks, should be yet so green in your remembrance,
that, being a thing of our time, you should fear the like
inconvenience, seeing you are fallen into the like offence.

Last of all, let the lively remembrance of the last day be always
before your eyes, remembering the terror that such shall be in at that
time, with the runagates and fugitives from Christ, which, setting
more by the world than by heaven, more by their life than by him that
gave them life, did shrink, yea, did clean fall away, from him that
forsook not them: and, contrariwise, the inestimable joys prepared for
them, that fearing no peril, nor dreading death, have manfully fought,
and victoriously triumphed over all power of darkness, over hell,
death, and damnation, through their most redoubted Captain, Christ,
who now stretcheth out his arms to receive you, ready to fall upon
your neck and kiss you, and, last of all, to feast you with the
dainties and delicates of his own precious blood: which undoubtedly,
if it might stand with his determinate purpose, he would not let to
shed again, rather than you should he lost. To whom with the Father,
and the Holy Ghost, be all honour, praise, and glory everlasting.
Amen.

"Be constant, be constant; fear not for any pain:
Christ hath redeemed thee, and heaven is thy gain."

A letter written by the Lady Jane in the end of the New Testament in
Greek, the which she sent unto her sister the Lady Katharine, the
night before she suffered.

"I have here sent you, good sister Katharine, a book, which, although
it be not outwardly trimmed with gold, yet inwardly it is more worth
than precious stones. It is the book, dear sister, of the law of the
Lord. It is his testament and last will, which he bequeathed unto us
wretches; which shall lead you to the path of eternal joy: and, if you
with a good mind read it, and with an earnest mind do purpose to
follow it, it shall bring you to an immortal and everlasting life. It
shall teach you to live, and learn you to die. It shall win you more
than you should have gained by the possession of your woeful father's
lands. For as, if God had prospered him, you should have inherited his
lands; so, if you apply diligently to this book, seeking to direct
your life after it, you shall be an inheritor of such riches, as
neither the covetous shall withdraw from you, neither thief shall
steal, neither yet the moths corrupt. Desire with David, good sister,
to understand the law of the Lord God. Live still to die, that you by
death may purchase eternal life. And trust not that the tenderness of
your age shall lengthen your life; for as soon (if God call) goeth the
young as the old: and labour always to learn to die. Defy the world,
deny the devil, and despise the flesh, and delight yourself only in
the Lord. Be penitent for your sins, and yet despair not; be strong in
faith, and yet presume not and desire, with St. Paul, to be dissolved
and to be with Christ, with whom even in death there is life. Be like
the good servant, and even at midnight be waking, lest, when death
cometh and stealeth upon you as a thief in the night, you be, with the
evil servant, found sleeping; and lest, for lack of oil, you be found
like the five foolish women; and like him that had not on the wedding
garment, and then ye be cast out from the marriage. Rejoice in Christ,
as I do. Follow the steps of your Master Christ, and take up your
cross: lay your sins on his back, and always embrace him. And as
touching my death, rejoice as I do, good sister, that I shall be
delivered of this corruption, and put on incorruption. For I am
assured, that I shall, for losing of a mortal life, win an immortal
life, the which I pray God grant you, and send you of his grace to
live in his fear, and to die in the true Christian faith, from the
which, (in God's name,) I exhort you, that you never swerve, neither
for hope of life, nor for fear of death. For if you will deny his
truth for to lengthen your life, God will deny you, and yet shorten
your days. And if you will cleave unto him, he will prolong your days,
to your comfort and his glory: to the which glory God bring me now,
and you hereafter, when it pleaseth him to call you. Fare you well,
good sister, and put your only trust in God, who only must help you."

Here followeth a certain effectual prayer, made by the Lady Jane in
the time of her trouble.

A prayer of the Lady Jane.

"O Lord, thou God and Father of my life, hear me, poor and desolate
woman, which flieth unto thee only, in all troubles and miseries.
Thou, O Lord, art the only defender and deliverer of those that put
their trust in thee: and therefore I, being defiled with sin,
encumbered with affliction, unquieted with troubles, wrapped in cares,
overwhelmed with miseries, vexed with temptations, and grievously
tormented with the long imprisonment of this vile mass of clay, my
sinful body, do come unto thee, O merciful Saviour, craving thy mercy
and help, without the which so little hope of deliverance is left,
that I may utterly despair of any liberty. Albeit it is expedient,
that, seeing our life standeth upon trying, we should be visited
sometime with some adversity, whereby we might both be tried whether
we be of thy flock or no, and also know thee and ourselves the better:
yet thou, that saidst thou wouldst not suffer us to be tempted above
our power, be merciful unto me now, a miserable wretch, I beseech
thee; who, with Solomon, do cry unto thee, humbly desiring thee, that
I may neither be too much puffed up with prosperity, neither too much
pressed down with adversity, lest I, being too full, should deny thee
my God, or being too low brought, should despair, and blaspheme thee
my Lord and Saviour.

"O merciful God, consider my misery, best known unto thee; and be thou
now unto me a strong tower of defence, I humbly require thee. Suffer
me not to be tempted above my power, but either be thou a deliverer
unto me out of this great misery, or else give me grace, patiently to
hear thy heavy hand and sharp correction. It was thy right hand, that
delivered the people of Israel out of the hands of Pharaoh, which for
the space of four hundred years did oppress them, and keep them in
bondage. Let it therefore, likewise, seem good to thy fatherly
goodness, to deliver me, sorrowful wretch, (for whom thy Son Christ
shed his precious blood on the cross,) out of this miserable captivity
and bondage, wherein I am now. How long wilt thou be absent? for ever?
O Lord, hast thou forgotten to be gracious, and hast thou shut up thy
loving-kindness in displeasure? Wilt thou be no more entreated? Is thy
mercy clean gone for ever, and thy promise come utterly to an end for
evermore? Why dost thou make so long tarrying? Shall I despair of thy
mercy, O God? Far be that from me. I am thy workmanship, created in
Christ Jesus. Give me grace, therefore, to tarry thy leisure, and
patiently to bear thy works, assuredly knowing, that as thou canst, so
thou wilt, deliver me, when it shall please thee, nothing doubting or
mistrusting thy goodness towards me; for thou knowest better what is
good for me than I do: therefore do with me in all things what thou
wilt, and plague me what way thou wilt. Only, in the mean time, arm
me, I beseech thee, with thy armour, that I may stand fast, my loins
being girded about with verity, having on the breastplate of
righteousness, and shod with the shoes prepared by the gospel of
peace: above all things taking to me the shield of faith, wherewith I
may be able to quench all the fiery darts of the wicked; and taking
the helmet of salvation, and the sword of the Spirit, which is thy
most holy word: praying always with all manner of prayer and
supplication, that I may refer myself wholly to thy will, abiding thy
pleasure, and comforting myself in those troubles that it shall please
thee to send me; seeing such troubles be profitable for me, and seeing
I am assuredly persuaded that it cannot be but well, all that thou
doest. Hear me, O merciful Father! for his sake, whom thou wouldest
should be a sacrifice for my sins: to whom with thee and the Holy
Ghost, be all honour and glory. Amen."

After these things thus declared, it remaineth now, coming to the end
of this virtuous lady, next to infer the manner of her execution, with
the words and behaviour of her at the time of her death.

The words and behaviour of the Lady Jane upon the scaffold.
(Illustration: Lady Jane Grey led to execution)

These are the words that the Lady Jane spake upon the scaffold, at the
hour of her death. First, when she mounted upon the scaffold, she said
to the people standing thereabout, "Good people, I am come hither to
die, and by a law I am condemned to the same. The fact against the
queen's Highness was unlawful, and the consenting thereunto by me:
but, touching the procurement and desire thereof by me, or on my
behalf, I do wash my hands thereof in innocency before God, and the
face of you. good Christian people, this day:" and therewith she wrung
her hands, wherein she had her book. Then said she, "I pray you all,
good Christian people, to bear me witness that I die a true Christian
woman, and that I do look to be saved by no other mean, but only by
the mercy of God, in the blood of his only Son Jesus Christ: and I
confess, that when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same,
loved myself and the world; and therefore this plague and punishment
is happily and worthily happened unto me for my sins; and yet I thank
God, that of his goodness he hath thus given me a time and respite to
repent. And now, good people, while I am alive, I pray you assist me
with your prayers." And then, kneeling down, she turned her to
Fecknam, saying, "Shall I say this psalm?" And he said, "Yea." Then
said she the psalm of Miserere mei Deus in English, in most devout
manner, throughout to the end; and then she stood up, and gave her
maiden, Mistress Ellen, her gloves and handkerchief, and her book to
Master Bruges. And then she untied her gown, and the hangman pressed
upon her to help her off with it; but she, desiring him to let her
alone, turned towards her two gentlewomen, who helped her off
therewith, and also with her frowes, paaft, and neckerchief, giving to
her a fair handkerchief to knit about her eyes.

Then the hangman kneeled down and asked her forgiveness, whom she
forgave most willingly. Then he willed her to stand upon the straw;
which doing, she saw the block. Then she said, "I pray you despatch me
quickly." Then she kneeled down, saying, "Will you take it off, before
I lay me down?" And the hangman said, "No, madam." Then tied she the
handkerchief about her eyes, and feeling for the block, she said,
"What shall I do? Where is it? Where is it?" One of the standers-by
guiding her thereunto she laid her head down upon the block, and then
stretched forth her body, and said, "Lord, into thy hands I commend my
spirit;" and so finished her life, in the year of our Lord God 1554,
the twelfth day of February.

Certain verses, written by the said Lady Jane with a pin.

Non aliena putes homini, quę obtingere possunt:
Sora hodierna mihi, tunc erit illa tibi.

Do never think it strange,
Though now I have misfortune,
For if that fortune change,
The same to thee nay happen.

JANE DUDLEY.

Deo juvante, nil nocet livor malus
Et non juvante, nil juvat labor gravis.
Post tenebras spero lucem.

If God do help thee,
Hate shall not hurt thee;
If God do fail thee,
Then shall not labour prevail thee.

Thus, the twelfth day of February, as I said, was beheaded the Lady
Jane, and with her, also, the Lord Guildford her husband, one of the
duke of Northumberland's sons; two innocents in comparison of them
that sat upon them. For they did but ignorantly accept that, which the
others had willingly devised, and, by open proclamation, consented to
take from others, and give to them.

Touching the condemnation of this Lady Jane, here is to be noted, that
the judge, Morgan, who gave the sentence of condemnation against her,
shortly after he had condemned her, fell mad, and in his raving cried
out continually to have Lady Jane taken away from him; and so ended
his life.

And not long after the death of the Lady Jane, upon the twenty-first
of the same month, was Henry, duke of Suffolk, also beheaded at the
Tower Hill, the fourth day after his condemnation: about which time,
also, were condemned for this conspiracy many gentlemen and yeomen,
whereof some were executed at London, and some in the country. In the
number of whom also was the Lord Thomas Gray, brother to the said
duke, being apprehended not long after in North Wales, and executed
for the same. Sir Nicholas Throgmorton very hardly escaped, as ye
shall hear (the Lord willing) in another place.

$

247. ACTIONS TO RE-ESTABLISH PAPISM.

The twenty-fourth of the same month, the year of our Lord 1554,
Bonner, bishop of London, sent down a commission, directed to all the
curates and pastors of his diocese, for the taking of the names of
such as would not come the Lent following to auricular confession, and
to the receiving at Easter; the copy of which monition here followeth.

A monition of Bonner, bishop of London, sent down to all and singular
curates of his diocese, for the certifying of the names of such as
would not come in Lent to confession, and receiving at Easter.

"Edmund, by the permission of God bishop of London, to all parsons,
vicars, curates, and ministers of the church within the city and
diocese of London, sendeth grace, peace, and mercy, in our Lord
everlasting: Forasmuch as by the order of the ecclesiastical laws and
constitutions of this realm, and the laudable usage and custom of the
whole catholic church, by many hundred years agone, duly and devoutly
observed and kept, all faithful people, being of lawful age and
discretion, are bound once in the year at least (except reasonable
cause excuse them) to be confessed to their own proper curate, and to
receive the sacrament of the altar, with due preparation and devotion:
And forasmuch, also, as we be credibly informed, that sundry evil
disposed and undevout persons, given to sensual pleasures and carnal
appetites, following the lusts of their body, and neglecting utterly
the health of their souls, do forbear to come to confession according
to the said usage, and to receive the sacrament of the altar
accordingly, giving thereby pernicious and evil example to the younger
sort, to neglect and contemn the same: We, minding the reformation
hereof for our own discharge, and desirous of good order to be kept,
and good example to be given; do will and command you, by virtue
hereof, that immediately upon the receipt of this our commandment, ye,
each and every of you, within your cure and charge, do use all your
diligence and dexterity to declare the same, straitly charging and
commanding all your parishioners, being of lawful age and discretion,
to come, before Easter next coming, to confession, according to the
said ordinance and usage, with due preparation and devotion to receive
the said sacrament of the altar; and that ye do note the names of all
such as be not confessed unto you, and do not receive of you the said
sacrament, certifying us or our chancellor or commissary thereof,
before the sixth day of April next ensuing the date hereof: that so
we, knowing thereby who did not come to confession, and receiving the
sacrament accordingly, may proceed against them, as being persons
culpable, and transgressors of the said ecclesiastical law and usage.
Further, also, certifying us, our said chancellor or commissary,
before the day aforesaid, whether you have your altars set up,
chalice-book, vestments, and all things necessary for mass, and the
administration of sacraments and sacramentals, with procession, and
all other divine service prepared and in readiness, according to the
order of the catholic church, and the virtuous and godly example of
the queen's Majesty: and, if ye so have not, ye then, with the
churchwardens, cause the same to be provided for, signifying by whose
fault and negligence the same want or fault hath proceeded; and
generally, of the not coming of your parishioners to church, undue
walking, talking, or using of themselves there unreverently in the
time of divine service, and of all other open faults and
misdemeanours; not omitting thus to do, and certify as before, as you
will answer upon your peril for the contrary.

"Given at London the twenty-third of February, in the year of our Lord
1554."

The next month following, which was the month of March, and the fourth
day of the said month, there was a letter sent from the queen to
Bonner, bishop of London, with certain articles also annexed, to be
put in speedy execution, containing as here followeth.

"Right reverend father in God, right trusty and well beloved, we greet
you well: And whereas heretofore in the time of the late reign of our
most dearest brother King Edward the Sixth, (whose soul God pardon,)
divers notable crimes, excesses, and faults, with sundry kinds of
heresies, simony, adultery, and other enormities, have been committed
within this our realm, and other our dominions, the same continuing
yet hitherto in like disorder since the beginning of our reign,
without any correction or reformation at all; and the people both of
the laity and also of the clergy, and chiefly of the clergy, have been
given to much insolency, and ungodly rule, greatly to the displeasure
of Almighty God, and very much to our regret and evil contentation,
and to no little slander of other Christian realms, and in a manner to
the subversion and clean defacing of this our realm: and remembering
our duty to Almighty God to be, to foresee (as much as in us may be)
that all virtue and godly living should be embraced, flourish, and
increase; and therewith also, that all vice and ungodly behaviour
should be banished and put away, or at leastwise (so nigh as might be)
so bridled and kept under, that godliness and honesty might have the
upper hand; understanding by very credible report and public fame, to
our no small heaviness and discomfort, that within your diocese, as
well in not exempted as exempted places, the like disorder and evil
behaviour hath been done and used, like also to continue and increase,
unless due provision he had and made to reform the same; which
earnestly, in very deed, we do mind and intend to the uttermost, all
the ways we can possible, trusting of God's furtherance and help in
that behalf: For these causes, and other most just considerations us
moving, we send unto you certain articles of such special matters, as,
among other things, be most necessary now to be put in execution by
you and your officers, extending to the end by us desired, and the
reformation aforesaid: wherein ye shall be charged with our special
commandment, by these our letters, to the intent you and your officers
may the more earnestly and boldly proceed thereunto, without fear of
any presumption to be noted on your part, or danger to be incurred of
any such our laws, as, by our doing of that is in the said articles
contained, might any wise grieve you, whatsoever be threatened in any
such case. And therefore we straitly charge and command you and your
said officers, to proceed to the execution of the said articles,
without all tract and delay, as ye will answer to the contrary.

"Given under our signet, at our palace of Westminster, the third day
of March, the first year of our reign."

Articles sent from the queen unto the ordinary, and by him and his
officers, by her commandment, to be put in execution in the whole
diocese.

"First, that every bishop and his officers, with all others having
ecclesiastical jurisdiction, shall, with all speed and diligence, and
all manner of ways to them possible, put in execution all such canons
and ecclesiastical laws, heretofore, in the time of King Henry the
Eighth, used within this realm of England, and the dominions of the
same, not being directly and expressly contrary to the laws and
statutes of this realm.

"Item, That no bishop, or any of his officers, or other person
aforesaid, hereafter, in any ecclesiastical writings, in process, or
other extrajudicial acts, do use to put in this clause or sentence,
Regia authoritate fulcitus.

"Item, That no bishop, or any of his officers, or other person
aforesaid, do hereafter exact or demand, in the admission of any
person to any ecclesiastical promotion, order, or office, any oath
touching the primacy or succession, as of late, in few years passed,
hath been accustomed and used.

"Item, That every bishop and his officers, with all other persons
aforesaid, have a vigilant eye, and use special diligence and
foresight, that no person be admitted or received to any
ecclesiastical function, benefice, or office, being a sacramentary,
infected or defamed with any notable kind of heresy, or other great
crime, and that the said bishop do stay, and cause to be staved, as
much as lieth in him, that benefices and ecclesiastical promotions do
not notably decay or take hinderance by passing or confirming of
unreasonable leases.

"Item, That every bishop, and all other persons aforesaid, do
diligently travail for the repressing of heresies and notable crimes,
especially in the clergy, duly correcting and punishing the same.

"Item, That every bishop, and all the other persons aforesaid, do
likewise travail for the condemning and repressing of corrupt and
naughty opinions, unlawful. books, ballads, and other pernicious and
hurtful devices, engendering hatred amongst the people, and discord
among the same. And that schoolmasters, preachers, and teachers, do
exercise and use their offices and duties without teaching, preaching,
or setting forth any evil and corrupt doctrine; and that, doing the
contrary, they may be, by the bishop and his said officers, punished
and removed.

"Item, That every bishop, and all other persons aforesaid, proceeding
summarily, and with all celerity and speed, may and shall deprive, or
declare deprived, and remove, according to their learning and
discretion, all such persons from their benefices and ecclesiastical
promotions, who, contrary to the state of their order, and the
laudable custom of the church, have married and used women as their
wives, or otherwise notably and slanderously disordered or abused
themselves: sequestering also, during the said process, the fruits and
profits of the said benefices and ecclesiastical promotions.

"Item, that the said bishop, and all other persons aforesaid, do use
more lenity and clemency with such as have married, whose wives be
dead, than with others, whose women do yet remain alive; and likewise
such priests, as (with the consent of their wives or women) openly in
the presence of the bishop do profess to abstain, to be used more
favourably. In which case, after the penance effectually done, the
bishop, according to his discretion and wisdom, may, upon just
consideration, receive and admit them again to their former
administration, so it be not in the same place; appointing them such a
portion to live upon, to be paid out of their benefice whereof they be
deprived, by discretion of the said bishop or his officer, as he shall
think may be spared of the said benefice.

"Item, That every bishop, and all other persons aforesaid, do foresee
that they suffer not any religious man, having solemnly professed
chastity, to continue with his woman or wife; but that all such
persons, after deprivation of their benefice or ecclesiastical
promotion, be also divorced every one from his said woman, and due
punishment otherwise taken for the offence therein.

"Item, That every bishop, and all other persons aforesaid, do take
order and direction with the parishioners of every benefice where
priests do want, to repair to the next parish for divine service, or
to appoint for a convenient time, till other better provision may be
made, one curate to serve, alienis vicibus, in divers parishes, and to
allot to the curate, for his labour, some portion of the benefice that
he so serveth.

"Item, That all and all manner of processions of the church be used;
and frequented and continued, after the old order of the church, in
the Latin tongue.

"Item, That all such holy days and fasting days be observed and kept,
as were observed and kept in the latter time of King Henry the Eighth.

"Item, That the laudable and honest ceremonies which were wont to be
used, frequented, and observed in the church, be also hereafter
frequented, used, and observed.

"Item, That children be christened by the priest, and confirmed by the
bishop, as heretofore hath been accustomed and used.

"Item, Touching such persons as were heretofore promoted to any
orders, after the new sort and fashion of orders: considering they
were not ordered in very deed, the bishop of the diocese finding
otherwise sufficiency and ability in those men, may supply that thing
which wanted in them before; and then, according to his discretion,
admit them to minister.

"Item, That by the bishop of the diocese a uniform doctrine be set
forth by homilies, or otherwise, for the good instruction and teaching
of all people; and that the said bishop, and other persons aforesaid,
do compel the parishioners to come to their several churches, and
there devoutly to hear divine service, as of reason they ought.

"Item, That they examine all schoolmasters and teachers of children;
and, finding them suspect in any wise, to remove them, and place
catholic men in their rooms, with a special commandment to instruct
their children, so as they may be able to answer the priest at the
mass, and so help the priest to mass, as hath been accustomed.

"Item, That the said bishop, and all others the persons aforesaid,
have such regard, respect, and consideration of and for the setting-
forth of the premises, with all kind of virtue, godly living, and good
example, with repressing also and keeping under of vice and
unthriftiness, as they and every of them may be seen to favour the
restitution of true religion; and also to make an honest account and
reckoning of their office and cure, to the honour of God, our good
contentation and profit of this our realm, and the dominions of the
same."

A like prescript also, with articles, was sent from the said Queen
Mary to the lord mayor of London, the fourth day of March, in the year
abovesaid; which lord mayor, upon the same, directed his commandment
to the aldermen, every one severally in his ward, containing as
followeth:

"On the queen our most gracious and most benign sovereign lady's
behalf, we most straitly charge and command you, that ye (the said
aldermen) fail not personally to call before your own person, in such
place within your said ward, as to you shall seem most convenient and
meet, upon Wednesday next coming, which shall be the seventh day of
this present month, at seven of the clock in the morning of the same
day, all and every the householders both poor and rich of your said
ward, and then and there openly and plainly, for your own discharge,
and for the eschewing the perils that to you might otherwise be justly
imputed and laid, do not only straitly admonish, charge, and command,
in the queen our said sovereign lady's name and behalf, all and every
the said householders, that both in their own persons, and also their
wives, children, and servants, being of the age of twelve years and
upwards, [all] and every of them, do, at all and every time and times
from henceforth, and namely at the holy time of Easter, now
approaching, honestly, quietly, obediently, and catholicly, use and
behave themselves like good and faithful Christian people, in all and
every thing and things touching and concerning the true faith,
profession, and religion of his catholic church, both according to the
laws and precepts of Almighty God, and also their bounden duty of
obedience towards our sovereign lady the queen, her laws and statutes,
and her Highness's most good example and gracious proceeding according
to the same, and according also to the right wholesome, charitable,
and godly admonition, charge, and exhortation, lately set forth and
given by the right reverend father in God the bishop of London, our
diocesan and ordinary, to all the parsons, vicars, and curates, within
his diocese: but, also, that they and every of them do truly, without
delay, advertise you of the names and surnames of all and every person
and persons, that they or any of them can or may at any time hereafter
know, perceive, or understand, to transgress or offend in any point or
article concerning the premises, at their utmost perils; [and] that
ye, immediately after such notice thereof to you given, do forthwith
advertise us thereof. Fail ye not thus to do with all circumspection
and diligence, as ye will answer to our said most dread sovereign lady
the queen for the contrary, at your like peril.

"Given at the Guildhall of the city of London, the fifth day of March,
in the first year of the reign of our said sovereign lady the queen.
Blackwell.

"And likewise do you give to every of the said householders straitly
in commandment, that they or their wives depart not out of the said
city, until this holy time of Easter be past."

Upon the articles above mentioned, and inquisition made upon the same,
divers ministers were divorced from their wives. Amongst whom was one
John Draper, and Joan Gold his wife, in the diocese of London,
troubled and vexed for the same by Bonner, bishop of London, who sent
forth a commission, with a process to sequester and separate them;
enjoining also penance to the poor woman.

Besides this John Draper, divers others, also, were divorced the same
time against their wills; and some were contented, of their own
unconstant accord, to be separated from their wives: as of Chichester
one, (who, because he soon recovered again, shall be here nameless,)
another named Edmund Alstone, another Alexander Bull; amongst whom
also was Dr. Standish, with many others, whose names together, in the
end of this story of Queen Mary, we may peradventure, by God's grace,
in a general catalogue together comprehend.

About the same year and time, when Dr. Bonner set forth this prescript
or monitory, there came from the queen another proclamation, against
strangers and foreigners within this realm: the purpose and intent of
which proclamation, because it chiefly and most specially concerned
religion and doctrine, and the true professors thereof, I thought here
to annex the tenor and manner of the same.

A copy of the queen's proclamation for the driving out of the realm
strangers and foreigners.

"The queen our sovereign lady, understanding that a multitude of evil
disposed persons, being born out of her Highness's dominions in other
sundry nations, flying from the obeisance of the princes and rulers
under whom they be born, (some for heresy; some for murder, treason,
robbery; and some for other horrible crimes,) be resorted into this
her Majesty's realm, and here have made their demurrer, and yet be
commorant and lingering, partly to eschew such condign punishment as
their said horrible crimes deserve, and partly to dilate, plant, and
sow the seeds of their malicious doctrine and lewd conversation among
the good subjects of this her said realm, on purpose to infect her
good subjects with the like, insomuch as (besides innumerable
heresies, which divers of the same, being heretics, have preached and
taught within her Highness's said realm) it is assuredly known unto
her Majesty, that not only their secret practices have not failed to
stir, comfort, and aid, divers her Highness's subjects to this most
unnatural rebellion against God and her Grace, but also some others of
them desist not still to practise with her people eftsoons to rebel:
her Majesty therefore, having (as afore is said) knowledge and
intelligence hereof, hath for remedy herein determined, and most
straitly chargeth and commandeth, that all and every such person or
persons born out of her Highness's dominions, now commorant or
resident within this realm, of whatsoever nation or country, being
either preacher, printer, bookseller, or other artificer, or of
whatsoever calling else, not being denizen or merchant known, using
the trade of merchandise, or servant to such ambassadors as be liegers
here from the princes and states joined in league with her Grace,
shall within twenty-four days of this proclamation, avoid the realm,
upon pain of most grievous punishment by imprisonment, and forfeiture 
and confiscation of all their goods and movables; and also to be
delivered unto their natural princes or rulers, against whose persons
or laws they have offended. Giving to all mayors, sheriffs, bailiffs,
constables, and all other her ministers, officers, and good subjects,
straitly also in charge, if they know any such person, not born in the
queen's Highness's dominions, (except before excepted,) that shall,
after the time and day limited in the proclamation, tarry within this
realm, that they shall apprehend the same person or persons, and
commit him or them to ward, there to remain without bail or mainprize,
till her Grace's pleasure or her council's be signified unto them, for
the further ordering of the said person or persons. And that if any of
her said officers, after the said twenty-four days, apprehend, take,
or know of any such, they shall, with all diligence, immediately
certify her said council thereof, to the intent order maybe forthwith
given for their punishment accordingly."

In the mean while, upon the proclamation before mentioned, not only
the strangers in King Edward's time received into the realm for
religion, (among whom was Peter Martyr, and John Alasco, uncle to the
king of Poland,) but many Englishmen, fled, some to Friesland, some to
Cleveland, some to High Germany, where they were diversely scattered
into divers companies and congregations, at Wesel, at Frankfort,
Embden, Marburg, Transborough, Basil, Arow, Zurich, Geneva, and other
places; where, by the providence of God, they were all sustained, and
there entertained with greater favour amongst strangers abroad, than
they could be in their own country at home, well near to the number of
eight hundred persons, students and others together.

In the said month of March, the Lord Courtney, earl of Devonshire,
whom the queen, at her first entering, delivered out of the Tower, and
Lady Elizabeth also, the queen's sister, were both in suspicion to
have consented to Wyat's conspiracy, and for the same, this March,
were apprehended and committed to the Tower.

Touching the imprisonment of which Lady Elizabeth and the Lord
Courtney, thou shalt note here for thy learning, good reader! a
politic point of practice in Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester,
not unworthy to be considered. This Gardiner being always a capital
enemy to the Lady Elizabeth, and thinking now, by the occasion of
Master Wyat, to pick out some matter against the Lord Courtney, and so
in the end to entangle the Lady Elizabeth, devised a pestilent
practice of conveyance, as in the story here following may appear.

The story is this. The same day that Sir Thomas Wyat died, he desired
the lieutenant to bring him to the presence of the Lord Courtney; who
there, before the lieutenant and the sheriffs kneeling down upon his
knees, besought the Lord Courtney to forgive him, for that he had
falsely accused both the Lady Elizabeth and him: and so, being brought
from thence unto the scaffold to suffer there, openly (in the hearing
of all the people) cleared the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney,
to be free and innocent from all suspicion of that commotion. At which
confession Dr. Weston, there standing by, cried to the people, saying,
"Believe him not, good people! for he confessed otherwise before, unto
the council."

After the execution done of Sir Thomas Wyat, which was the eleventh
day of April, word was brought immediately unto the lord mayor, Sir
Thomas White, a little before dinner, how Master Wyat had cleared the
Lady Elizabeth and Lord Courtney, and the words also which Dr. Weston
spake unto the people; whereunto the lord mayor answering, "Is this
true?" quoth he; "said Weston so? In sooth, I never took him otherwise
but for a knave." Upon this the lord mayor sitting down to dinner,
(who dined the same day at the Bridgehouse,) cometh in Sir Martin
Bowes with the recorder, newly come from the parliament house, who,
hearing of the mayor and sheriffs this report of Wyat's confession,
both upon the scaffold and also in the Tower, marvelled thereat,
declaring how there was another tale, contrary to this, told the same
day in the parliament house, which was, that Sir Thomas Wyat should
desire the Lord Courtney to confess the truth, so as he had done
before.

Upon this it followed not long after, that a certain prentice,
dwelling in St. Laurence Lane, named Cut, as he was drinking with one
Denham a plasterer, being one of Queen Mary's servants, amongst other
talk made mention how Sir Thomas Wyat had cleared the Lady Elizabeth
and the Lord Courtney to be no consenters to his rising. These words
being brought to Gardiner, (by what means I know not,) incontinent
upon the same, Sir Andrew Judd was sent by the said bishop unto the
lord mayor, commanding him to bring the said prentice to the Star-
chamber, which was accused of these words, that he should say, that
Wyat was constrained by the council to accuse the Lady Elizabeth and
the Lord Courtney. Which fellow, when he was come to the Star-chamber,
the aforesaid Gardiner, letting pass other matters that were in hand,
began to declare to the whole multitude, how miraculously Almighty God
had brought the queen's Majesty to the crown, the whole realm in a
manner being against her; and that he had brought this to pass for
this singular intent and purpose, that this realm being overwhelmed
with heresies, she might reduce again the same unto the true catholic
faith. And whereas she took the Lady Elizabeth into her favour, and
loved her so tenderly, and also the Lord Courtney, who had long time
been detained in prison, and by her was set at liberty, and received
great benefits at her hands; and, notwithstanding all this, they had
conspired most unnaturally and traitorously against her, with that
heinous traitor Wyat, as by the confession of Wyat, said he, and the
letters sent to and fro, may plainly appear: yet there were some in
the city of London which reported, that Wyat was constrained by the
council to accuse the Lady Elizabeth and the Lord Courtney, "and yet
you, my Lord Mayor," quoth he, "have not seen the same punished."

"The party is here," said the lord mayor. "Take him with you," said
Gardiner, "and punish him according to his desert;" and said further,
"My Lord, take heed to your charge! The city of London is a whirlpool
and sink of all evil rumours, where they be bred, and from thence
spread into all parts of this realm."

There stood by, the same time, the Lord Chandos, who, being then
lieutenant of the Tower, and now hearing the bishop thus speak, to
soothe his tale came in with these words as followeth:

"My Lords," quoth he, "this is a truth that I shall tell you. Being
lieutenant of the Tower when Wyat suffered, he desired me to bring him
to the Lord Courtney; which when I had done, he fell down upon his
knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confess the truth
of himself, as he had done before, and to submit himself unto the
queen's Majesty's mercy."

And thus much I thought of this matter to declare, to the intent that
the reader, perceiving the proceedings of the bishop in the premises,
and comparing the same with the true testimony of Wyat himself, and
with the testimony of the sheriffs, which were present the same time
when Sir Thomas Wyat asked the Lord Courtney forgiveness, may the
better judge of the whole case and matter for which the Lady Elizabeth
and the Lord Courtney were so long in trouble; of which her Grace's
trouble, hereafter (God willing) more shall be said in the story of
her life. In the mean time to let this matter stay, let us now pass
further in our history.

Not long after this, Queen Mary, partly fearing the Londoners by
occasion of Wyat's conspiracy; partly perceiving most of the city, for
religion's sake, not greatly to favour her proceedings, to their
displeasure and hinderance summoned a parliament to be holden at
Oxford: as it were to gratify that city, where both the university,
town, and country, had showed themselves very obedient, and forward,
especially, in restoring popish religion. For this purpose great
provision was made, as well by the queen's officers, as by the
townsmen and inhabitants of Oxford, and the country about. But the
queen's mind in short space changed, and the same parliament was
holden at Westminster in April following. Then the queen, beside other
things, proposed concerning her marriage to King Philip, and restoring
of the pope's supremacy; as touching her marriage, it was agreed upon:
but the other request could not as then be obtained.

The same time when this parliament was summoned, she also summoned a
convocation of bishops, and of the clergy, writing unto Bonner (whom
she had made vicegerent in the stead of Cranmer, being then in the
Tower) after the tenor and form of a new style, differing from the old
style of King Henry and King Edward, as followeth.

The style of Queen Mary altered, writing to Bonner for the summoning
of a convocation.

"Maria Dei gratia, Anglię, Francię, et Hibernię regina, fidei
defensor, reverendo in Christo patri Edmundo Londinensi episcopo
salutem. Licet nuper quibusdam arduis et urgentibus negotiis nos
securitatem et defensionem ecclesię Anglicanę, ac pacem et
tranquillitatem," &c.

Where note, good reader, concerning the altering and changing the
queen's style, the latter part thereof to be left out of her style,
which is, "Supreme head of the church of England and Ireland," because
in this present parliament the supremacy being given away from the
crown of England to the pope, thereupon this parcel of the title was
also taken away. Likewise the said Bonner, giving his certificate upon
the same, leaves out auctoritate illustrissimę, &c., legitime
suffultus: which parcel, also, in the said parliament was repealed and
taken away the same time.

The dignity of priests extolled by Bishop Bonner.

In this aforesaid convocation, Bonner, bishop of London, being
vicegerent and president, as is said, made a certain exhortation or
oration to the clergy, (which was in this convocation, or much about
the said time,) wherein he seemeth to show a great piece of profound
and deep learning, in setting forth the most incomparable and
superangelical order of priesthood, as may appear by this parcel or
fragment of his aforesaid oration, being collected and gathered by
some that stood by; which, as it came to our hands, so I thought to
impart it to the reader, both for that the author of so worthy a work
should not pass unknown, and partly, also, for that the estimation of
this blessed order should lose nothing of its pre-eminence, but might
be known in most ample perfection, so as it standeth above angels and
kings, if it he true that Bonner saith.

A piece or fragment of the exhortation in praise of priesthood, made
by Bonner, bishop of London, to them of the convocation-house; copied
out by them that stood by and heard him.

"Wherefore it is to be known, that priests and elders be worthy of all
men to be worshipped for the dignity' sake which they have of God, as
in Matthew xvi.: Whatsoever ye shall loose upon earth, &c., and
whatsoever ye shall bind, &c. For a priest, by some means, is like
Mary the Virgin, and is showed by three points. As the blessed Virgin,
by five words, did conceive Christ,as it is said in Luke i., Fiat mihi
secundum verbum tuum, (Be it unto me according to thy word,) so the
priest, by five words, doth make the very body of Christ. Even as
immediately after the consent of Mary, Christ was all whole in the
womb; so, immediately after the speaking of the words of consecration,
the bread is substantiated into the very body of Christ. Secondly, as
the Virgin carried Christ in her arms, and laid him in an ox-stall
after his birth; even so the priest, after the consecration, doth lift
up the body of Christ, and placeth it, and carrieth it, and handleth
it with his hands. Thirdly, as the blessed Virgin was sanctified
before she had conceived; so the priest, being ordained and anointed
before he doth consecrate, because without orders he could consecrate
nothing, therefore the layman cannot do that thing, although he be
never so holy, and do speak the selfsame words of consecration.
Therefore here is to be known, that the dignity of priests, by some
means, passeth the dignity of angels, because there is no power given
to any of the angels to make the body of Christ. Whereby the least
priest may do in earth, that which the greatest and highest angel in
heaven cannot do; as St. Bernard saith, 'O worshipful dignity of
priests, in whose hands the Son of God is, as in the womb of the
Virgin he was incarnate.' St. Augustine saith, that angels, in the
consecration of the sacred host, do serve him; and the Lord of heaven
descendeth to him. Whereupon St. Ambrose upon St. Luke saith, 'Doubt
thou not the angels to be where Christ is present upon the altar.'
Wherefore priests are to be honoured beforeall kings of the earth,
princes, and nobles. For a priest is higher than a king, happier than
an angel, maker of his Creator. Wherefore," &c.

$

248. DR. RIDLEY DISPUTES ON THE SCARAMENT.

It was declared a little before, how Dr. Ridley was had from
Framlingham to the Tower; where being in durance, and invited to the
lieutenant's table, he had certain talk or conference with Secretary
Bourn, Master Fecknam, and others, concerning the controversies in
religion; the sum whereof, as it was penned with his own hand,
hereafter ensueth.

The sum and effect of the communication between Dr. Ridley and
Secretary Bourn, with others, at the lieutenant's table in the Tower.

"Master Thomas of Bridges said at his brother Master Lieutenant's
board, I pray you, Master Doctors, for my learning, tell me what a
heretic is.' Master Secretary Bourn said, 'I will tell you who is a
heretic: whoso stubbornly and stiffly maintaineth an untruth--he is a
heretic.' 'You mean, sir,' said I, an untruth in matters of religion,
and concerning our faith.' 'Yea, that is true,' said he; 'and in this
we are soon agreed.' Then said Master Fecknam, (whom they called
Master Dean of Paul's,) sitting at the upper end of the table, I will
tell you by St. Augustine who is a heretic: Qui adulandi principibus
vel lucri gratia falsas opiniones gignit vel sequitur, hęreticus est,
saith St. Augustine. And then he Englished the same. 'Sir,' said I, 'I
ween St. Augustine addeth the third number, which is, vel vanę glorię
causa.' 'You say even true, Master Doctor,' said he. And thus far we
did agree all three.

"Master Fecknam began again to say, 'Whoso doth not believe what the
Scripture affirmeth, but will obstinately maintain the contrary, he is
hęreticus; as in the sacrament of the altar, Matthew doth affirm there
to be Christ's body, Mark doth affirm it, Luke affirmeth it, Paul
affirmeth it, and none denieth it: therefore, to hold the contrary, is
heresy. It is the same body and flesh that was born of the Virgin; and
this is confirmed by unity, antiquity, and universality. For none
before Berengarius did ever doubt of this, and he was a heretic, as
Master Doctor there knoweth full well: I do take to witness his own
conscience,' said he.

"'Marry sir,' said Master Secretary, 'Master Fecknam hath spoken well.
These he great matters, unity, antiquity, and universality. Do you not
think so, Master Doctor?' said he to me.

"Here, while I strained courtesy, and pretended no willingness to
talk; said one of the commissioners, 'peradventure Master Ridley doth
agree with Master Fecknam; and then there needs not much debating of
the matter.'

"'Sir,' said I, 'in some things I do and shall agree with him, and in
some things which he hath spoken, to be plain, I do not agree with him
at all. Masters,' said I, ye be, as I understand, the queen's
commissioners here, and if ye have commission to examine me in these
matters, I shall declare unto you plainly my faith; if ye have not,
then I shall pray you either to give me leave to speak my mind freely,
or else to hold my peace.'

"'There is none here,' said Master Secretary, 'that doth not favour
you:' and then every man showed what favour they bare towards me, and
how glad they would be of an agreement.

"But as I strained to have licence of them in plain words to speak my
mind, some thought they granted me it but vix or ęgre. Well, at the
last I was content to take it for licensed, and so began to talk.

"To Master Fecknam's arguments of the manifold affirmation where no
denial was, I answered, 'Where is a multitude of affirmations in
Scripture, and where is one affirmation, all is one concerning the
truth of the matter: for that which any one of the evangelists spake,
inspired by the Holy Ghost, was as true as that which is spoken of
them all. It is as true that John saith of Christ, I am the door of
the sheep, as if all had said it. For it is not in Scripture as in
witness of men, where the number is credited more than one, because it
is uncertain with what spirit he doth speak.' And whereas Master
Fecknam spake of so many, affirming without any negation, &c., 'Sir,'
said I, 'all they do affirm the thing which they meant. Now if ye take
their words, to leave their meaning -- then do they affirm what ye
take, but not what they meant. Sir,' said I, 'if, in talk with you, I
should so utter my mind in words, that ye, by the same, do and may
plainly perceive my meaning, and could, if you would be captious,
cavil at my words, and writhe them to another sense, I would think ye
were no gentle companions to talk with, except ye would take my words
as ye did perceive I did mean.'

"'Marry,' quoth Master Secretary, 'we should else do you plain injury
and wrong.'

"Master Fecknam, perceiving whereunto my talk went, 'Why,' quoth he,
'what circumstances can ye show me, that shall move to think of any
other sense, than as the words plainly say, This is my body which
shall be betrayed for you?'

"Sir,' said I, 'even the next sentence that followeth, viz., Do this
in my remembrance. And also by what reason ye say the bread is turned
into Christ's carnal body, by the same I may say that it is turned
into his mystical body. For as that saith of it, This is my body which
shall be betrayed for you: so Paul, which spake by Christ's Spirit,
saith, We, being many, are all but one bread and one body, inasmuch as
we are partakers of one bread.'

"'Here he calleth one bread, one loaf,' said Master Secretary.

"'Yea,' said I, 'one loaf, one bread: all is one with me.'

"'But what say ye,' quoth Master Secretary, of the universality,
antiquity, and unity, that Master Fecknam did speak of?'

"'I assure you,' said I, 'I think them matters weighty, and to be
considered well. As for unity, the truth is before God, I do believe
it, and embrace it, so it be with verity, and joined to our Head,
Christ, and such a one as Paul speaketh of, saving, One faith, one
God, one baptism. And for antiquity, I am also persuaded that to be
true which Irenęus saith, 'That which is first is true.' In our
religion Christ's faith was first truly taught by Christ himself, by
his apostles, and by many good men that from the beginning did succeed
next unto them; and for this controversy of the sacrament, I am
persuaded that those old writers, which wrote before the controversy
and the usurping of the see of Rome, do all agree, if they be well
understood in this truth.'

"'I am glad to hear,' said Master Secretary, 'that you do so well
esteem the doctors of the church.'

"'Now as for universality,' said I, it may have two meanings; one to
understand that to be universal, which from the beginning in all ages
hath been allowed; another to understand universality for the
multitude of our age, or of any other singular age.'

"'No, no,' saith Master Secretary, 'these three do always agree, and
where there is one, there is all the rest.' And here he and I changed
many words; and finally, to be short, in this matter we did not agree.

"'There was none,' quoth Master Fecknam, before Berengarius, Wickliff,
and Huss; and now, in our days, Carolostadius and Œcolampadius.
Carolostadius saith, 'Christ pointed to his own body, and not to the
sacrament, and said, Hoc est corpus meum.' And Melancthon writeth to
one Miconius (Miconius said I) these or the like words: 'I can find no
grounded reason, to cause me to dissent from the belief of our fore-
elders.'

"Thus when he had spoken at length, with many other words more; 'Sir,'
said I, 'it is certain that others, before these, have written of this
matter: not by the way only, and obiter: as do for the most all the
old writers, but even ex professo; and their whole books entreat of it
alone; as Bertram.'

"'Bertram,' said the secretary, 'what man was he? and who was he? and
how do you know?' &c., with many questions.

"'Sir,' quoth I, 'I have read his book. He propoundeth the same which
is now in controversy, and answereth so directly, that no man may
doubt but that he affirmeth, that the substance of bread remaineth
still in the sacrament; and he wrote unto Charlemagne.'

"'Marry,' quoth he, mark, for there is a matter. He wrote,' quoth he,
'to Henry, and not 'to Charles;' for no author maketh any such mention
of Bertram.'

"'Yes,' quoth I, 'Trithemius, in Catalogo illustrium Scriptorum,
speaketh of him. Trithemius was but of late time; but he speaketh,'
quoth I, 'of them that were of antiquity.' Here, after much talk of
Bertram, 'What authors have ye,' quoth Master Secretary, 'to make of
the sacrament a figure?'

"'Sir,' quoth I, 'ye know, I think, that Tertullian in plain words
speaketh thus: 'This is my body; that is to say, a figure of my body.'
And Gelasius saith plainly, that 'the substance of bread remaineth.'
And Origen saith likewise, 'That which is sanctified, as touching the
matter or substance, passeth away into the draught.' This when I had
Englished, Master Secretary said to me, 'You know very well as any
man,' &c. And here, if I would, I might have been set in a foolish
paradise of his commendation of my learning, and 'that I was a man of
much reading.' But this I would not take at his hand. He set one not
up so high, but I brought myself as low again: and here was much ado.

"'As for Melancthon,' quoth I, 'whom Master Fecknam spake of, I marvel
that ye will allege him, for we are more nigh an agreement here in
England, than the opinion of Melancthon is to you: for in this point
we all agree here, that there is in the sacrament but one material
substance, and Melancthon, as I ween, saith there are two.'

"'Ye say truth,' quoth Master Secretary; 'Melancthon's opinion is so.
But, I pray you, have ye read that the sacrament was in old time so
reverenced, that many were then forbidden to be present at the
ministration thereof -- catechumeni,' quoth he, 'and many more?'

"'Truth, sir,' quoth I, there were some called audientes, some
pœnitentes, some catechumeni, and some energumeni, which were
commanded to depart.'

"'Now,' quoth he, 'then; and how can ye then make but a figure or a
sign of the sacrament, as that book doth, which is set forth in my
Lord of Canterbury's name? I wis, ye can tell who made it. Did not ye
make it?' And here was much murmuring of the rest, as though they
would have given me the glory of the writing of that book; which yet
was said, of some there, to contain the most heinous heresy that ever
was.'

"'Master Secretary,' quoth I, 'that book was made of a great learned
man, and him which is able to do the like again. As for me, I assure
you (be not deceived in me) I was never able to do or write any such-
like thing. He passeth me, no less than the learned master his young
scholar.'

"Now, here every man would have his saying, which I pass over, not
much material for to tell. 'But, sir,' quoth I,' methinks it is not
charitably done, to bear the people in hand, that any man doth so
lightly esteem the sacrament, as to make it but a figure; for that but
maketh it a bare figure without any more profit; which that book doth
often deny, as appeareth to the reader most plainly.'

"'Yes,' quoth he, 'that they do.'

"'Sir, no,' quoth I, 'of a truth; and as for me, I assure you I make
no less of the sacrament than thus: I say, whosoever receiveth the
sacrament, he receiveth therewith either life or death.'

"'No,' quoth Master Secretary, Scripture saith not so.'

"'Sir,' quoth I, 'although not in the same sound of words, yet it doth
in the same sense; and St. Augustine saith, in the sound of words
also: for Paul saith, The bread which we break, is it not the
partaking or fellowship of the body of Christ? And St. Augustine, 'Eat
life, drink life.'

"Then said Master Pope, 'What can ye make of it, when ye say, 'There
is not the real body of Christ,' which I do believe, &c.; and I pray
God I may never believe other. How can it bring (as ye say) either
life or death, when Christ's body is not there? '

"'Sir,' quoth I, 'when you hear God's word truly preached, if you do
believe it, and abide in it, ye shall and do receive life withal; and
if ye do not believe it, it doth bring unto you death: and yet
Christ's body is still in heaven, and not carnal -- in every
preacher's mouth.'

"'I pray you tell me,' quoth he, 'how can you answer to this, Which
shall be given for you? Was the figure of Christ's body given for us?'

"'No, sir,' quoth I, 'but the very body itself, whereof the sacrament
is a sacramental figure.'

"'How say you then,' quoth he, to Which shall be given for you?"

"'Forsooth,' quoth I, 'Tertullian's exposition maketh it plain; for he
saith, 'The body is a figure of the body.' Now put to, Which shall be
given for you, and it agreeth exceeding well.'

"'In faith,' quoth he, 'I would give forty pound that ye were of a
good opinion; for I assure you, I have heard you, and had an affection
to you.'

"'I thank you, Master Pope, for your heart and mind; and ye know,'
quoth I, 'I were a very fool if I would, in this matter, dissent from
you, if that in my conscience the truth did not enforce me so to do.
For I wis (as ye do perceive, I trow) it is somewhat out of my way, if
I would esteem worldly gain.'

"'What say ye,' quoth he, 'to Cyprian? Doth he not say plainly, 'The
bread which the Lord did deliver being changed, not according to the
form, but according to the nature thereof, by the omnipotent word, is
made flesh?'

"'True, sir, so he doth say; and I answer even the same which once, by
chance, I preached at Paul's Cross in a sermon, for the which I have
been as unjustly and as untruly reported of, as any poor man hath
been. For there I, speaking of the sacrament, and inveighing against
them that esteemed it no better than a piece of bread, told even the
same thing of penitents, hearers, catechumens, that I spake of before:
and I bade them depart as unworthy to hear the mystery. And then I
said to those that be holy: Cyprian the martyr shall tell you how it
is that Christ calleth it, saying, 'Bread is the body, meat, drink,
flesh; because that unto this material substance is given the property
of the thing whereof it beareth the name.' And this place then took I
to utter, as the time would then suffer, that the material substance
of bread doth remain.

"Master Fecknam (which, as is reported to me, did belie me openly in
the same matter at Paul's Cross) heard all this my talk, as red as
scarlet in his face, and herein answered me not a word.

"'You do know well,' quoth Master Secretary, that Origen and
Tertullian were not catholic, but erred.'

"'Sir,' quoth I, 'there is no one of all the doctors that is holden in
all points, but is thought to have erred in some things. But yet I
never heard that it was either laid to Origen's charge or to
Tertullian's, that ever they were thought to have erred in this matter
of the sacrament.'

"'What,' quoth Master Cholmley, late chief justice, 'doth not Christ
plainly say, that it is his very flesh, and his very blood, and we
must needs eat him, or else we can have no life?' 'Sir,' quoth I, 'if
you will hear how St. Augustine expoundeth that place, you shall
perceive that you are in a wrong box.' And then I began to tell St.
Augustine's mind in his book De Doctrina Christiana. 'Yea, yea,' quoth
Master Secretary, that is true; St. Augustine doth take it
figuratively indeed.'

"'Forty years ago,' quoth Master Fecknam, all were of one opinion in
this matter.'

"'Forty years ago,' quoth I, 'all held that the bishop of Rome was
supreme head of the universal church.'

"'What then?' was Master Fecknam beginning to say, &c.; but Master
Secretary took the tale, and said, 'That was but a positive law.'

"'A positive law?' quoth I; 'no, sir, he would not have it so: for it
is in his decrees, that he challenged it by Christ's own word. For his
decree saith, 'The church of Rome was advanced above all other
churches in the world, not by any synodical constitutions, nor by any
councils, but by the lively voice of the Lord, according as the Lord
said to Peter, Thou art Peter,' &c. And in another place he
entreateth, 'Thou art Cephas, that is to say, the head.'

"'Tush! it was not counted an article,' quoth Master Secretary,' of
our faith.'

"'Yes,' said I, 'if ye call that an article of our faith, which is
believed under pain of damnation. For he saith, We do absolutely
determine, declare, and pronounce, that every creature is subject to
the obedience of the bishop of Rome, upon necessity of salvation.'

"And here, when we spake of laws and decrees, Master Roger Cholmley
thought himself much wronged, that he could not be suffered to speak,
the rest were so ready to interrupt him. And then he up and told a
long tale, what laws were of kings in England made against the bishop
of Rome; and was vehement to tell how they alway of the clergy did fly
to him. And here, because he seemed to speak of many things beside our
purpose, whereof we spake before, he was answered of his own fellows,
and I let them talk.

"Finally, we departed in peace, and Master Secretary promised in the
end, that of their talk there should come to me no harm. And after I
had made my moan for lack of my books, he said, they were all once
given him: But since I know,' said he, 'who hath them now, write me
the names of such as you would have, and I will speak for you the best
I can.'"

$

249. RIDLEY, CRANMER AND LATIMER AT OXFORD.

The tenth of March a letter was sent to the lieutenant of the Tower,
to deliver the bodies of Master Doctor Cranmer, the archbishop of
Canterbury, Master Doctor Ridley, and Master Latimer, to Sir John
Williams, to be conveyed by him unto Oxford.

The twenty-sixth of March, there was a letter directed to Sir Henry
Doell, and one Foster, to attach the bodies of Doctor Taylor, parson
of Hadley, and of Henry Askew, and to send them up to the council.

How Thomas Cranmer, archbishop, Bishop Ridley, and Master Latimer,
were sent down to Orford to dispute: with the order and manner, and
all other circumstances unto the said disputation, and also to their
condemnation, appertaining.

ABOUT the tenth of April, Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Ridley,
bishop ofLondon, and Hugh Latimer, bishop also sometime of Worcester,
were conveyed as prisoners from the Tower to Windsor; and from thence
to the university of Oxford, there to dispute with the divines and
learned men of both the universities, Oxford and Cambridge, about the
presence, substance, and sacrifice of the sacrament. The names of the
university doctors and graduates appointed to dispute against them,
were these: of Oxford, Dr. Weston, prolocutor, Dr. Tresham, Dr. Cole,
Dr. Oglethorpe, Dr. Pie, Master Harpsfield, Master Fecknam. Of
Cambridge, Dr. Young, vice-chancellor, Dr. Glyn, Dr. Seton, Dr.
Watson, Dr. Sedgewick, Dr. Atkinson, &c. The articles or questions
whereupon they should dispute were these:

First, Whether the natural body of Christ be really in the sacrament,
after the words spoken by the priest, or no?

Secondly, Whether in the sacrament, after the words of consecration,
any other substance do remain, than the substance of the body and
blood of Christ?

Thirdly, Whether in the mass be a sacrifice propitiatory for the sins
of the quick and the dead?

Touching the order and manner of all which things there done, with the
notes, arguments, and all circumstances thereunto pertaining, to
deduce the matter from the beginning, leaving out nothing (as near as
we may) that shall seem necessary to be added: First, Here is to be
understood, that upon Saturday, the seventh day of April, the heads of
the colleges in Cambridge being congregated together, letters coming
down from Stephen Gardiner, lord chancellor, were read, with articles
therewith annexed, that should be disputed upon at Oxford: the
contents of which three articles are sufficiently expressed before.
Whereupon, in the said congregation of the aforesaid university of
Cambridge, there was granted first a grace in this form, proposed by
the senior proctor: "May it please you to have an instrument made,
that the doctrine of these aforesaid articles may be sound and
catholic, and consonant with the verity of the right meaning faith;
and that the same may be approved by your consent and voices?"
Secondly, in the said congregation, another grace was given and
granted, that Dr. Young, being vice-chancellor, Dr. Glyn, Dr.
Atkinson, Dr. Scot, and Master Sedgewick, should go to Oxford to
defend the said articles against Canterbury, London, and Latimer: also
to have letters to the Oxford men, sealed with their common seal.
Item, Another grace granted to Master Sedgewick to be actual doctor,
being thereupon immediately admitted. The aforesaid letters, being
then drawn out, the third day after (which was the eleventh day of
April) were read in the aforesaid congregation-house, and there
sealed.

Whereupon the next day after (the twelfth of the said month) the
aforesaid doctors, with the full grace of that university, set forward
to Oxford: and coming thither the next day after, (being Friday, the
thirteenth of April,) were all lodged at the Cross Inn, with one
Wakecline, being some time servant to Bishop Bonner.

Anon after their coming, Dr. Crooke presented them with wine for their
welcome; and, shortly after, two of the beadles came from the vice-
chancellor of Oxford, and presented the vice-chancellor of Cambridge
with a dish of apples and a gallon of wine; after whom, next came
Master Pie and Fecknam to welcome them. Then, after consultation
concerning the delivery of their letters, and instrument of grace,
(which was in Dr. Seton and Dr. Watson's keeping,) they went all to
Lincoln college, to Dr. Weston, the prolocutor, and to the vice-
chancellor, Dr. Tresham; and there they delivered their letters, and
declared what they had done touching the articles, letters, and
graces. Half an hour after eight they returned to their inn again: but
first they concluded of a procession, sermon, and convocation, to be
had the morrow following; and that the doctors of Cambridge should be
incorporate in the university of Oxford, and likewise that the doctors
of Oxford should be incorporate in the university of Cambridge. The
same day the aforesaid prisoners were dissevered, as was said afore;
Dr. Ridley to Alderman Irish's house, Master Latimer to another, and
Dr. Cranmer remained still in Bocardo.

On Saturday, being the fourteenth of April, at eight of the clock, the
aforesaid vice-chancellor of Cambridge, with the other doctors of the
same university, repaired to Lincoln college again, and found the
prolocutor above in a chapel, with a company of the house singing
Requiem mass, and tarried there until the end. Then they, consulting
all together in the master's lodging, about nine of the clock came all
to the university church called St. Mary's; and there, after a short
consultation in a chapel, the vice-chancellor, the prolocutor, &c. of
Oxford, caused the vice-chancellor of Cambridge, and the rest of the
doctors of that university, to send for their scarlet robes, brought
from Cambridge; save that Doctors Seton and Watson borrowed of the
Oxford men. And in this time, the regents in the congregation-house
had granted all the Cambridge doctors their graces, to be incorporate
there; and so they went up, and were admitted immediately, Dr.
Oglethorpe presenting them, and the proctor reading the statute, and
giving them their oaths.

That done, they came all into the choir, and there held the
convocation of the university. They had mass of the Holy Ghost
solemnly sung in prick-song, by the choir men of Christ's church. But
first, the cause of the convocation was opened in English, partly by
the vice-chancellor, and partly by the prolocutor, declaring that they
were sent by the queen, and wherefore they were sent; and caused
Master Say, the register, openly to read the commission. That done,
the vice-chancellor read Cambridge letters openly, and then concluded,
that three notaries, Master Say for the convocation, a beadle of
Cambridge for that university, and one Master White for Oxford, should
testify of their doing; and then willed the said notaries to provide
parchment, that the whole assembly might subscribe to the articles,
save those that had subscribed before in the convocation-house at
London and Cambridge. And so the vice-chancellor began first; after
him the rest of the Oxford men, as many as could in the mass time.

The mass being done, they went in procession: First, The choir in
their surplices followed the cross; then the first-year regents and
proctors; then the doctors of law, and their beadles before them; then
the doctors of divinity of both universities intermingled, the
divinity and arts' beadles going before them, the vice-chancellor and
prolocutor going together. After them bachelors of divinity, Regentes,
et non regentes, in their array; and last of all, the bachelors of law
and art; after whom followed a great company of scholars and students
not graduate. And thus they proceeded through the street to Christ's
church; and there the choir sung a psalm, and after that a collect was
read. This done, departed the commissioners, doctors, and many others
to Lincoln college, where they dined with the mayor of the town, one
alderman, four beadles, Master Say, and the Cambridge notary. After
dinner they went all again to St. Mary's church; and there, after a
short consultation in a chapel, all the commissioners came into the
choir, and sat all on seats before the altar, to the number of thirty-
three persons; and first they sent to the mayor, that he should bring
in Dr. Cranmer, who, within a while, was brought to them with a great
number of rusty bill-men.
(Ilustration: Cramner at the Convocation at Oxford £255)

Thus the reverend archbishop, when he was brought before the 
commissioners, reverenced them with much humility, and stood with his
staff in his hand, who notwithstanding, having a stool offered him,
refused to sit. Then the prolocutor, sitting in the midst in a scarlet
gown, began with a short preface or oration in praise of unity, and
especially in the church of Christ; declaring withal his bringing up,
and taking degrees in Cambridge, and also how he was promoted by King
Henry, and had been his councillor and a catholic man, one of the same
unity, and a member thereof in times past, but, of late years, did
separate and cut off himself from it, by teaching and setting forth of
erroneous doctrine, making every year a new faith: and therefore it
pleased the queen's Grace, to send them of the convocation, and other
learned men, to bring him to this unity again, if it might be. Then
showed he him, how they of the convocation-house had agreed upon
certain articles, whereunto they willed him to subscribe.

The archbishop answered to the preface very wittily, modestly, and
learnedly, showing that he was very glad of a unity, forasmuch as it
was "the preserver of all commonwealths, as well of the heathen as of
the Christians:" and so he dilated the matter with one or two stories
of the Romans' commonwealth. Which thing when he had done, he said,
that he was very glad to come to a unity, so that it were in Christ,
and agreeable to his holy word.

When he had thus spoken his full mind, the prolocutor caused the
articles to be read unto him, and asked if he would grant and
subscribe unto them. Then the bishop of Canterbury did read them over
three or four times; and touching the first article, he asked what
they meant by these terms, "true and natural." "Do you not mean,"
saith he, "a sensible body?" Some answered, "The same that was born of
the Virgin;" and so confusedly, some said one thing, some another.

Then the bishop of Canterbury denied it utterly; and when he had
looked upon the other two, he said, they were all false, and against
God's holy word: and therefore he would not agree, he said, in that
unity with them.

This done, the prolocutor, first willing him to write his mind of them
that night, said moreover, that he should dispute in them, and caused
a copy of the articles to be delivered him, assigning him to answer
thereunto on Monday next: and so charged the mayor with him again, to
be had to Bocardo, where he was kept before; offering moreover unto
him, to name what books he would occupy, and should have them brought
unto him. The archbishop was greatly commended of every body for his
modesty; insomuch that some masters of arts were seen to weep for him,
which in judgment were contrary to him.

Then was Dr. Ridley brought in, who, hearing the articles read unto
him, answered without any delay, saying, they were all false; and said
further, that they sprang out of a bitter and sour root. His answers
were sharp, witty, and very learned. Then did they lay to his charge a
sermon that he made when he was bishop of Rochester, wherein (they
said) he spake with transubstantiation. He denied it utterly, and
asked whether they could bring out any that heard him, which would say
and affirm with them the same. They could bring no proof of it at all.
After that, he was asked of one, whether he desired not my lord
chancellor that now is, to stick to the mass, and other things? He
said, that my Lord would say no such things or words of him; for if he
did, he reported not the truth of him.

Then he was asked, whether he would dispute or no? He answered, that
as long as God gave him life, he should not only have his heart, but
also his mouth and pen to defend his truth: but he required time and
books. They said, he could not, and that he should dispute on
Thursday, and till that time he should have books. He said it was not
reason, that he might not have his own books, and time, also, to look
for his disputations. Then gave they him the articles, and bade him
write his mind of them that night, and so did they command the mayor
to have him from whence he came.

Last of all came in Master Latimer in like sort, with a kerchief, and
two or three caps on his head, his spectacles hanging by a string at
his breast, and a staff in his hand, and was set in a chair; for so
was he suffered by the prolocutor. And after his denial of the
articles, when he had Wednesday appointed for disputation, he alleged
age, sickness, disuse, and lack of books, saying, that he was almost
as meet to dispute, as to be a captain of Calais: but he would, he
said, declare his mind either by writing or word, and would stand to
all they could lay upon his back: complaining moreover, that he was
permitted to have neither pen nor ink, nor yet any book but only the
New Testament there in his hand, which, he said, he had read over
seven times deliberately, and yet could not find the mass in it,
neither the marrow-bones nor sinews of the same. At which words the
commissioners were not a little offended; and Dr. Weston said, that he
would make him grant that it had both marrowbones and sinews in the
New Testament. To whom Master Latimer said again, "That you will never
do, Master Doctor:" and so, forthwith, they put him to silence; so
that whereas he was desirous to tell what he meant by those terms, he
could not be suffered. There was a very great press and throng of
people, and one of the beadles swooned by reason thereof, and was
carried into the vestry.

After this, bringing home the prolocutor first, the Cambridge men,
viz., Dr. Young, vice-chancellor, Seton, Glyn, Atkinson, Scot, Watson,
and Sedgewick, went to the Cross Inn to supper. And this was on
Saturday, being the fourteenth day of April.

On Sunday after, Master Harpsfield preached at St. Mary's, the
university church, at nine of the clock, where were divers of the
doctors of the university in their robes, and placed accordingly.
After the sermon they went all to dinner to Magdalene college, and
there had a great dinner. They supped at Lincoln college with the
prolocutor, whither Dr. Cranmer sent answer of his mind upon the
articles, in writing.

On Monday, being the sixteenth of April, Master Say and Master White,
notaries, went about in the morning to the colleges, to get
subscriptions to the articles. And, about eight of the clock, the
prolocutor, with all the doctors and the vice-chancellor, met together
at Exeter college; and so they went into the schools. And when the
vice-chancellor, the prolocutor, and doctors were placed, and four
(appointed to be exceptores argumentorum) sat at a table in the midst,
and four notaries sitting with them, Dr. Cranmer came to the
answerer's place, the mayor and aldermen sitting by him; and so the
disputation began to be set to work by the prolocutor with a short
pręludium. Dr. Chedsey began to argue first, and ere he left, the
prolocutor divers times, Drs. Tresham, Oglethorpe, Marshal, the vice-
chancellor, Pie, Cole, and Harpsfield did interrupt and press him with
their arguments, so that every man said somewhat, as the prolocutor
would suffer, disorderly; sometimes in Latin, sometimes in English, so
that three hours of the time were spent ere the vice-chancellor of
Cambridge began; who also was interrupted as before. He began with
three or four questions subtilely. Here the beadles had provided
drink, and offered the answerer; but he refused with thanks. The
prolocutor offered him, if he would retire for a brief interval, he
should. Thus the disputation continued until almost two of the clock,
with this applausion of the audience: Vicit veritas. Then were all the
arguments, written by the four appointed, delivered into the hand of
Master Say, registrar; and as for the prisoner, he was had away by the
mayor; and the doctors dined together at the University college.

And thus much concerning the general order and manner of these
disputations, with such circumstances as there happened, and things
there done, as well before the disputation, and in the preparation
thereof, as also in the time of their disputing. Now followeth to
infer and declare the orations, arguments, and answers, used and
brought forth in the said disputations on both parts.

$

250. DISPUTATION OF CRANMER AT OXFORD

The arguments, reasons, and allegations used in this disputation.

On Monday, Dr. Weston, with all the residue of the visitors, censors,
and opponents, repairing to the divinity school, each one installed
himself in his place. Dr. Cranmer, with a rout of rusty bills, was
brought thither, and set in the answerer's place, with the mayor and
aldermen sitting by him; where Dr. Weston, prolocutor, apparelled in a
scarlet gown after the custom of the university, began the disputation
with this oration. His words, as he spake them, were these:

"Ye are assembled hither, brethren, this day, to confound the
detestable heresy of the verity of the body of Christ in the
sacrament," &c. At which words thus pronounced of the prolocutor
unawares, divers of the learned men there present, considering and
well weighing the words by him uttered, burst out into a great
laughter, as though, even in the entrance of the disputations, he had
betrayed himself and his religion, that termed the opinion of the
verity of Christ's body in the sacrament, a detestable heresy. The
rest of his oration tended all to this effect, that it was not lawful
by God's word to call these questions into controversy: for such as
doubted of the words of Christ, might well be thought to doubt both of
the truth and power of God. Whereunto Dr. Cranmer, desiring licence,
answered in this wise.

"We are assembled," saith he, "to discuss these doubtful
controversies, and to lay them open before the eyes of the world;
whereof ye think it unlawful to dispute. It is indeed no reason,"
saith he, "that we should dispute of that which is determined upon,
before the truth be tried. But if these questions be not called into
controversy, surely mine answer then is looked for in vain."

This was the sum and effect of his answer; and, this done, he prepared
himself to disputation.

Then Chedsey, the first opponent, began in this wise to dispute.

"Reverend Master Doctor, these three conclusions are put forth unto us
at this present, to dispute upon;

"First, in the sacrament of the altar is the natural body of Christ,
conceived of the Virgin Mary, and also his blood present really under
the forms of bread and wine, by virtue of God's word pronounced by the
priest.

"Secondly, there remaineth no substance of bread and wine after the
consecration, nor any other substance, but the substance of God and
man.

"Thirdly, the lively sacrifice of the church is in the mass
propitiatory, as well for the quick as the dead.

"These he the conclusions propounded, whereupon this our present
controversy doth rest. Now, to the end we might not doubt how you take
the same, you have already given up unto us youropinion thereof: I
term it your opinion, in that it disagreeth from the catholic.
Wherefore I thus argue:

"Your opinion differeth from the Scripture: "Ergo, you are deceived."

Cranmer.--"I deny the antecedent."

Chedsey.--"Christ, when he instituted his last supper, spake to his
disciples, Take, eat: this is my body which shall be given for you.

"But his true body was given for us:

"Ergo, his true body is in the sacrament.

"The right form of this argument is thus to be framed:

"The same which was given for us is in the sacrament.

"But his true body was given for us:

"Ergo, his true body is in the sacrament."

Cranmer.--"His true body is truly present to them that truly receive
him: but spiritually. And so it is taken after a spiritual sort; for
when he said, This is my body, it is all one as if he had said, This
is the breaking of my body; this is the shedding of my blood.--As oft
as you shall do this, it shall put you in remembrance of the breaking
of my body, and the shedding of my blood; that as truly as you receive
this sacrament, so truly shall you receive the benefit promised by
receiving the same worthily."

Chedsey.--"Your opinion differeth from the church, which saith, that
the true body is in the sacrament:

"Ergo, your opinion therein is false."

Cranmer.--"I say and agree with the church, that the body of Christ is
in the sacrament effectually, because the passion of Christ is
effectual."
	Chedsey.--"Christ, when he spake these words, This is my body,
spake of the substance, but not of the effect."

Cranmer.--"I grant he spake of the substance, and not of the effect
after a sort: and yet it is most true that the body of Christ is
effectually in the sacrament. But I deny that he is there truly
present in bread, or that under the bread is his organical body."

And because it should be too tedious (he said) to make discourse of
the whole, he delivered up there his opinion thereof to Dr. Weston,
written at large; with answers to every one of their three
propositions, which he desired Dr. Weston, sitting there on high, to
read openly to the people; which he promised to do. But it was not the
first promise that such papists have broken.

The copy of this writing, although it were not there read, yet the
contents thereof we have drawn out as followeth.

"In the assertions of the church and of religion, trifling and new-
fangled novelties of words, so much as may be, are to be eschewed,
whereof ariseth nothing but contention and brawling about words; and
we must follow, so much as we may, the manner of speaking of the
Scripture.

"In the first conclusion, if ye understand by this word 'really' in
very deed and effectually, so Christ, by the grace and efficacy of his
passion, is indeed and truly present to all his true and holy members.

"But if ye understand by this word really' 'corporally,' so that by
the body of Christ is understood a natural body and organical; so, the
first proposition doth vary, not only from the usual speech and phrase
of Scripture, but also is clean contrary to the holy word of God, and
Christian profession: when as both the Scripture doth testify by these
words, and also the catholic church hath professed from the
beginning,-- Christ to have left the world, and to sit at the right
hand of the Father till he come to judgment.

"And likewise I answer to the second question; that is, that it
swerveth from the accustomed manner and speech of Scripture.

"The third conclusion, as it is intricate and wrapped in all doubtful
and ambiguous words, and differing also much from the true speech of
the Scripture, so as the words thereof seem to import no open sense;
is most contumelious against our only Lord and Saviour Christ Jesus,
and a violating of his precious blood, which, upon the altar of the
cross, is the only sacrifice and oblation for the sins of all
mankind."

Chedsey.--"By this your interpretation which you have made upon the
first conclusion, this I understand,-- the body of Christ to be in the
sacrament only by the way of participation: insomuch as we,
communicating thereof, do participate the grace of Christ, so that you
mean hereby only the effect thereof. But our conclusion standeth upon
the substance, and not the efficacy only, which shall appear by the
testimony both of Scriptures, and of all the fathers a thousand years
after Christ.

"And first, (to begin with the Scripture,) let us consider what is
written in Matt. xxvi., Mark xiv., Luke xxii., and 1 Cor. xi. Matthew
saith, As they sat at supper, Jesus took bread, &c. In Mark there is
the same sense, although not the same words, who, also, for one part
of the sacrament speaketh more plainly, Jesus taking bread, &c. After
the same sense also writeth Luke xxii., And when Jesus had taken
bread, &c. In the mouth of two or three witnesses, saith the
Scripture, standeth all truth. Here we have three witnesses together,
that Christ said that to be his body, which was given for many; and
that to be his blood, which should be shed for many: whereby is
declared the substance, and not only the efficacy alone thereof. Ergo,
it is not true that you say, there to be not the substance of his
body, but the efficacy alone thereof."

Cranmer.--"Thus you gather upon mine answer, as though I did mean of
the efficacy, and not of the substance of the body; but I mean of them
both, as well of the efficacy as of the substance. And, forasmuch as
all things come not readily to memory, to a man that shall speak
extempore, therefore, for the more ample and fuller answer in this
matter, this writing here I do exhibit."

A further explication exhibited by Cranmer.

"Our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, at the time of his maundy --
preparing himself to die for our cause, that he might redeem us from
eternal death, forgive us all our sins, and cancel out the handwriting
that was against us -- that we, through ungrateful oblivion, should
not forget his death, therefore, at the time of his holy supper, did
institute a perpetual memory of this his death, to be celebrated among
Christians in bread and wine, according as it is said: Do this in
remembrance of me; and, So often as you eat this bread, and drink this
cup, you shall show forth the Lord's death, till he come. And this
remembrance or sacrament of his holy passion, that is, of his body
slain, and blood shed, he would all Christians to frequent and
celebrate in bread and wine, according as he said, Take, eat; and
drink ye all of this. Therefore, whosoever, for man's tradition,
denieth the cup of Christ's blood to laymen, they manifestly repugn
against Christ, forbidding that which Christ commandeth to be done,
and be like to those scribes and Pharisees of whom the Lord spake: Ye
hypocrites, ye have rejected the commandments of God for your
traditions. Well did Esaias prophesy of you, saying, This people
honoureth me with their lips, but their heart is far from me. Without
cause do they worship me, teaching the doctrines and precepts of men.
The sacrament and mystical bread being broken and distributed after
the institution of Christ, and the mystical wine being likewise taken
and received, be not only sacraments of the flesh of Christ wounded
for us, and of his blood-shedding, but also be most certain sacraments
for us, and (as a man would say) seals of God's promises and gifts,
and also of that holy fellowship which we have with Christ and all his
members. Moreover, they he to us memorials of that heavenly food and
nourishment, wherewith we are nourished unto eternal life, and the
thirst of our boiling conscience [is] quenched; and finally, whereby
the hearts of the faithful be replenished with unspeakable joy, and be
corroborated and strengthened unto all works of godliness. We are
many, saith St. Paul, one bread, and one body, all we which do
participate of one bread, and one cup. And Christ saith, Eat ye; this
is my body; and, Drink ye.; this is my blood. And, I am the living
bread which came down from heaven. He that eateth me, shall also live
for ever. Not as your fathers did eat manna in the desert, and are
dead: he that eateth me, shall also live for ever.

"Thus, therefore, true bread and true wine remain still in the
eucharist (until they be consumed of the faithful) to be signs, and as
seals unto us annexed unto God's promises, making us certain of God's
gifts towards us. Also Christ remaineth in them, and they in Christ,
which eat his flesh, and drink his blood, as Christ himself hath
promised: They that eat my flesh, and drink my blood, abide in me, and
I in them. Moreover, he abideth also in them which worthily receive
the outward sacrament; neither doth he depart so soon as the sacrament
is consumed, but continually abideth, feeding and nourishing us so
long as we remain bodies of that Head, and members of the same. I
acknowledge not here the natural body of Christ, which is only
spiritual, unintelligible, and insensible, having no distinction of
members and parts in it: but that body only I acknowledge and worship,
which was born of the Virgin, which suffered for us, which is visible,
palpable, and hath all the form, and shape, and parts of the true
natural body of man. Christ spite not these words of any uncertain
substance, but of the certain substance of bread, which he then held
in his hands, and showed his disciples, when he said, Eat ye; this is
my body: and likewise of the cup, when he said, Drink ye; this is my
blood: meaning verily of that bread, which by nature is usual and
common with us, which is taken out of the fruit of the ground,
compacted by the uniting of many grains together made by man, and by
man's hand brought to that visible shape, being of round compass, and
without all sense or life; which nourisheth the body, and
strengtheneth the heart of man: of this same bread, (I say,) and not
of any uncertain and wandering substance, the old fathers say that
Christ spake these words, Eat ye; this is my body. And likewise also
of the wine, which is the creature and fruit of the vine pressed out
of many clusters of grapes, and maketh man's heart merry, of the very
same wine (I say) Christ spake, Drink ye; this is my blood. And so the
old doctors do call this speaking of Christ tropical, figurative,
analogical, allegorical; which they do interpret after this sort, that
although the substance of bread and wine do remain, and be received of
the faithful, yet, notwithstanding, Christ changed the appellation
thereof, and called the bread by the name of his flesh, and the wine
by the name of his blood; 'Not that it is so in very deed, but
signified in a mystery.' So that we should consider, not what they be
in their own nature, but what they import to us and signify; and
should understand the sacrament not carnally, but spiritually; and
should attend not to the visible nature of the sacraments, neither
have respect only to the outward bread and cup, thinking to see there
with our eyes no other things but only bread and wine: but that,
lifting up our minds, we should look up to the blood of Christ with
our faith; should touch him with our mind, and receive him with our
inward man; and that, being like eagles in this life, we should fly up
into heaven in our hearts, where that Lamb is resident at the right
hand of his Father, which taketh away the sins of the world; by whose
stripes we are made whole; by whose passion we are filled at his
table, and whose blood we receiving out of his holy side, do live for
ever, being made the guests of Christ; having him dwelling in us
through the grace of his true nature, and, through the virtue and
efficacy of his whole passion, being no less assured and certified,
that we are fed spiritually unto eternal life by Christ's flesh
crucified, and by his blood shed, the true food of our minds, than
that our bodies be fed with meat and drink in this life: and hereof
this said mystical bread on the table of Christ, and the mystical 
wine, being administered and received after the institution of Christ,
be to us a memorial, a pledge, a token, a sacrament, and a seal. And
thereof it is that Christ saith not thus: This is my body; eat ye:
but, after he had bidden them eat, then he said, This is my body,
which shall be given for you: which is to mean, as though he should
say, In eating of this bread, consider you that this bread is no
common thing, but a mystical matter; neither do you attend that which
is set before your bodily eyes, but what feedeth you within. Consider
and behold my body crucified for you; that eat and digest in your
minds; chew you upon my passion; be fed with my death. This is the
true meat; this is the drink that moisteneth, wherewith you -- being
truly fed and inebriate -- shall live for ever. The bread and wine
which be set before your eyes are only declarations of me, but I
myself am the eternal food. Wherefore, whensoever at this my table you
shall behold the sacraments, have not regard so much to them, as
consider ye what I promise you by them; which is -- myself to be meat
for you of eternal life.

"The only oblation of Christ (wherewith he offered himself to God the
Father once to death upon the altar of the cross for our redemption)
was of such efficacy, that there is no more need of any sacrifice for
the redemption of the whole world; but all the sacrifices of the old
law he took away, performing that in very deed, which they did signify
and promise. Whosoever therefore shall fix the hope of his salvation
in any other sacrifice, he falleth from the grace of Christ, and is
contumelious against the blood of Christ. For he was wounded for our
transgressions, and was broken for our iniquities. All we like sheep
have wandered astray. Every man hath turned after his own way, and the
Lord hath laid all our iniquities upon him. For he hath entered once
for all into the holy place by the blood, not of goats or calves, but
by his own blood, finding eternal redemption: And hath entered into
heaven, to appear now in the sight of God for us: not to offer himself
oftentimes (for so should he have suffered many times); but now hath
he appeared once to put away sin, through his own oblation. And as it
is appointed to all men once to die, so also Christ once was offered:
Who, offering up one oblation for sins, sitteth now for ever on the
right hand of God: for by one oblation hath he made perfect for ever
those that be sanctified. For where is remission of sins, there is now
no oblation for sin, but this only sacrifice of Christ. Whosoever
shall seek any other sacrifice propitiatory for sin, maketh the
sacrifice of Christ of no validity, force, or efficacy: for if it be
sufficient to remit sins, what need is there of any other? for the
necessity of another argueth and declareth this to be insufficient.
Almighty God grant, that we may truly lean to one sacrifice of Christ,
and that we to him again may repay our sacrifices of thanksgiving, of
praise, of confessing his name, of true amendment, of repentance, of
mercifulness towards our neighbours, and of all other good works of
charity: for by such sacrifices we shall declare ourselves neither
ungrateful to God, nor altogether unworthy of this holy sacrifice of
Christ.

"And thus you have out of the testimonies of Holy Scripture, and of
the ancient doctors of the church, the true and sincere use of the
Lord's holy supper, and the fruit of the true sacrifice of Christ;
which whosoever, through captious or wrested interpretations, or by
men's traditions, shall go about, otherwise than Christ ordained them,
to alter or transubstantiate, he shall answer to Christ in the latter
day, when he shall understand, (but then too late,) that he hath no
participation with the body and blood of Christ, but that out of the
supper of eternal life, he hath eaten and drunken eternal damnation to
himself."

Weston.--"Because we will not consume and spend the time in waste,
this your writing which you exhibit, hereafter shall be read in this
place. In the mean season let us now fall to the arguments."

Chedsey.--"The Scriptures in many places do affirm, that Christ gave
his natural body: Matt. xxvi.; Mark sic.; Luke xxii. Ergo, I do
conclude that the natural body is in the sacrament."

Cranmer.--"To your argument I answer, If you understand by the body
natural organicum, that is, having such proportion and members as he
had living here, then I answer negatively. Furthermore, concerning the
evangelists thus I say and grant, that Christ took bread, and called
it his body."

Chedsey.--"The text of the Scripture maketh against you, for the
circumstance thereto annexed doth teach us, not only there to be the
body, but also teacheth us what manner of body it is, and saith, The
same body which shall be given.

"That thing is here contained, that is given for us.

"But the substance of bread is not given for us. "Ergo, The substance
of bread is here not contained."

Cranmer.--"I understand not yet what you mean by this word
'contained.' If ye mean 'really,' then I deny your major."

Chedsey.--"The major is the text of Scripture. He that denieth the
major, denieth the Scripture: for the Scripture saith, This is my body
which is given for you."

Cranmer.--"I grant he said it was his body which should be given, but
he said it was not his body which is here contained; but the body,
saith he, that shall be given for you. As though he should say, This
bread is the breaking of my body; and this cup is the shedding of my
blood. What will ye say then? Is the bread the breaking of his body,
and the cup the shedding of his blood really? If you say so, I deny
it."

Chedsey.--"If you ask what is the thing therein contained; because his
apostles should not doubt what body it was that should be given, he
saith, This is my body which shall be given for you, and my blood
which shall be shed for many. Ergo, here is the same substance of the
body, which the day after was given, and the same blood which was
shed. And here I urge the Scripture, which teacheth that it was no
fantastical, no feigned, no spiritual body, nor body in faith; but the
substance of the body."

Cranmer.--"You must prove that it is contained: but Christ said not,
'which is contained.' He gave bread, and called that his body. I stick
not in the words of the Scripture, but in your word, which is feigned
and imagined of yourself."

Chedsey.--" When Christ took bread and brake it, what gave he?"

Cranmer.--"He gave bread. The bread sacramentally, and his body
spiritually, and the bread there he called his body."

Chedsey.--" This answer is against the Scrip-tore, which saith, that
he gave his body."

Cranmer.--"It did signify that which they did eat."

Chedsey.--"They did not eat the body as the Capernaites did understand
it, but the selfsame body which was given for the sins of the world.
Ergo, it was his body which should be given, and his blood which
should be shed."

[In some other copies I find this argument to be made by Chedsey.

"The same body is in the sacrament, which was given for us on the
cross.

"But bread was not given on the cross for us:

"Ergo, Bread is not given in the sacrament."

Cranmer.--"I deny the major, which is, that the same natural body is
given in the sacrament, which was given on the cross, except you
understand it spiritually."-- And after, he denied also the argument
as utterly nought, as he might well do, the major in the second figure
being not universal.]

When Master Chedsey had put forth his argument, and prosecuted the
same, and Dr. Cranmer answered as before is showed, Dr. Oglethorpe,
one of those doctors which the prolocutor called censores, (belike to 
be arbiters to order the disputations,) said on this wise:

Oglethorpe.--"You come in still with one evasion or starting hole to
flee to. He urgeth the Scriptures, saying, that Christ gave his very
body. You say, that he gave his body in bread. Quomodo prędicatur
corpus? qualis est corpus? qualis est prędicatio? panis est corpus."

Cranmer.--"You should say, Quale corpus. I answer to the question: It
is the same body which was born of the Virgin, was crucified,
ascended; but tropically, and by a figure. And so I say, Panis en
corpus is a figurative speech, speaking sacramentally; for it is a
sacrament of his body."

Oglethorpe.--"This word 'body,' being prędicatum, doth signify
substance.

"But substantia is not predicated denominatively.

"Ergo, It is an essential predication; and so it is his true body, and
not the figure of his body."

Cranmer.--"Substantia may be predicated denominatively in an allegory,
or in a metaphor, or in a figurative locution."

Oglethorpe.--"It is not a likely thing, that Christ hath less care for
his spouse the church, than a wise householder hath for his family, in
making his will or testament."

Cranmer.--"Your reason is drawn out of the affairs of men, and not
taken out of the Holy Scriptures."

Oglethorpe.--"But no householder maketh his testament after that
sort."

Cranmer.--"Yes, there are many that so do. For what matter is it, so
it be understood and perceived? I say, Christ did use figurative
speech in no place more than in his sacraments; and specially in this
of his supper."

Oglethorpe.--"No man of purpose doth use tropes in his testament; for
if he do, he deceiveth them that he cornprehendeth in his testament:
therefore Christ useth none here."

Cranmer.--"Yes, he may use them well enough. You know not what tropes
are."

Oglethorpe.--"The good man of the house hath respect that his heirs,
after his departure, may live in quiet and without brabbling."

"But they cannot be in quiet, if he do use tropes: "Therefore, I say,
he useth no tropes."

Cranmer.--"I deny your minor."

Weston.--"Augustine, in his book entituled De unitate Ecclesię, chap.
x., hath these words following:

"What a thing is this, I pray you? When the last words of one lying 
upon his death-bed are heard, who is ready to go to his grave, no man
saith, that he hath made a lie; and he is not accounted his heir, who
regardeth not those words. How shall we then escape God's wrath, if
either not believing, or not regarding, we shall reject the last words
both of the only Son of God, and also of our Lord and Saviour,-- both
ascending into heaven, and beholding from thence, who despiseth, who
observeth them not; and so shall come from thence to judge all men?'

"The argument is thus formed:

"Whosoever saith that the testator lieth, is a wicked heir.

"But whosoever saith that Christ spake by figures, saith that he did
lie:

"Ergo, Whosoever saith that Christ here spake by figures, is a wicked
heir."

Cranmer.--"I deny the minor: as who say, it is necessary that he that
useth to speak by tropes and figures, should lie in so doing."

Oglethorpe.--"Your judgment is disagreeing with all churches."

Cranmer.--"Nay, I disagree with the papistical church."

Oglethorpe.--"This you do, through the ignorance of logic."

Cranmer.--"Nay, this you say, through the ignorance of the doctors."

Weston.--"I will go plainly to work by Scriptures. What took he?"

Cranmer.--"Bread."

Weston.--"What gave he?"

Cranmer.--"Bread."

Weston.--"What brake he?"

Cranmer.--"Bread."

Weston.--"What did he eat?"

Cranmer.--"Bread."

Weston.--"He gave bread: therefore he gave not his body.

"He gave not his body, therefore it is not his body verily, and in
deed and in truth."

Cranmer.--"I deny the argument."

Cole.--"This argument holdeth, a disparatis: It is bread: ergo, it is
not the body; and it is such an argument or reason as cannot be
dissolved."

Cranmer.--"The like argument may be made. He is a rock: ergo, he is
not Christ."

Cole.--"It is not alike."

Weston.--"He gave not his body indeed: ergo, it was not his body
indeed."

Cranmer.--"He gave his death, his passion, and the sacrament of his
passion. And, in very deed, setting the figure aside, formally it is
not his body."

Weston.--"Why? then the Scripture is false."

Cranmer.--"Nay, the Scripture is most true."

Weston.--"This saith Chrysostom: Needful it is, dear friends, to tell
you what the miracle of the mysteries is, and wherefore it is given,
and what profit there is of the thing. We are one body, and members of
his flesh and of his bones. We that be in the mystery, let us follow
the thing which was spoken. Wherefore, that we may become this thing,
not only by love, but also that we may become one with that flesh
indeed, that is brought to pass by this food which he gave unto us,
minding to show his great good will that he hath towards us; and
therefore he mixed himself with us, and united his own body with us,
that we should he made all as one thing together, as a body joined and
annexed to the head; for this is a token of most ardent and perfect
love. And the same thing Job also, insinuating, said of his servants,
of whom he was desired above measure insomuch that they, showing their
great desire toward him, said, Who shall give unto us to be filled
with his flesh? Therefore also Christ did the same, who, to induce us
into a greater love toward him, and to declare his desire towards us, 
did not only give himself to be seen of them that would, but also to
be handled and eaten, and suffered us to fasten our teeth in his
flesh, and to be united together, and so to fill all our desire. Like
lions therefore, as breathing fire, let us go from that table, being
made terrible to the devil, remembering our Head in our mind, and his
charity which he showed unto us. For parents many times give their
children to others to be fed, but I do not so, (saith he,) but feed
you with mine own flesh, and set myself before you; desiring to make
you all jolly people, and pretending to you great hope and expectation
to look for things to come, who here give myself to you, but much more
in the world to come. I am become your brother; I took flesh and blood
for you. Again, my flesh and blood, by the which I am made your
kinsman, I deliver unto you.' Thus much out of Chrysostom. Out of
which words I make this argument:

"The same flesh whereby Christ is made our brother and kinsman, is
given of Christ to us to be eaten.

"Christ is made our brother and kinsman, by his true, natural, and
organical flesh:

"Ergo, His true, natural, and organical flesh, is given to us to be
eaten."

Cranmer.--"I grant the consequence and the consequent."

Weston.--"Therefore we eat it with our mouth."

Cranmer.--"I deny it. We eat it through faith."

Weston.--"He gave us that same flesh to eat whereby he became our
brother and kinsman.

"But he became our brother and kinsman by his true, natural, and
organical flesh:

"Therefore he gave his true, natural, and organical flesh to be
eaten."

Cranmer.--"I grant he took and gave the same true, natural, and
organical flesh wherein he suffered; and yet he feedeth us
spiritually, and that flesh is received spiritually."

Weston.--"He gave us the same flesh which he took of the Virgin.

"But he took not his true flesh of the Virgin spiritually, or in a
figure.

"Ergo, He gave his true natural flesh, not spiritually."

Cranmer.--"Christ gave to us his own natural flesh, the same wherein
he suffered, but feedeth us spiritually."

Weston.--"Chrysostom is against you, where he saith, 'Let it cone into
thy remembrance with what honour thou art honoured, and what table
thou sittest at: for with the same thing we are nourished, which the
angels do behold and tremble at; neither are they able to behold it
without great fear, for the brightness which cometh thereof: and we be
brought and compact into one heap or mass with him, being together one
body of Christ, and one flesh with him. Who shall speak the powers of
the Lord, and shall declare forth all his praises? What pastor hath
ever nourished his sheep with his own members? Many mothers have put
forth their infants after their birth to other nurses; which he would
not do, but feedeth us with his own body, and conjoineth and uniteth
us to himself.' Whereupon I gather this argument:

"Like as mothers nurse their children with milk, so Christ nourisheth
us with his body.

"But mothers do not nourish their infants spiritually with their milk:

"Therefore Christ doth not nourish those that be his spiritually, with
his blood."

Cranmer.--"He gave us the wine for his blood."

Weston.--"If he gave the wine for his blood, (as you say,) then he
gave less than mothers do give.

"But Chrysostom affirmeth, that he gave more than mothers give:

"Therefore he gave not the wine for his blood."

Cranmer.--"You pervert mine answer. He gave wine, yet the blood is
considered therein. As for example: when he giveth baptism, we
consider not the water, but the Holy Ghost, and remission of sins. We
receive with the mouth the sacrament; but the thing and the matter of
the sacrament we receive by faith."

Weston.--"When Christ said, Eat ye, whether meant he by the mouth or
by faith?"

Cranmer.--"He meant, that we should receive the body by faith, the
bread by the mouth."

"Weston.--"Nay, the body by the mouth.

Cranmer.--"That I deny."

Weston.--"I prove it out of Chrysostom, writing upon the fiftieth
Psalm 'She that is a mother, shameth sometime to play the nurse. But
Christ, our nurse, doth not so play with us. Therefore, instead of
meat, he feedeth us with his own flesh; and instead of drink, he
feedeth us with his own blood.' Likewise, upon the 83d Homily, on
Matt. xxvi., he saith: 'For it shall not be enough for him to become
man, and in the mean while to be whipped; but he doth bring us into
one mass or lump with himself (as I may so call it); and maketh us his
body, not by faith alone, but also in very deed.'"

Cranmer.--"I grant, we make one nature with Christ. But that to be
done with the mouth, I deny."

Weston.--"Chrysostom (2 Cur. xiii. Homil. 29) hath these words: 'No
little honour is given to our mouth, receiving the body of the Lord.'"

Cranmer.--"This I say, that Christ entereth into us both by our ears
and by our eyes. With our mouth we receive the body of Christ, and
tear it with our teeth, that is to say, the sacrament of the body of
Christ. Wherefore I say and affirm, that the virtue of the sacrament
is much: and therefore Chrysostom many times speaketh of sacraments no
otherwise than of Christ himself; as I could prove, if I might have
liberty to speak, by many places of Chrysostom, where he speaketh of
the sacrament of the body of Christ."

With which word of the "sacrament of the body," &c., Dr. Cole being
highly offended, denied it to be the sacrament of the body of Christ,
save only of the mystical body, which is the church.

Cranmer.--"And why should we doubt to call it the sacrament of the
body of Christ, offered upon the cross, seeing both Christ and the
ancient fathers do so call it?"

Cole.--"How gather you that of Chrysostom?"

Cranmer.--"Chrysostom declareth himself thus: O miracle, O the good-
will of God towards us, which sitteth above, at the right hand of the
Father, and is holden in men's hands at the sacrifice's time, and is
given to feed upon, to them that are desirous of him! And that is
brought to pass by no subtlety or craft, but with the open and
beholding eyes of all the standers-by.' Thus you hear, Christ is seen
here in earth every day; is touched, is torn with the teeth, that our
tongue is red with his blood; which no man having any judgment will
say or think to be spoken without trope or figure."

Weston.--"What miracle is it, if it be not his body, and if he spake
only of the sacrament, as though it were his body? But hearken what
Chrysostom saith: I show forth that thing on the earth unto thee,
which is worthy the greatest honour. For like as in the palace of
kings, neither the walls, nor the sumptuous bed, but the body of kings
sitting under the cloth of estate, and royal seat of majesty, is of
all things else the most excellent: so is, in like manner, the King's
body in heaven, which is now set before us on earth. I show thee
neither angels nor archangels, nor the heaven of heavens, but the very
Lord and Master of all these things. Thou perceivest after what sort
thou dost not only behold, but toughest; and not only touchest, but
eatest, that which on the earth is the greatest and chiefest thing of
all other; and when thou hast received the same, thou goest home: 
wherefore cleanse thy soul from all uncleanness.'

"Upon this, I conclude that the body of Christ is showed us upon the
earth."

Cranmer.--"What! upon the earth? No man seeth Christ upon the earth:
he is seen with the eyes of our mind, with faith and spirit."

Weston.--"I pray you, what is it that seemeth worthy highest honour on
the earth? Is it the sacrament, or else the body of Christ?"

Cranmer.--"Chrysostom speaketh of the sacrament; and the body of
Christ is showed forth in the sacrament."

Weston.--"Ergo, then the sacrament is worthy greatest honour."

Cranmer.--"I deny the argument."

Weston.--"That thing is showed forth, and is now on the earth, which
is worthy highest honour."

"But only the body of Christ is worthy highest honour:

"Ergo, The body of Christ is now on the earth."

Cranmer.--"I answer, the body of Christ to be on the earth, but so as
in the sacrament, and as the Holy Ghost is in the water of baptism."

Weston.--"Chrysostom saith, 'I show forth,' which noteth a substance
to be present."

Cranmer.--"That is to be understood sacramentally."

Weston.--"He saith, 'I show forth on earth;' declaring also the place
where."

Cranmer.--"That is to be understood figuratively."

Weston.--"He is showed forth, and is now on the earth, &c., as
before."

Cranmer.--"Your major and conclusion are all one."

Weston.--"But the major is true: ergo, the conclusion also is true.

"That thing is on the earth, which is worthy of most high honour.

"But no figure is worthy of highest honour.

"Ergo, That which is on the earth, is no figure."

"Cranmer.--"I answer, that is true sacramentally.

Here Weston crieth to him, that he should answer to one part, bidding
him repeat his words. Which when Cranmer went about to do, such was
the noise and crying out in the school, that his mild voice could not
be heard. For when he went about to declare to the people how the
prolocutor did not well English the words of Chrysostom, using for
ostenditur in terra, "he is showed forth on the earth," est in terra,
"he is on the earth," whereas Chrysostom hath not est nor any such
word of being on the earth, but only of showing, as the grace of the
Holy Ghost in baptismo ostenditur, i. e. is showed forth in baptism:
and oftentimes he did inculcate this word ostenditur.

Then the prolocutor, stretching forth his hand, set on the rude people
to cry out at him, filling all the school with hissing, clapping of
hands, and noise; calling him unlearned, unskilful, impudent: which
impudent and reproachful words this reverend man most patiently and
meekly did abide, as one that had been inured with the suffering of
such-like reproaches. And when the prolocutor, not yet satisfied with
this rude and unseemly demeanour, did urge and call upon him to answer
the argument; then he bade the notary repeat his words again.

Notary.--"That which is worthy most high honour, here I show forth to
thee on earth.

"The body of Christ is worthy highest honour:

"Ergo, He showeth forth the body of Christ here on earth."

Cranmer.--"That is showed forth here on the earth, which may be seen,
which may be touched, and which may be eaten: but these things be not
true of the body."

Cole.--"Why should not these things be true of the body of Christ?"

Cranmer.--"The major out of Chrysostom is true; meaning of the
sacraments. For in the sacrament the true body of Christ, and not the
figurative body, is set forth."

Weston.--"Show me somewhat in earth worthy greatest honour."

Cranmer.--"I cannot, but in the sacrament only."

Weston.--"Ergo, The sacrament is worthy greatest honour."

Cranmer.--"So it is."

Judges.--"Let it be written."

Cranmer.--"I pray you let my answer be written likewise: I affirm,
that the body of Christ is showed forth unto us. It is our faith that
seeth Christ."

Weston.--"'I show it to thee,' saith Chrysostom--not to thy faith."

Cranmer.--"He speaketh sacramentally.

Weston.--"Ergo, Chrysostom lieth. For he, speaking of showing, saith,
'I Chrysostom do show.' But he can show nothing sacramentally."

Chedsey.--"By force of argument we are brought to this point, that the
body of Christ is proved to be on earth, not only sacramentally, but
in very deed also, by this reason, that it is worthy highest honour.--
The reason is indissoluble."

Cranmer.--"I never heard a more vain argument, and it is most vain;
also it hath mine answer unto it."

Chedsey.--"Will you affirm, that it is absurd which Chrysostom saith,
That the body of Christ is touched?

"I touch the body of Christ in the sacrament, as Thomas touched
Christ.

"Thomas touched Christ, and said, My Lord, my God.

"Ergo, That which he touched was the Lord, the God."

[This argument, as I received it out of the notary's book, is not
formal; but rather he should conclude in the third figure thus:

As Thomas touched the body of Christ, so we touch it in the
sacrament.]

Thomas touched the body of Christ corporally: Ergo, We touch the body
of Christ corporally in the sacrament.]

Cranmer.--"I deny your argument. He touched not God, but him which was
God; neither is it sound doctrine to affirm that God is touched."

Chedsey.--"This is because of the union; so that God is said to be
touched, when Christ, which is both God and man, is touched.

"Tertullian saith, 'Let us consider as concerning the proper form of
the Christian man, what great prerogative this vain and foul substance
of ours hath with God. Although it were sufficient to it, that no soul
could ever get salvation unless it believe while it is in the flesh:
so much the flesh availeth to salvation; by the which flesh it cometh,
that whereas the soul so is linked unto God, it is the said flesh that
causeth the soul to be linked: yet the flesh moreover is washed, that
the soul may be cleansed; the flesh is anointed, that the soul may be
consecrated; the flesh is signed, that the soul may be defended; the
flesh is shadowed by the imposition of hands, that the soul may be
illuminated with the Spirit; the flesh doth eat the body and blood of
Christ, that the soul may be fed of God. Whereupon I gather this
argument:

"The flesh eateth the body of Christ.

"Ergo, The body of Christ is eaten with the mouth.

"Item, Photius upon these words (1 Cor. xi.) will be guilty of the
body and blood, &c.: 'Whereas he saith, Is guilty of the body and
blood; this he declareth, that like as Judas betrayed him, and the
Jews were fierce and spiteful against him; so do they dishonour him,
who receive his holy body with their impure hands, and, as the Jews
did hold him then, do now receive him with impure mouths. And whereas
he often maketh mention of the body and blood of the Lord, he
declareth, that it is not simply man that is sacrificed, but even the
Lord himself, being the Maker of all things, hereby (as it were)
making them afraid.'

"Ergo, (as it is hereby gathered,) the body of Christ is touched with
the hands."

Cranmer. --"You vouch two authors against me upon sundry things. First
I must answer Tertullian, and then the other."

Chedsey.--"They tend both to one meaning."

Cranmer.--"Unto Tertullian I answer, (because our disputation is
wandering and uncertain,) that he calleth that the flesh, which is the
sacrament. For although God work all things in us invisibly, beyond
man's reach, yet they are so manifest, that they may be seen, and
perceived of every sense. Therefore he setteth forth baptism, unction,
and, last of all, the supper of the Lord unto us, which he gave to
signify his operation in us. The flesh liveth by the bread, but the
soul is inwardly fed by Christ."

Weston.--"Stick to those words of Tertullian, The body eateth, that
the soul may be fed.'"

Chedsey.--"The flesh eateth the body of Christ, that the soul may be
fed therewith."

Weston.--"Here you see two kinds of food, of the soul and of the
body."

Chedsey.--"He saith, that not only the soul, but the flesh is also
fed."

Cranmer.--"The soul is fed with the body of Christ, the body with the
sacrament."

Chedsey.--"Is the soul fed with the body of Christ, and not with the
sacrament."

Cranmer.--"Read that which followeth, and you shall perceive, that by
things external, an operation internal is understood. Inwardly we eat
Christ's body, and outwardly we eat the sacrament. So one thing is
done outwardly, and another inwardly. Like as in baptism the external
element, whereby the body is washed, is one; the internal thing,
whereby the soul is cleansed, is another."

Chedsey.--"The soul is fed by that which the body eateth.

"But the soul is fed by the flesh of Christ:

"Ergo, The body eateth the flesh of Christ."

Cranmer.--"We eat not one thing outwardly and inwardly. Inwardly we
eat Christ's body: outwardly we eat the sacrament."

Chedsey --"I will repeat the argument.

"The flesh eateth Christ's body, that the soul may be fed therewith.

"The soul is not fed with the sacrament, but with Christ's body.

"Ergo, The flesh eateth the body of Christ."

Cranmer.--"The sacrament is one thing, the matter of the sacrament is
another. Outwardly we receive the sacrament; inwardly we eat the body
of Christ."

Chedsey.--"I prove, that we receive that outwardly, wherewith the soul
is fed.

"The soul is fed with the body of Christ:

"Ergo, We eat the body of Christ outwardly.

"The flesh eateth Christ his body:

"Ergo, The soul is fed therewith."

Cranmer.--"The flesh, I say, eateth the sacrament; it eateth not
Christ's body. For Tertullian speaketh of the sacrament; and the place
hath not 'thereof,' but 'of God.'"

Chedsey.--"What say you to Photius's saying? 'They which receive the
body with impure hands, are guilty of the Lord's blood, as Judas
was.'"

Weston.--"That which followeth in Tertullian doth take away your
shift, where he saith, 'They cannot be separated in reward, whom one
work joineth together.'

"But manducation is the work, or labour: ergo, &c.

"The form of this argument may be thus collected:

"One work or labour joineth body and soul together.

"Manducation is a work, or labour.

"Ergo, One manducation joineth together both body and soul.

"To the major of which argument, thus it may be answered, expounding
the saying of Tertullian, Una opera conjungit, sed non idem operandi
modus. Again, opera here, in Tertullian, may be taken for temptations
and afflictions."

Cranmer.--"Your authority, I suppose, is taken out of the book, Of the
Resurrection of the Flesh; and the meaning thereof is this: Tertullian
goeth about there to prove, that the flesh shall rise again, because
it is joined together in one work with the soul. Through baptism in
this world the body is washed, and the soul is washed: the body
outwardly, the soul inwardly; the work is one. In this work they are
joined, and he speaketh of signs."

Weston.--"He speaketh of eating in a sign: ergo, the reward is in a
sign."

Cranmer.--"They are coupled in one work, namely, in the sacrament."

Weston.--"There are two works: ergo, there are two rewards.

"If the work be in a figure: ergo, the reward is in a figure."

Cranmer.--"He speaketh not of two works. Two works are but one work.
And yet he saith not, 'whom one work joineth together;' but 'a work:'
as in baptism the soul and body are joined in understanding."

Weston.--"The flesh and soul shall have one and the selfsame reward,
because they have one work."

Cranmer.--"Because they be joined together in one work."

Tresham.--"Forasmuch as the reverend doctors here have impugned and
overthrown your assertion and your answers sufficiently, I will fall
to another matter, not altogether impertinent to the purpose, and that
in few words, against a certain sequel of your opinion. The sequel is
this: that between us and Christ there is no further conjunction,
while we receive the eucharist, than a conjunction of the mind, or a
spiritual conjunction, whereby we are united and knit unto Christ
through faith and love. As for the presence of Christ concerning the
substance, that you utterly deny. Whereupon, in very deed, you leave
but a spiritual union and joining together of mind: howbeit you would
seem to think otherwise, by your subtle answers. But I will declare,
by manifest testimonies of the fathers, that this your sequel, which
you account so sure, is far wide from the truth. And I will begin with
St. Hilary, who is both an ancient and learned author. For, disputing
against the Arians, in his eighth book of the Trinity, he saith, that
this was their opinion; that the Father and the Son are conjoined only
through unity of will. Whereupon Arius himself, when Scripture was
alleged against him, did (as you do now) elude the right meaning of it
by his false interpretations. But the catholic church hath always
believed and ever maintained, That Christ is one with the Father in
nature, and not by consent of will only.' To the proof whereof, when
the catholics vouched this testimony of John, The Father and I are
one; the Arians answered, that unum sumus was to be understood by the
assent of their wills, and agreement of their minds; not by unity of
their natures. Thus it happeneth now-a-days, where men do doubt of the
sacrament. But Hilary, going on, and proving the natural conjunction
between the Father and the Son a fortiori, questioneth with his
adversaries after this manner: 'I demand of them now, which will needs
have the unity of will only between the Father and the Son, whether
Christ be now in us truly by nature, or only by the agreement of
wills. If,' saith he, 'the Word be incarnate in very deed, and we
receive at the Lord's table the Word made flesh, how then is he to be
thought not to dwell in us naturally, who, being born man, hath both
taken the nature of our flesh upon him, that is now inseparable, and
hath also mingled that nature of his own flesh unto the nature of
eternity, under the sacrament of his flesh, to be communicated unto
us?' Thus much hath Hilary. Whereupon I ask of you this question, How
Christ dwelleth now in us?--according to faith, or according to
nature?"

Cranmer.--"I say that Christ dwelleth verily in us carnally and
naturally; for that he hath taken of the Virgin our flesh upon him,
and because he hath communicated his nature unto us."

Tresham.--"Bucer referreth these words only to the eucharist, saying,
'Christ doth exhibit all this unto us in his holy supper; and,
according to the holy fathers,' saith Bucer, 'Christ liveth thereby in
us, not only by faith and love, as absent, but naturally, corporally,
and carnally.' Wherefore he is not absent, neither are we joined to
Christ only by a spiritual union, (as you suppose,) but also by a
corporal and carnal union."

Cranmer.--"I know that Master Bucer was a learned man. But your faith
is in good case, which leaneth upon Bucer."

Tresham.--"I do not bring Bucer as a patron of our faith; but because
he is a man of your sort, and yet bringeth this place of Hilary for
that union which we have by the sacrament, and confesseth, that by it
we are carnally united to Christ: whereas you think, we are joined by
it only through faith and love."

Cranmer.--"I say that Christ was communicated unto us, not only by
faith, but in very deed, also, when he was born of the Virgin. We have
fellowship with Christ, when we are united in the unity of the church;
when we are made flesh of his flesh, and bones of his bones: and so we
are united in the communion, in baptism, and in faith."

Tresham.--"I pray you, what fellowship have we with Christ, in that he
is made man? Are not the Turks and Jews therein joined with him? For
they are men as we are, and are joined with him in man's nature, in
that he was born of a woman. I speak now of a more near unity. We are
made one with Christ by the communion, in a perfect unity."

Crammer.--"We are made so, I grant: but we are made so also by
baptism; and the unity in baptism is perfect."

Tresham.--"We are not made one by baptism in a perfect unity, as
Hilary there speaketh, but by the communion, by which we are carnally
made one; but not likewise by baptism: wherefore you understand not
Hilary. You shall hear his words, which are these: 'He had now
declared afore the sacrament of his perfect union, saying; As the
living Father sent me, so do I also live by the Father. And he that
eateth my flesh, shall also live through me.' And a little after that
he writeth thus: 'This truly is the cause of our life; that we have
Christ dwelling by his flesh in us that are fleshly, which also by him
shall live in such sort as he liveth by his Father.' Wherefore of
thesewords it is manifest, that we obtain this perfect unity by means
of the sacrament, and that Christ by it is carnally united unto us."

Cranmer.--"Nay, Hilary in that same place doth teach, that it is done
by baptism: and that doctrine is not to be suffered in the church,
which teacheth, that we are not joined to Christ by baptism."

Weston.--"Repeat the argument."

Cramner.--"You must first make an argument."

Tresham.--"It is made already, but it shall be made again in this
form:

"As Christ liveth by his Father, so they that eat Christ's flesh, live
by the same flesh.

"But Christ liveth by the Father, not only by faith and love, but
naturally.

"Ergo, We live not through the eating of Christ's flesh, by faith and
love only, but naturally."

Cranmer.--"We live by Christ, not only by faith and love, but
eternally indeed,"

Tresham.--"Nay, naturally; I prove it thus: "As Christ liveth by the
Father, so live we by his flesh eaten of us.

"But Christ liveth not by his Father only by faith and love, but
naturally.

"Therefore we do not live by eating of Christ's flesh only by faith
and love, (as you suppose,) but naturally."

Cranmer.--"The minor is not true."

Tresham.--"This is the opinion of Arius -- that Christ is united to
his Father by conjunction of mind, and not naturally."

Cranmer.--"I say not so yet, neither do I think so: but I will tell
you what I like not in your minor. You say, 'that Christ doth not live
by his Father only by faith and love:' but I say, that Christ liveth
not at all by his faith."

Weston.--"Mark and consider well this word, 'by faith,' lest any
occasion of cavilling be given."

Tresham.--"Let that word, 'by faith,' be omitted. Neither did I mean,
that Christ liveth by his Father through faith. Yet the strength of
the argument remaineth in force; for else Hilary doth not confute the
Arians, except there he a greater conjunction between us and Christ,
when he is eaten of us, than only a spiritual conjunction. You do only
grant a union. As for a carnal or natural union of the substance of
flesh, by which we are joined more than spiritually, you do not grant.
But our Lord Jesus give you a better mind, and show you the light of
his truth, that you may return into the way of righteousness."

Weston.--"We came hither to dispute, and not to pray."

Tresham.--"Is it not lawful to pray for them that err?"

Weston.--"It is not lawful yet -- But proceed."

Tresham.--"Again, I reason thus: As Christ liveth by his Father, after
the same manner do we live by the eating of his flesh.

"But Christ liveth not by his Father, only in unity of will, but
naturally:

"Ergo, We do not live when we eat the flesh of Christ, only by faith
and unity of will, but naturally."

Cranmer.--"This is my faith, and it agreeth with the Scripture; Christ
liveth by his Father naturally, and maketh us to live by himself
indeed naturally, and that not only in the sacrament of the eucharist,
but also in baptism. For infants, when they are baptized, do eat the
flesh of Christ."

Weston.--"Answer either to the whole argument, or to the parts
thereof. For this argument is strong, and cannot be dissolved."

Cranmer.--"This is the argument:

"As Christ liveth by his Father, after the same manner do we live by
his flesh, being eaten of us.

"But Christ liveth by his Father not only in unity of will, but
naturally.

"Ergo, We, eating his flesh, do not live only by faith and love, but
naturally.

"But the major is false; namely, that by the same manner we live by
Christ, as he liveth by his Father."

Weston.--"Hilary saith, 'after the same manner,' upon these words, He
that eateth my flesh shall live by me. Ergo, Christ liveth by his
Father, and as he liveth by his Father, after the same manner we shall
live by his flesh. Here you see, that Hilary saith, 'after the same
manner.'"

Cranmer.--"'After the same manner,' doth not signify alike in all
things, but indeed and eternally: for so do we live by Christ, and
Christ liveth by his Father. For in other respects Christ liveth
otherwise by his Father than we live by Christ."

Weston.--"He liveth by his Father naturally and eternally.

"Ergo, We live by Christ naturally and eternally."

Cranmer.--"We do not live naturally, but by grace, if you take
naturally for the manner of nature; as Christ hath eternal life of his
Father, so have we of him."

Weston.-- "I stick to this word 'naturally.'"

Cranmer.--"I mean it, touching the truth of nature. For Christ liveth
otherwise by his Father than we live by Christ."

Weston.--"Hilary, in his eighth book de Trinitate, denieth it, when he
saith, He liveth therefore by his Father; and as he liveth by his
Father, after the same manner we shall live by his flesh.'"

Cranmer.--"We shall live after the same manner, as concerning the
nature of the flesh of Christ: for as he hath of his Father the nature
of eternity, so shall we have of him."

Weston.--"Answer unto the parts of the argument."

"As Christ liveth by his Father, after the same manner shall we live
by his flesh.

"But Christ doth not live by his Father only in unity of will, but
naturally.

"Ergo, We, eating of his flesh, do not live only by faith and love,
but naturally."

Cranmer.--"I grant, as I said, we live by Christ naturally: but I
never heard that Christ liveth with his Father in unity of will only."

Weston.--"Because it seemeth a marvel unto you, hear what Hilary
saith: 'These things are recited of us to this end, because the
heretics, feigning a unity of will only between the Father and the
Son, did use the example of our unity with God; as though we, being
united to the Son, and by the Son to the Father, only by obedience and
will of religion, had no propriety of the natural communion by the
sacrament of the body and blood.'

"But answer to the argument,-- Christ liveth by his Father naturally
and eternally: therefore do we live by Christ naturally and
eternally."

Cranmer.--"Cyril and Hilary do say, that Christ is united to us not
only by will, but also by nature: he doth communicate to us his own
nature, and so is Christ made one with us carnally and corporally,
because he took our nature of the Virgin Mary. And Hilary doth not say
only that Christ is naturally in us, but that we also are naturally in
him, and in the Father; that is, that we are partakers of their
nature, which is eternity, or everlastingness. For as the Word,
receiving our nature, did join it unto himself in unity of person, and
did communicate unto that our nature, the nature of his eternity, that
like as he, being the everlasting Word of the Father, had everlasting
life of the Father; even so he gave the same nature to his flesh.
Likewise also did he communicate with us the same nature of eternity,
which he and the Father have, and that we should be one with them, not
only in will and love, but that we should be also partakers of the
nature of everlasting life."

Weston.--"Hilary, where he saith, 'Christ communicated to us his
nature,' meaneth that not by his nativity, but by the sacrament."

Cranmer.--"He hath communicated to us his flesh by his nativity."

Weston.--"We have communicated to him our flesh when he was born."

Cranmer.--"Nay, he communicated to us his flesh, when he was born, and
that I will show you out of Cyril upon this place, Et homo factus
est."

Weston.--"Ergo, Christ being born, gave us his flesh."

Cranmer.--"In his nativity he made us partakers of his flesh."

Weston.--"Write, sirs."

Cranmer.--"Yea, write."

Chedsey.--"This place of Hilary is so dark, that you were compelled to
falsify it in your book, because you could not draw it to confirm your
purpose: 'If Christ hath taken verily the flesh of our body, and the
man that was verily born of the Virgin Mary is Christ, and also we
receive under the true mystery the flesh of his body, by means whereof
we shall be one, (for the Father is in Christ, and Christ in us,) how
shall that be called the unity of will, when the natural property,
brought to pass by the sacrament, is the sacrament of unity. We must
not speak in the sense of man, or of the world, in matters concerning
God: neither must we perversely wrest any strange or wicked sense out
of the wholesome meaning of the Holy Scripture, through impudent and
violent contention. Let us read those things that are written, and let
us understand those things that we read, and then we shall perform the
duty of perfect faith. For as touching that natural and true being of
Christ in us, except we learn of him, we speak foolishly and ungodly
that thing that we do speak. For he saith, My flesh is meat indeed,
and my blood is drink indeed: he that eateth my flesh, and drinketh my
blood, abideth in me, and I in him. As touching the verity of his
flesh and blood, there is left no place of doubt: for now, both by the
testimony of the Lord, and also by our faith, it is verily flesh, and
verily blood.'--Here you have falsified Hilary, for you have set vero
sub mysterio, for vere sub mysterio, 'we receive truly under a
mystery.' Hilary thrice reporteth vere sub mysterio, and you interpret
it twice vere sub mysterio, but, the third time, you have vero for
vere."

Cranmer.--"Assuredly I am not guilty of any deceit herein. It may be
that the copy which I followed had sub vero mysterio, i. e. under a
true mystery; although touching the sense it differeth little. God, I
call to witness, I have always hated falsifying, and if you had
leisure and lust to hear false citations, I could recite unto you six
hundred."

Weston.--"Here shall be showed you two copies of Hilary, the one
printed at Basil, the other at Paris."

Cranmer.--"I suppose that Dr. Smith's book hath vero."

Weston.--"Here is Dr. Smith: let him answer for himself.--Master
Smith, Master Doctor, what say you for yourself? Speak, if you know
it."

Here Dr. Smith, either for the truth in his book alleged, or else
astonished with Dr. Weston's hasty calling, staid to answer; for he
only put off his cap, and kept silence.

Weston.--"But your own book, printed by Wolf, your own printer, hath
vero."

Cranmer.--"That book is taken from me, which easily might have ended
this controversy. I am sure the Book of Decrees hath vero."

Cole.--"Now you admit the Book of Decrees, when it maketh for you."

Cranmer.--"Touching the sense of the matter there is little
difference. The change of one letter for another is but a small
matter."

Weston.--"No? Yes; pastor, as you know, signifieth a bishop, and
pistor signifleth a baker. But pastor shall be pistor, a bishop shall
be a baker, by this your change of one letter, if vere and vero do
nothing change the sense."

Cranmer.--"Let it be so, that in pistor and pastor one letter maketh
some difference: yet let pistor be either a maker or baker of bread,
ye see here the change of a letter, and yet no great difference to be
in the sense."

Young.--"This disputation is taken in hand, that the truth might
appear. I perceive that I must go another way to work than I had
thought. It is a common saying, 'Against them that deny principles, we
must not dispute.' Therefore, that we may agree of the principles, I
demand, whether there be any other body of Christ, than his
instrumental body?"

Cranmer.--"There is no natural body of Christ, but his organical
body."

Young.--"Again I demand, whether sense and reason ought to give place
to faith?"

Cranmer.--"They ought."

Young.--"Thirdly, whether Christ be true in all his words?"

Cranmer.--"Yea, he is most true, and truth itself."

Young.--"Fourthly, whether Christ, at his supper, minded to do that
which he spake, or no?"

Cranmer.--"In saying he spake, but in saying he made not, but made the
sacrament to his disciples."

Young.--"Answer according to the truth, Whether did Christ that as God
and man, which he spake, when he said, This is my body?"

Cranmer.--"This is a sophistical cavillation: go plainly to work.
There is some deceit in these questions. You seek subtileness: leave
your crafty fetches."

Young.--"I demand, whether Christ by these words wrought any thing or
no?"

Cranmer.--"He did institute the sacrament."

Young.--"But answer, whether did he work any thing?"

Cranmer.--"He did work in instituting the sacrament."

Young.--"Now I have you; for before you said, it was a figurative
speech.

"But a figure worketh nothing:

"Ergo, It is not a figurative speech. A liar ought to have a good
memory."

Cranmer.--"I understood your sophistry before. You, by working,
understand converting into the body of Christ: but Christ wrought the
sacrament, not in converting, but in instituting."

Young.--"Woe be to them that make Christ a deceiver! Did he work any
other thing than he spake, or the selfsame thing?"

Cranmer.--"He wrought the sacrament, and by these words he signified
the effect."

Young.--"A figurative speech is no working thing.

"But the speech of Christ is working:

"Ergo, It is not figurative."

Cranmer.--"It worketh by instituting, not by converting."

Young.--"The thing signified in the sacrament, is it not that
sacrament?"

Cranmer.--"It is; for the thing is ministered in a sign. He followeth
the letter that taketh the thing for a sign. Augustine separateth the
sacrament from the thing. 'The sacrament,' saith he, 'is one, and the
thing of the sacrament another.'"

Weston.--"Stick to this argument.

"It is a figurative speech.

"Ergo, It worketh nothing."

Young.--"But the speech of Christ is a working thing.

"Ergo, It is not figurative."

Cranmer.--"Oh how many crafts are in this argument! they are mere
fallacies. I said not, that the words of Christ do work, but Christ
himself; and he worketh by a figurative speech."

Weston.--"If a figure work, it maketh of bread the body of Christ."

Cranmer.--"A figurative speech worketh not."

Weston.--"A figurative speech, by your own confession, worketh
nothing.

"But the speech of Christ in the supper (as you grant) wrought
somewhat.

"Ergo, The speech of Christ in the supper was not figurative."

Cranmer.--"I answer, these are mere sophisms. The speech doth not
work, but Christ, by the speech, doth work the sacrament. I look for
Scriptures at your hands, for they are the foundation of
disputations."

Young.--"Are not these words of Scripture, This is my body? The word
of Christ is of strength; and by the Lord's words the heavens were
made. He said, This is my body: ergo, he made it."

Cranmer.--"He made the sacrament; and I deny your argument."

Young.--"If he wrought nothing, nothing is left there. He said, This
is my body. You say, contrary to the Scriptures, it is not the body of
Christ; and fall from the faith."

Cranmer.--"You interpret the Scriptures contrary to all the old 
writers, and feign a strange sense."

Young.--"Ambrose saith: 'Thou hast read of the works of all the world,
that he spake the word, and they were made; he commanded, and they
were created. Cannot the word of Christ, which made of nothing that
which was not, change those things that are into that they were not?
for it is no less matter to give new things, than to change natures.
But what use we arguments? let us use his own examples, and let us
confirm the verity of the mystery by example of his incarnation. Did
the use of nature go before, when the Lord Jesus was born of Mary? If
you seek the order of nature, conception is wont to be made by a woman
joined to a man. It is manifest therefore, that contrary to the order
of nature, a virgin did conceive: and this body that we make, is of
the Virgin. What seekest thou here the order of nature in the body of
Christ, when, against the order of nature, the Lord Jesus was
conceived of a virgin? It was the true flesh of Christ that was
crucified, and which was buried: therefore it is truly the sacrament
of him. The Lord Jesus himself crieth, This is my body. Before the
blessing of the heavenly words, it is named another kind: but, after
the consecration, the body of Christ is signified. He calleth it his
blood. Before consecration it is called another thing: after
consecration it is called blood. And thou sayest, Amen; that is, It is
true. That the mouth speaketh, let the inward mind confess: that the
word soundeth, let the heart perceive.'

"The same Ambrose, in his fourth book of Sacraments, chap. iv., saith
thus 'This bread is bread before the words of the sacraments: when the
consecration cometh to it, of bread it is made the flesh of Christ.
Let us confirm this, therefore. How can that which is bread, by
consecration be the body of Christ? by what words then is the
consecration made, and by whose words? By the words of our Lord Jesus.
For touching all other things that are said, praise is given to God,
prayer is made for the people, for kings, and for the rest. When it
cometh that the reverend sacrament must be made, then the priest useth
not his own words, but the words of Christ: therefore the word of
Christ maketh this sacrament. What word? That word, by which all
things were made. The Lord commanded, and heaven was made: the Lord
commanded, and the earth was made: the Lord commanded, and the seas
were made: the Lord commanded, and all creatures were made. Post thou
not see then how strong in working the word of Christ is? If therefore
so great strength be in the Lord's word, that those things should
begin to be, which were not before, how much the rather is it of
strength to work, that these things which were, should be changed into
another thing?' Ambrose saith, that the words are of strength to
work."

Weston.--"You omit those words which follow, which make the sense of
Ambrose plain: read them."

Young.--"'Heaven was not, the sea was not, the earth was not: but hear
him that said, He spake the word, and they were made; be commanded,
and they were created. Therefore, to answer thee, it was not the body
of Christ before consecration: but after the consecration I say to
thee, that now it is the body of Christ.'"

Cranmer.--"All these things are common. I say, that God doth chiefly
work in the sacraments."

Young.--"How doth he work?"

Cranmer.--"By his power, as he doth in baptism."

Young.--"Nay, by the word he changeth the bread into his body. This is
the truth: acknowledge the truth; give place to the truth."

Cranmer.--"O glorious words! You are too full of words."

Young.--"Nay, O glorious truth!-- You make no change at all."

Cranmer.--"Not so, but I make a great change; as, in them that are
baptized, is there not a great change, when the child of the bondslave
of the devil, is made the Son of God? So it is also in the sacrament
of the supper, when he receiveth us into his protection and favour."

Young.--"If he work in the sacraments, he worketh in this sacrament."

Cranmer.--"God worketh in his faithful, not in the sacraments."

Weston.--"In the supper the words are directed to the bread; in
baptism, to the Spirit. He said not, the water is the Spirit, but of
the bread he said, This is my body."

Cranmer.--"He called the Spirit a dove, when the Spirit descended in
likeness of a dove."

Weston.--"He doth not call the Spirit a dove; but he saith, that he
descended as a dove. He was seen in the likeness of a dove. As in
baptism the words are directed to him that is baptized, so in the
supper the words are directed unto the bread."

Cranmer.--"Nay it is written, Upon whomsoever thou shalt see the
Spirit descending. He calleth that which descended, the Holy Spirit.
And Augustine calleth the dove, the Spirit. Hear what Augustine saith
in John i., 'What meant he by the dove, that is, by the Holy Ghost?
forsooth, to teach who sent him.'"

Young.--"He understandeth of the Spirit descending as a dove: the
Spirit is invisible. If you mind to have the truth heard, let us
proceed. Hear what Ambrose saith: 'You see what a working power the
word of Christ hath. Therefore, if there be so great power in the
Lord's word, that those things which were not, begin to be, how much
more of strength is it, to work that those things that were, should be
changed into another thing?' And in the fifth chapter, 'Before it is
consecrated, it is bread: but, when the words of Christ come to it, it
is the body of Christ.' But, hear what he saith more: 'Take ye, eat
ye; this is my body. Before the words of Christ, the cup is full of
wine and water: when the words of Christ have wrought, there is made
the blood of Christ which redeemed the people.' What can be more
plain?"

Cranmer.--"Nay, what can be less to the purpose? The words are of
strength to work in this sacrament, as they are in baptism."

Pie.--"The words of Christ, as Ambrose saith, are of strength to work.
What do they work?-- Ambrose saith, 'They make the blood which
redeemed the people.'

"Ergo, The natural blood is made."

Cranmer.--"The sacrament of his blood is made. The words make the
blood to them that receive it: not that the blood is in the cup, but
in the receiver."

Pie.--"There is made the blood which redeemed the people."

Cranmer.--"The blood is made; that is, the sacrament of the blood, by
which he redeemed the people. Fit, it is made;' that is to say,
ostenditur, 'it is showed forth there.' And Ambrose saith, we receive
in a similitude: 'As thou hast received the similitude of his death,
so also thou drinkest the similitude of his precious blood.'"

Weston.--"He saith, 'in a similitude,' because it is ministered under
another likeness. And this is the argument:

"There is made the blood which redeemed the people.

"But the natural blood redeemed the people:

"Ergo, There is the natural blood of Christ.

"You answer, that words make it blood to them that receive it; not
that blood is in the cup, but because it is made blood to them that
receive it. That all men may see how falsely you would avoid the
fathers, hear what Ambrose saith in the sixth book and first chapter.
Peradventure thou wilt say, How be they true? I, who see the
similitude, do not see the truth of the blood. First of all I told
thee of the word of Christ, which so worketh, that it can change and
turn kinds ordained by nature. Afterward, when the disciples could not
abide the words of Christ, but hearing that he gave his flesh to eat,
and his blood to drink, they departed. Only Peter said, Thou hast the
words of eternal life; whither should I go from thee? Lest therefore
more should say this thing, as though there should be a certain horror
of blood, and yet the grace of redemption should remain: therefore, in
a similitude thou receivest the sacrament, but indeed thou obtainest
the grace and power of his nature.'"

Cranmer.--"These words of themselves are plain enough. [And he read
this place again, 'Thou receivest the sacrament for a similitude.']
But what is that he saith, Thou receivest for a similitude? I think he
understandeth the sacrament to be the similitude of his blood."

Chedsey.--"That you may understand that truth dissenteth not from
truth, to overthrow that which you say of that similitude, hear what
Ambrose saith, in his fourth book of Sacraments: 'If the heavenly word
did work in other things, doth it not work in the heavenly sacraments?
Therefore thou hast learned, that of bread is made the body of Christ;
and that wine and water is put into that cup, but, by consecration of
the heavenly word, it is made blood. But thou wilt say peradventure,
that the likeness of blood is not seen. But it hath a similitude. For
as thou hast received the similitude of his death, so also thou
drinkest the similitude of his precious blood; so that there is no
horror of blood, and yet it worketh the price of redemption. Therefore
thou hast learned, that that which thou receivest is the body of
Christ.'"

Cranmer.--"He speaketh of sacraments sacramentally. He calleth the
sacraments by the names of the things; for he useth the signs for the
things signified: and therefore the bread is not called bread, but his
body, for the excellency and dignity of the thing signified by it. So
doth Ambrose interpret himself, when he saith, 'For a type or figure
whereof we receive the mystical cup of his blood, for the safeguard of
our bodies and souls.'"

Chedsey.--"A type? He calleth not the blood of Christ a type or sign:
but the blood of bulls and goats in that respect was a type or sign."

Cranmer.--"This is new learning; you shall never read this among the
fathers."

Chedsey.--"But Ambrose saith so."

Cranmer.--"He calleth the bread and the cup a type or sign of the
blood of Christ, and of his benefit."

Weston.--"Ambrose understandeth it for a type of his benefit; that is,
of redemption: not of the blood of Christ, but of his passion. The cup
is the type or sign of his death, seeing it is his blood."

Cranmer.--"He saith most plainly, that the cup is a type of Christ's
blood."

Chedsey.--"As Christ is truly and really incarnate, so is he truly and
really in the sacrament.

"But Christ is really and truly incarnate:

"Ergo, The body of Christ is truly and really in the sacrament."

Cranmer.--"I deny the major."

Chedsey.--"I prove the major out of Justin, in his second Apology, ??
t??p?? d?a ????? ?e?? sa???p????e?? ??s??? ???st??, ? s?t?? ?µ??, ?a?
sa??a ?a? a?µa ?pe? s?t???a? ?µ?? e?e?, ??t? ?a? t?? d? e???? ?????
t?? pa? a?t?? e??a??st????sa? t??f??, e? ?? a?µa ?a? sa??e? ?ata
µetaß???? t?ef??ta? ?µ??, e?e???? t?? sa????????e?t?s ??s?? ?a? a?µa
ed?da???µe? e??a?.[Greek: On tropon dia ogou theou sarkopoietheis
Iesous Christos, o soter emon, kai sarka kai aima yper soterias emon
echen, oyte kai ten di euches logou tou par aytou eucharistepheisan
trophen, ex es aima kai sarkes kata metabolen trephontai emon, ekeinou
tou sarkoroiethentos Iesou kai aima edidachthemen einai]"

Cranmer.--"This place hath been falsified by Marcus Constantius.
Justin meant nothing else but that the bread which nourishes us is
called the body of Christ."

Chedsey.--"To the argument. As Christ is truly and naturally
incarnate, &c. ut supra."

Cranmer.--"I deny your major."

Chedsey.--"The words of Justin are thus to be interpreted word for
word: As by the word of God, Jesus Christ our Saviour, being made
flesh, had both flesh and blood for our salvation: so we are taught,
that the meat consecrated by the word of prayer, instituted of him,
whereby our blood and flesh are nourished by communion, is the flesh
and blood of the same Jesus which was made flesh," &c.

Cranmer.--"You have translated it well; but I deny your major. This is
the sense of Justin: that the bread is called the body of Christ; and
yet of that sanctified meat our bodies are nourished.'

Chedsey.--"Nay, he saith, that of that sanctified meat both our bodies
and souls are nourished."

Cranmer.--"He saith not so; but he saith that it nourisheth our flesh
and blood: and how can that nourish the soul, that nourisheth the
flesh and blood."

Cole.--"It feedeth the body by the soul."

Cranmer.--"Speak uprightly. Can that which is received by the soul and
spirit be called the meat of the body?"

Weston.--"Hear then what Irenęus saith: 'This, the same cup which is a
creature, he confirmed to be his body, by which he increaseth our
bodies. When both the cup mixed, and the bread broken, hath joined to
it the word of God, it is made the sacrament of the body and blood of
Christ, of which the substance of our flesh is increased and
consisteth.'

"The substance of our flesh is increased by the body and blood of
Christ:

"Ergo, Our body is nourished by the body and blood of Christ."

Cranmer.--"I deny your argument. He calleth it the flesh and blood,
for the sacrament of the body and blood; as Tertullian also saith: Our
flesh is nourished with symbolical or sacramental bread; but our soul
is nourished with the body of Christ."'

Weston.--"Look what he saith more: 'How do they say, that the flesh
cannot receive the gift of God that is eternal life, which is
nourished with the blood and body of Christ?' That is in the fifth
book, two leaves from the beginning."

Cranmer.--"The body is nourished both with the sacrament, and with the
body of Christ; with the sacrament to a temporal life; with the body
of Christ to eternal life."

Chedsey.--"I cannot but be sorry when I see such a manifest lie in
your writings. For whereas you translate Justin on this fashion; that
the bread, water, and wine, are not so to be taken in this sacrament,
as common meats and drinks are wont to be taken of us, but are meats
chosen out peculiarly for this; namely, for the giving of thanks, and
therefore be called of the Greeks eucharistia, that is, thanksgiving -
- they are called moreover the blood and body of Christ (so have you
translated it)-- the words of Justin are thus: 'We are taught that the
meat consecrated by the word of prayer, by the which our flesh and
blood is nourished by communion, is the body and blood of the same
Jesus who was made flesh.'"

Cranmer.--"I did not translate it word for word, but only I gave the
meaning: and I go nothing from his meaning."

Harpsfield.--"You remember, touching Justin,to whom this apology was
written; namely, to a heathen man. The heathen thought that the
Christians came to the church to worship bread: Justin answereth, that
we come not to common bread, but as to, &c., as is said afore. Weigh
the place well; it is right worthy to be noted: 'Our flesh is
nourished according to mutation.'"

Cranmer.--"We ought not to consider the bare bread, but whosoever
cometh to the sacrament eateth the true body of Christ."

Weston.--"You have corrupted Emissene; for instead of to be filled
with meat,' you have set 'to be filled with spiritual meats.'"

Cranmer.--"I have not corrupted it; for it is so in the Decrees."

Weston.--"You have corrupted another place of Emissene; for you have
omitted these words, Marvel thou when thou comest up to the reverend
altar to be filled with spiritual meats: look in faith to the holy
body and blood of thy God; marvel at his honour; worthily touch him.'"

Cranmer.--"This book hath not that."

Weston.--"Also you have falsified this place by evil translating,
'Honour the body of thy God.' You have translated it, 'Honour him
which is thy God.' Whereas Emissene hath not honour him,' but 'honour
the body of thy God.'"

Cranmer.--"I have so translated him, and yet no less truly, than not
without a weighty cause; else it should not have been without danger,
if I had translated it thus: 'Honour the body of thy God;' because of
certain that (according to the error of the Anthropomorphites) dreamed
that God had a body."

Weston.--"Nay, you most of all have brought the people into that
error, who so long have taught that he sitteth at the right hand of
God the Father; and counted me for a heretic, because I preached that
God had no right hand. Then I will oppose you in the very articles of
your faith.

"Christ sitteth at the right hand of God the Father.

"But God the Father hath no right hand: "Ergo, Where is Christ now?"

Cranmer.--"I am not so ignorant a novice in the articles of my faith,
but that I understand that to sit at the right hand of God, doth
signify to be equal in the glory of the Father."

Weston.--"Now then take this argument.

"Wheresoever God's authority is, there is Christ's body.

"But God's authority is in every place:

"Ergo, What letteth the body of Christ to be in every place.--
Moreover you have also corrupted Duns."

Cranmer.--"That is a great offence, I promise you."

Weston.--"For you have omitted as it appeareth whereas his words are
these, If you demand why the church did choose this so hard an
understanding of this article, whereas the words of Scripture may be
salved after an easy and true understanding (as appeareth) of this
article,'" &c.

Cranmer.--"It is not so."

Weston.--"Also you have set forth a catechism in the name of the synod
of London, and yet there be fifty, who, witnessing that they were of
the number of the convocation, never heard one word of this
catechism."

Cranmer.--"I was ignorant of the setting to of that title; and as soon
as I had knowledge thereof, I did not like it. Therefore, when I
complained thereof to the council, it was answered me by them, that
the book was so entitled, because it was set forth in the time of the
convocation."

Weston.--"Moreover, you have in Duns translated 'in the Church of
Rome,' for 'the catholic church.'"

Cranmer.--"Yea; but he meant the Romish church."

Weston.--"Moreover you have depraved St. Thomas, namely, where he hath
these words: 'Inasmuch as it is a sacrifice, it hath the power of
satisfaction: but in satisfaction the affection of the offerer is more
to be weighed, than the quantity of the oblation. Wherefore the Lord
said, in Luke's Gospel, of the widow which offered two mites, that she
cast in more than they all. Therefore, although this oblation of the
quantity of itself will suffice to satisfy for all pain, yet it is
made satisfactory to them for whom it is offered, or to the offerers,
according to the quantity of their devotion, and not for all the
pain.' You have thus turned it: 'That the sacrifice of the priest hath
power of satisfaction,' &c. And therefore in this place you have
chopped in this word, of the priest;' whereas, in the translation of
all the New Testament, you have not set it but where Christ was put to
death. And again, where St. Thomas hath 'for all pain,' your book
omitteth many things there. Thus you see, brethren, the truth stedfast
and invincible. You see, also, the craft and deceit of heretics. The
truth may be pressed, but it cannot be oppressed: therefore cry
altogether, The truth overcometh.'"

This disordered disputation, sometimes in Latin, sometimes in English,
continued almost till two of the clock. Which being finished, and the
arguments written and delivered to the hands of Master Say, the
prisoner was had away by the mayor, and the doctors dined together at
the University college.

$

251. DISPUTATION OF RIDLEY AT OXFORD

THE next day following, which was the twelfth of April, was brought
forth Dr. Ridley to dispute; against whom was set Dr. Smith to be
principal opponent. Touching which Dr. Smith, forasmuch as mention
here happeneth of his name, first the reader is to be advertised what
is to attributed to his judgment in religion, who so oftentimes before
had turned and returned to and fro, grounded (as it seemeth) upon no
firm conscience of doctrine, as both by his articles by him recanted
may appear, and also by his own letter sent a little before in King
Edward's days to the archbishop of Canterbury from Scotland. Which
letter I thought here to exhibit as a certain preface before his own
arguments, or rather as a testimony against himself, whereby the
reader may understand how devoutly he magnified them and their
doctrine a little before, against whom he now disputeth so busily.
Read I beseech thee his epistle and judge.

The true copy of a certain Epistle of Dr. Richard Smith to Dr.
Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, declaring his affection to the
setting forth of God's sincere word.

"Most honourable, I commend me unto your Lordship, doing the same to
understand, that I wrote letters to your Grace in January last and the
tenth day of February, declaring the causes of my sudden and unadvised
departing from your Grace over the sea; and desiring your good
Lordship, of your charity toward them that repent of their ill acts,
to forgive me yourself all the wrong I did towards your Grace, and to
obtain in writing the king's Majesty's pardon for me in all points
concerning his laws: upon the receipt whereof I would return again
home, and, within half a year (at the uttermost) afterward, write De
Sacerdotum Connubiis, &c., a Latin book that should be a just
satisfaction for any thing that I have written against the same.
Reliquaque omnia dogmata vestra tuum demum libentur amplexurum, ubi
Deus mentem meam [ita persuadeat] ut ea citra conscientię lęsionem
agnoscam, doceamque. I wrote not this that I want any good living
here, but because mine absence out of the realm is dishonour to the
king's Highness and realm, and because I must needs (if I tarry here a
quarter of a year longer) write an answer to your Grace's book of the
sacrament, and also a book of commonplaces against all the doctrine
set forth by the king's Majesty, which I cannot do with a good
conscience. Wherefore I beseech your Grace help me home, as soon as
you may conveniently, for God's sake; and ye shall never, I trust in
God, repent that fact.

"Ex urbe divi Andreę. 14. Feb.
Rich. Smitheus."

And thus much touching the forenamed Dr. Richard Smith, being set here
(as is said) to dispute against Bishop Ridley, who was brought now,
the next day after the archbishop, to answer in the divinity school.
Against whom also, besides Dr. Smith, disputed Dr. Weston, Dr.
Tresham, Dr. Oglethorpe, Dr. Glyn, Dr. Seton, and Dr. Cole, Master
Ward, Master Harpsfield, Dr. Watson, Master Pie, Master Harding,
Master Curton, Master Fecknam: to all them he answered very learnedly.
He made a preface to these questions, but they would not let him go
forth in it, but caused him to make an end of the same, and said it
was blasphemy. And some said, he drove off the time in ambiguous
things, nothing to the purpose; and so they would not suffer him to
say his mind. Dr. Smith could get nothing at his hand; insomuch that
others did take his arguments and prosecuted them. He showed himself
to be learned, and a great clerk. They could bring nothing, but he
knew it as well as they.

The disputation beginneth.

Weston the prolocutor.--"Good Christian people and brethren, we have
begun this day our school, by God's good speed I trust; and are
entering into a controversy, whereof no question ought to be moved,
concerning the verity of the body of our Lord Jesu Christ in the
eucharist. Christ is true, who said the words. The words are true 
which he spake, yea, truth itself that cannot fail. Let us therefore
pray unto God to send down unto us his Holy Spirit, which is the true
interpreter of his word; which may purge away errors, and give light,
that verity may appear. Let us also ask leave and liberty of the
church, to permit the truth received to be called this day in
question, without any prejudice to the same. Your parts thereof shall
be to implore the assistance of Almighty God, to pray for
theprosperity of the queen's Majesty, and to give us quiet and
attentive ears. Now go to your question."

Dr. Smith.--"This day, right learned Master Doctor, three questions
are propounded, whereof no controversy among Christians ought to be
moved, to wit;

"First, Whether the natural body of Christ our Saviour, conceived of
the Virgin Mary, and offered for man's redemption upon the cross, is
verily and really in the sacrament by virtue of God's word spoken by
the priests, &c.

"Secondly, Whether in the sacrament, after the words of consecration,
be any other substance, &c.

"Thirdly, Whether in the mass be a sacrifice propitiatory, &c.

"Touching the which questions, although you have publicly and apertly
professed your own judgment and opinion on Saturday last; yet being
not satisfied with that your answer, I will essay again to demand your
sentence in the first question  -- whether the true body of Christ,
after the words pronounced, be really in the eucharist, or else only
the figure. In which matter I stand here now to hear your answer."

(The Preface or Protestation of Dr. Ridley before his Disputation.)

"I received of you the other day, right worshipful Master Prolocutor,
and ye my reverend masters, commissioners from the queen's Majesty and
her honourable council, three propositions; whereunto ye commanded me
to prepare against this day, what I thought good to answer concerning
the same.

"Now, whilst I weighed with myself how great a charge of the Lord's
flock was of late committed unto me, for the which I am certain I must
once render an account to my Lord God, (and that how soon, he
knoweth,) and that moreover, by the commandment of the apostle Peter,
I ought to be ready alway to give a reason of the hope that is in me
with meekness and reverence, unto every one that shall demand the
same: besides this, considering my duty to the church of Christ, and
to your Worships, being commissioners by public authority; I
determined with myself to obey your commandment, and so openly to
declare unto you my mind touching the aforesaid propositions. And
albeit, plainly to confess unto you the truth in these things which ye
now demand of me, I have thought otherwise in times past than now I
do, yet (God I call to record unto my soul, I lie not) I have not
altered my judgment, as now it is, either by constraint of any man or
laws, either for the dread of any dangers of this world, either for
any hope of commodity; but only for the love of the truth revealed
unto me by the grace of God (as I am undoubtedly persuaded) in his
holy word, and in the reading of the ancient fathers.

"These things I do the rather recite at this present, because it may
happen to some of you hereafter, as in times past it hath done to me:
I mean, if ye think otherwise of the matters propounded in these
propositions than I now do, God may open them unto you in time to
come.

"But howsoever it shall be, I will in few words do that, which I think
ye all look I should do; that is, as plainly as I can, I will declare
my judgment herein. Howbeit of this I would ye were not ignorant, that
I will not indeed wittingly and willingly speak in any point against
God's word, or dissent in any one jot from the same, or from the rules
of faith, or Christian religion: which rules that same most sacred
word of God prescribeth to the church of Christ, whereunto I now and
for ever submit myself, and all my doings. And because the matter I
have now taken in hand is weighty, and ye all well know how unready I
am to handle it accordingly, as well for lack of time, as also lack of
books: therefore here I protest, that I will publicly this day require
of you, that it may be lawful for me, concerning all mine answers,
explications, and confirmations, to add or diminish whatsoever shall
seem hereafter more convenient and meet for the purpose, through more
sound judgment, better deliberation, and more exact trial of every
particular thing. Having now, by the way of preface and protestation,
spoken these few words, I will come to the answer of the propositions
propounded unto me, and so to the most brief explication and
confirmation of mine answers."

Weston.--"Reverend Master Doctor, concerning the lack of books, there
is no cause why you should complain. What books soever you will name,
you shall have them; and as concerning the judgment of your answers to
be had of yourself with further deliberation, it shall, I say, be
lawful for you, until Sunday next, to add unto them what you shall
think good yourself. My mind is, that we should use short arguments,
lest we should make an infinite process of the thing."

Ridley.--"There is another thing besides, which I would gladly obtain
at your hands. I perceive that you have writers and notaries here
present. By all likelihood our disputations shall be published: I
beseech you for God's sake let me have liberty to speak my mind
freely, and without interruption; not because I have determined to
protract the time with a solemn preface, but lest it may appear that
some be not satisfied. God wot I am no orator, nor have I learned
rhetoric to set colours on the matter."

Weston.--"Among this whole company, it shall be permitted you to take
two for your part."

Ridley.--"I will choose two, if there are any here with whom I were
acquainted."

Weston.--"Here are two that Master Cranmer had yesterday. Take them if
it please you."

Ridley.--"I am content with them; I trust they are honest men."

The first proposition.

"In the sacrament of the altar, by the virtue of God's word spoken of
the priest, the natural body of Christ, born of the Virgin Mary, and
his natural blood, are really present under the forms of bread and
wine."

(The answer of Dr. Ridley.)

Ridley.--"In matters appertaining to God we may not speak according to
the sense of man, nor of the world: therefore this proposition or
conclusion is framed after another manner of phrase or kind of speech
than the Scripture useth. Again, it is very obscure and dark, by means
of sundry words of doubtful signification. And being taken in the
sense which the schoolmen teach, and at this time the Church of Rome
doth defend, it is false and erroneous, and plain contrary to the
doctrine which is according to godliness."

(The explication.)

Ridley.--"How far the diversity and newness of the phrase, in all this
first proposition, is from the phrase of the Holy Scripture, and that
in every part almost, it is so plain and evident to any that is but
meanly exercised in holy writ, that I need not now (especially in this
company of learned men) to spend any time therein, except the same
shall be required of me hereafter.

"First, there is a double sense in these words 'by virtue of God's
word,' for it is doubtful what word of God this is; whether it be that
which is read in the evangelists, or in Paul, or any other. And if it
be that which is in the evangelists, or in St. Paul, what that is. If
it be in none of them, then how it may be known to be God's word, and
of such virtue that it should be able to work so great a matter.

"Again, there is a doubt of these words, 'of the priest,' whether no
man may be called a priest, but he which hath authority to make a
propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and the dead; and how it may be
proved that this authority was committed of God to any man, but to
Christ alone.

"It is likewise doubted, after what order the sacrificing priest shall
be, whether after the order of Aaron, or else after the order of
Melchizedek. For as far as I know, the Holy Scripture doth allow no
more."

Weston.--"Let this be sufficient."

Ridley.--"If we lack time at this present, there is time enough
hereafter."

Weston.--"These are but evasions or starting holes: you consume the
time in vain."

Ridley.--"I cannot start far from you: I am captive and bound."

Weston.--"Fall to it, my masters."

Smith.--"That which you have spoken, may suffice at this present."

Ridley.--"Let me alone, I pray you; for I have not much to say
behind."

Weston.--"Go forward."

Ridley.--"Moreover, there is ambiguity in this word 'really,' whether
it be taken as the logicians term it transcendenter; that is, most
generally: and so it may signify any manner of thing which belongeth
to the body of Christ, by any means: after which sort we also grant
Christ's body to be really in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, (as
in disputation, if occasion be given, shall be declared,) or whether
it be taken to signify the very same thing, having body, life, and
soul, which was assumed and taken of the word of God, into the unity
of person. In which sense, since the body of Christ is really in
heaven, because of the true manner of his body, it may not be said to
be here in the earth.

"There is yet a further doubtfulness in these words, 'under the forms
of bread and wine,' whether the forms be there taken to signify the
only accidental and outward shows of bread and wine; or therewithal
the substantial natures thereof, which are to be seen by their
qualities, and perceived by exterior senses. Now the error and
falseness of the proposition after the sense of the Roman church and
schoolmen, may hereby appear, in that they affirm the bread to be
transubstantiated and changed into the flesh assumed of the Word of
God, and that (as they say) by virtue of the word, which they have
devised by a certain number of words, and cannot be found in any of
the evangelists, or in Paul; and so they gather that Christ's body is
really contained in the sacrament of the altar. Which position is
grounded upon the foundation of the transubstantiation; which
foundation is monstrous, against reason, and destroyeth the analogy or
proportion of the sacraments: and therefore this proposition also,
which is builded upon this rotten foundation, is false, erroneous, and
to be counted as a detestable heresy of the sacramentaries."

Weston.--"We lose time."

Ridley.--"You shall have time enough."

Weston.--"Fall to reasoning. You shall have some other day for this
matter."

Ridley.--"I have no more to say concerning my explication. If you will
give me leave, and let me alone, I will but speak a word or two for my
confirmation."

Weston.--"Go to; say on."

(The confirmation of the aforesaid answer.)

Ridley.--"There ought no doctrine to be established in the church of
God, which dissenteth from the word of God, from the rule of faith,
and draweth with it many absurdities that cannot be avoided.

"But this doctrine of the first proposition is such: "Ergo, It ought
not to be established and maintained in the church of God.

"The major or first part of my argument is plain, and the minor or
second part is proved thus: "This doctrine maintaineth a real,
corporal, and carnal presence of Christ's flesh, assumed and taken of
the Word, to be in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and that not by
virtue and grace only, but also by the whole essence and substance of
the body and flesh of Christ.

"But such a presence disagreeth from God's word, from the rule of
faith, and cannot but draw with it many absurdities:

"Ergo, The second part is true.

"The first part of this argument is manifest, and the second may yet
further be confirmed thus:--"

"Weston.--"Thus you consume time, which might be better bestowed on
other matters. Master opponent, I pray you to your arguments."

Smith.--"I will here reason with you upon transubstantiation, which
you say is contrary to the rule and analogy of faith; the contrary
whereof I prove by the Scriptures and the doctors. But before I enter
argumentation with you, I demand first, whether in John vi. there be
any mention made of the sacrament, or of the real presence of Christ
in the sacrament?"

Ridley.--"It is against reason, that I should be impeached to
prosecute that which I have to speak in this assembly; being not so
long, but that it may be comprehended in few words."

Weston.--"Let him read on."

Ridley.--"First of all, this presence is contrary to many places of
the Holy Scripture.

"Secondly, it varieth from the articles of the faith.

"Thirdly, it destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the Lords
supper.

"Fourthly, it maketh precious things common to profane and ungodly
persons; for it casteth that which is holy unto dogs, and pearls unto
swine.

"Fifthly, it forceth men to maintain many monstrous miracles without
necessity and authority of God's word.

"Sixthly, it giveth occasion to the heretics who erred concerning the
two natures in Christ, to defend their heresies thereby.

"Seventhly, it falsifieth the sayings of the godly fathers; it
falsifieth also the catholic faith of the church, which the apostles
taught, the martyrs confirmed, and the faithful (as one of the fathers
saith) do retain and keep until this day. Wherefore the second part of
mine argument is true.

(The probation of the antecedent or former part of this argument by
the parts thereof.)

"This carnal presence is contrary to the word of God, as appeareth,
thus:-- I tell you the truth. It is profitable for you that I go away,
for if I go not away, the Comforter shall not come unto you. Whom the
heavens must receive until the time of restoring of all things which
God hath spoken. The children of the bridegroom cannot mourn so long
as the bridegroom is with them: but now is the time of mourning. But I
will see you again, and your hearts shall rejoice. I will come again
and take you to myself. If they shall say unto you, Behold, here is
Christ, or there is Christ, believe them not: for wheresoever the dead
carcass is, thither the eagles will resort.

"It varieth from the articles of the faith: 'He ascended into heaven,
and sitteth on the right hand of God the Father, from whence (and not
from any other place, saith St. Augustine) he shall come to judge both
the quick and the dead.'

"It destroyeth and taketh away the institution of the Lord's supper,
which was commanded only to be used and continued until the Lord
himself should come. If, therefore, he be now really present in the
body of his flesh, then must the supper cease: for a remembrance is
not of a thing present, but of a thing past and absent. And there is a
difference between remembrance and presence, and, as one of the
fathers saith, A figure is in vain where the thing figured is
present.'

"It maketh precious things common to profane and ungodly persons, and
constraineth men to confess many absurdities. For it affirmeth, that
whoremongers and murderers, yea, and (as some of them hold opinion)
the wicked and faithless mice, rats, and dogs also, may receive the
very real and corporal body of the Lord, wherein the fulness of the
Spirit of light and grace dwelleth: contrary to the manifest words of
Christ in six places and sentences of John vi.

"It confirmeth also and maintaineth that beastly kind of cruelty of
the Anthropophagi, that is, the devourers of man's flesh: for it is a
more cruel thing to devour a quick man, than to slay him."

Pie.--"He requireth time to speak blasphemies. Leave your
blasphemies."

Ridley.--"I had little thought to have had such reproachful words at
your hands."

Weston.--"All is quiet. Go to your arguments, Master Doctor."

Ridley.--"I have not many things more to say."

Weston.--"You utter blasphemies with a most impudent face: leave off,
I say, and get you to the argument."

Ridley.--"It forceth men to maintain many monstrous miracles, without
any necessity and authority of God's word. For at the coming of this
presence of the body and flesh of Christ, they thrust away the
substance of bread, and affirm that the accidents remain without any
subject; and, instead thereof, they place Christ's body without his
qualities and the true manner of a body. And if the sacrament be
reserved so long until it mould, and worms breed there, some say that
the substance of bread miraculously returneth again, and some deny it.
Others affirm, the real body of Christ goeth down into the stomach of
the receivers, and doth there abide so long only as they shall
continue to be good. But another sort hold, that the body of Christ is
carried into heaven, so soon as the forms of bread be bruised with the
teeth. O works of miracles! Truly, and most truly, I see that
fulfilled in these men, whereof St. Paul prophesied, Because they have
not received the love of the truth, that they might be saved, God
shall send them strong delusions, that they should believe lies, and
be all damned which have not believed the truth. This gross presence
hath brought forth that fond fantasy of concomitance, whereby is
broken at this day and abrogated the commandment of the Lord for
distributing of the Lord's cup to the laity.

"It giveth occasion to heretics to maintain and defend their errors;
as to Marcion, who said that Christ had but a phantastical body; and
to Eutiches, who wickedly confounded the two natures in Christ.

"Finally, it falsifleth the sayings of the godly fathers and the
catholic faith of the church, which Vigilius, a martyr and grave
writer, saith, was taught of the apostles, confirmed with the blood of
martyrs, and was continually maintained by the faithful, until his
time. By the sayings of the fathers, I mean of Justin, Irenęus,
Tertullian, Origen, Eusebius, Emissene, Athanasius, Cyril, Epiphanius,
Jerome, Chrysostom, Augustine, Vigilius, Fulgentius, Bertram, and
other most ancient fathers. All those places, as I am sure I have read
making for my purpose, so am I well assured that I could show the
same, if I might have the use of mine own books; which I will take on
me to do, even upon the peril of my life, and loss of all that I may
lose in this world.

"But now, my brethren, think not, because I disallow that presence
which the first proposition maintaineth, (as a presence which I take
to be forged, phantastical, and, beside the authority of God's word,
perniciously brought into the church by the Romanists,) that I
therefore go about to take away the true presence of Christ's body in
his supper rightly and duly ministered, which is grounded upon the
word of God, and made more plain by the commentaries of the faithful
fathers. They that think so of me, the Lord knoweth how far they are
deceived. And to make the same evident unto you, I will in few words
declare, what true presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the
Lord's supper I hold and affirm, with the word of God and the ancient
fathers.

"I say and confess with the evangelist Luke, and with the apostle
Paul, that the bread on the which thanks are given, is the body of
Christ in the remembrance of him and his death, to be set forth
perpetually of the faithful until his coming.

"I say and confess, the bread which we break to be the communion and
partaking of Christ's body, with the ancient and the faithful fathers.

"I say and believe that there is not only a signification of Christ's
body set forth by the sacrament, but also that therewith is given to
the godly and faithful the grace of Christ's body, that is, the food
of life and immortality. And this I bold with Cyprian.

"I say also with St. Augustine, that we eat life and we drink life;
with Emissene, that we feel the Lord to be present in grace; with
Athanasius, that we receive celestial food, which cometh from above;
the property of natural communion, with Hilary; the nature of flesh,
and benediction which giveth life, in bread and wine,with Cyril; and
with the same Cyril, the virtue of the very flesh of Christ, life and
grace of his body, the property of the only begotten, that is to say,
life; as he himself in plain words expoundeth it.

"I confess also with Basil, that we receive the mystical advent and
coming of Christ, grace and the virtue of his very nature; the
sacrament of his very flesh, with Ambrose; the body by grace, with
Epiphanius; spiritual flesh, but not that which was crucified, with
Jerome; grace flowing into a sacrifice, and the grace of the Spirit,
with Chrysostom; grace and invisible verity, grace and society of the
members of Christ's body, with Augustine.

"Finally, with Bertram ( who was the last of all these) I confess that
Christ's body is in the sacrament in this respect; namely, (as he
writeth,) because there is in it the Spirit of Christ, that is, the
power of the word of God, which not only feedeth the soul, but also
cleanseth it. Out of these I suppose it may clearly appear unto all
men, how far we are from that opinion, whereof some go about falsely
to slander us to the world, saying, we teach that the godly and
faithful should receive nothing else at the Lord's table, but a figure
of the body of Christ."

The second proposition.

"After the consecration there remaineth no substance of bread and
wine, neither any other substance than the substance of God and man."

(The answer of Dr. Ridley.)

Ridley.--"The second conclusion is manifestly false, directly against
the word of God, the nature of the sacrament, and the most evident
testimonies of the godly fathers; and it is the rotten foundation of
the other two conclusions propounded by you, both of the first, and
also of the third. I will not therefore now tarry upon any further
explication of this answer, being contented with that which is already
added afore, to the answer of the first proposition."

(The first argument for the confirmation of this answer.)

"It is very plain by the word of God, that Christ did give bread unto
his disciples, and called it his body.

"But the substance of the bread is another manner of substance than is
the substance of Christ's body, God and man:

"Therefore, the conclusion is false.

"The second part of mine argument is plain, and the first is proved
thus:

(The second argument.)

"That which Christ did take, on the which he gave thanks, and the
which he brake, he gave to his disciples, and called it his body.

"But he took bread, gave thanks on bread, and brake bread.

"Ergo, The first part is true. And it is confirmed with the
authorities of the fathers, Irenęus, Tertullian, Origen, Cyprian,
Epiphanius, Jerome, Augustine, Theodoret, Cyril, Rabanus, and Bede:
whose places I will take upon me to show most manifest in this behalf,
if I may be suffered to have my books, as my request is.

"Bread is the body of Christ:

"Ergo, it is bread."

(The third argument.)

"As the bread of the Lord's table is Christ's natural body, so is it
his mystical body.

"But it is not Christ's mystical body by transubstantiation:

"Ergo, It is not his natural body by transubstantiation.

"The second part of my argument is plain, and the first is proved
thus: As Christ, who is the verity, spake of the bread, This is my
body which shall be betrayed for you, speaking there of his natural
body; even so Paul, moved with the same Spirit of truth, said, We,
though we be many, yet are we all one bread and one body, which be
partakers of one bread."

(The fourth argument.)

"We may no more believe bread to be transubstantiate into the body of
Christ, than the wine into his blood.

"But the wine is not transubstantiate into his blood:

"Ergo, Neither is that bread, therefore, transubstantiate into his
body.

"The first part of this argument is manifest; and the second part is
proved out of the authority of God's word, in Matthew and Mark, I will
not drink of the fruit of the vine, &c. Now the fruit of the vine was
wine, which Christ drank and gave to his disciples to drink. With this
sentence agreeth plainly the place of Chrysostom on Matt. xx.: as
Cyprian doth also, affirming that there is no blood, if wine be not in
the cup."

(The fifth argument.)

"The words of Christ spoken upon the cup and upon the bread, have like
effect and working.

"But the words spoken upon the cup have not virtue to
transubstantiate:

"Ergo, It followeth, that the words spoken upon the bread have no such
virtue.

"The second part of the argument is proved; because they would then
transubstantiate the cup, or that which is in the cup, into the new
testament. But neither of these things can be done, and very absurd it
is to confess the same."

(The sixth argument.)

"The circumstances of the Scripture, the analogy and proportion of the
sacraments, and the testimony of the faithful fathers, ought to rule
us in taking the meaning of the Holy Scripture touching the sacrament.

"But the words of the Lord's supper, the circumstances of the
Scripture, the analogy of the sacraments, and the sayings of the
fathers, do most effectually and plainly prove a figurative speech in
the words of the Lord's supper:

"Ergo, A figurative sense and meaning is specially to be received in
these words, This is my body.

"The circumstances of the Scripture: Do this in remembrance of me. As
oft as ye shall eat of this bread, and drink of this cup, ye shall
show forth the Lord's death. Let a man prove himself, and so eat of
this bread, and drink of this cup. They came together to break bread;
and they continued in breaking of bread. The bread which we break, &c.
For we, being many, are all one bread and one body, &c.

"The analogy of the sacraments is necessary: for if the sacraments had
not some similitude or likeness of the things whereof they be
sacraments, they could in no wise be sacraments. And this similitude
in the sacrament of the Lord's supper is taken three manner of ways:

"The first consisteth in nourishing; as ye shall read in Rabanus,
Cyprian, Augustine, Irenęus, and, most plainly, in Isidore out of
Bertram.

"The second in the uniting and joining of many into one, as Cyprian
teacheth.

"The third is a similitude of unlike things, where, like as the bread
is turned into one body; so we, by the right use of this sacrament,
are turned through faith into the body of Christ.

"The sayings of the fathers declare it to be a figurative speech, as
it appeareth in Origen, Tertullian, Chrysostom, Augustine, Ambrose,
Basil, Gregory, Nazianzen, Hilary, and, most plainly of all, in
Bertram. Moreover, the sayings and places of all the fathers, whose
names I have before recited against the assertion of the first
proposition, do quite overthrow transubstantiation: but of all other
most evidently and plainly, Irenęus, Origen, Cyprian, Chrysostom, (to
Cęsarius the monk,) Augustine, (against Adamantus,) Gelasius, Cyril,
Epiphanius, Chrysostom Rabanus, Damascene, and Bertram.

"Here, right worshipful Master Prolocutor, and ye the rest of the
commissioners, it may please you to understand, that I do not lean to
these things only, which I have written in my former answers and
confirmations, but that I have also, for the proof of that I have
spoken, whatsoever Bertram, a man learned, of sound and upright
judgment, and ever counted a catholic for these seven hundred years
until this our age, hath written. His treatise, whosoever shall read
and weigh, considering the time of the writer, his learning, godliness
of life, the allegations of the ancient fathers, and his manifold and
most grounded arguments, I cannot (doubtless) but much marvel, if he
have any fear of God at all, how he can, with good conscience, speak
against him in this matter of the sacrament. This Bertram was the
first that pulled me by the ear, and that first brought me from the
common error of the Romish church, and caused me to search more
diligently and exactly both the Scriptures and the writings of the old
ecclesiastical fathers in this matter. And this I protest before the
face of God, who knoweth I lie not in the things I now speak."

The third proposition.

"In the mass is the lively sacrifice of the church, propitiable and
available for the sins as well of quick as of the dead."

(The answer of Dr. Ridley.)

Ridley.--"I answer to this third proposition as I did to the first:
and moreover I say, that being taken in such sense as the words seem
to import, it is not only erroneous, but withal so much to the
derogation and defacing of the death and passion of Christ, that I
judge it may and ought most worthily to be counted wicked and
blasphemous against the most precious blood of our Saviour Christ."

(The explication.)

"Concerning the Romish mass which is used at this day, or the lively
sacrifice thereof, propitiatory and available for the sins of the
quick and the dead, the Holy Scripture hath not so much as one
syllable.

"There is ambiguity also in the name of mass: what it signifieth, and
whether at this day there be any such indeed, as the ancient fathers
used; seeing that now there be neither catechists nor penitents to be
sent away.

"Again, touching these words, 'the lively sacrifice of the church,'
there is a doubt whether they are to be understood figuratively and
sacramentally, for the sacrament of the lively sacrifice, (after which
sort we deny it not to be in the Lord's supper,) or properly and
without any figure: after the which manner there was but one only
sacrifice, and that once offered, namely, upon the altar of the cross.

"Moreover, in these words 'as well as,' it may be doubted whether they
be spoken in mockage; as men are wont to say in sport, of a foolish
and ignorant person, that he is apt as well in conditions as in
knowledge -- being apt indeed in neither of them both.

"There is also a doubt in the word 'propitiable,' whether it signify
here, that which taketh away sin, or that which may be made available
for the taking away of sin; that is to say, whether it is to be taken
in the active or in the passive signification.

"Now the falseness of the proposition, after the meaning of the
schoolmen and the Romish church, and impiety in that sense which the
words seem to import, is this: that they, leaning to the foundation of
their fond transubstantiation, would make the quick and lively body of
Christ's flesh (united and knit to the Divinity) to lie hid under the
accidents, and outward shows of bread and wine; which is very false,
as I have said afore: and they, building upon this foundation, do hold
that the same body is offered unto God by the priest in his
daily!Passings, to put away the sins of the quick and the dead;
whereas, by the apostle to the Hebrews it is evident, that there is
but one oblation, and one true and lively sacrifice of the church
offered upon the altar of the cross, which was, is, and shall be for
ever, the propitiation for the sins of the whole world: and where
there is remission of the same, there is (saith the apostle) no more
offering for sin."

(Arguments confirming his answer.)

"No sacrifice ought to be done, but where the priest is meet to offer
the same.

"All other priests be unmeet to offer sacrifice propitiatory for sin,
save only Christ:

"Ergo, No other priests ought to sacrifice for sin, but Christ alone.

"The second part of my argument is thus proved.

"No honour in God's church ought to be taken where a man is not
called, as Aaron.

"It is a great honour in God's church to sacrifice for sin:

"Ergo, No man ought to sacrifice for sin, but only they which are
called.

"But only Christ is called to that honour:

"Ergo, No other priest but Christ ought to sacrifice for sin. That no
man is called to this degree of honour but Christ alone, it is
evident; for there are but two only orders of priesthood allowed in
the word of God: namely, the order of Aaron, and the order of
Melchizedek. But now the order of Aaron is come to an end, by reason
that it was unprofitable and weak; and of the order of Melchizedek
there is but one priest alone, even Christ the Lord, who hath a
priesthood that cannot pass to any other."

(Another argument.)

"That thing is in vain, and to no effect, where no necessity is,
wherefore it is done.

"To offer up any more sacrifice propitiatory for the quick and the
dead there is no necessity, for Christ our Saviour did that fully and
perfectly once for all:

"Ergo, To do the same in the mass it is in vain."

(Another argument.)

"After that eternal redemption is found and obtained, there needeth no
more daily offering for the same.

"But Christ coming a high bishop, &c., found and obtained for us
eternal redemption:

"Ergo, There needeth now no more daily oblation for the sins of the
quick and the dead."

(Another argument.)

"All remission of sins cometh only by shedding of blood.

"In the mass there is no shedding of blood:

"Ergo, In the mass there is no remission of sins: and so it followeth
also that there is no propitiatory sacrifice."

(Another argument.)

"In the mass the passion of Christ is not in verity, but in a mystery
representing the same: yea, even there where the Lord's supper is duly
ministered.

"But where Christ suffereth not, there is he not offered in verity:
for the apostle saith, Not that he might offer up himself oftentimes
(for then must he have suffered oftentimes since the beginning of the
world). Now where Christ is not offered there is no propitiatory
sacrifice:

"Ergo, In the mass there is no propitiatory sacrifice: For Christ
appeared once, in the latter end of the world, to put sin to flight by
the offering up of himself. And as it is appointed to all men that
they shall once die, and then cometh the judgment: even so Christ was
once offered to take away the sins of many. And unto them that look
for him, shall he appear again without sin unto salvation."

(Another argument.)

"Where there is any sacrifice that can make the comers thereunto
perfect, there ought men to cease from offering any more expiatory and
propitiatory sacrifices.

"But in the New Testament there is one only sacrifice now already long
since offered, which is able to make the comers thereto perfect for
ever:

"Ergo, In the New Testament they ought to cease from offering any more
propitiatory sacrifices."

(Sentences of the Scripture, alleged by Ridley, tending to the same
end and purpose; out of which also may be gathered other manifest
arguments for more confirmation thereof.)

"By the which will (saith the apostle) we are sanctified, by the
offering up of the body of Jesus Christ once for all. And in the same
place, But this man, after that he had offered one sacrifice for sin,
sitteth for ever at the right hand of God, &c. For with one offering
hath he made perfect for ever them that are sanctified; and, By
himself hath he purged our sins."

"I beseech you to mark these words 'by himself,' the which, well
weighed, will without doubt cease all controversy. The apostle plainly
denieth any other sacrifice to remain for him, that treadeth under his
feet the blood of the testament, by the which he was made holy. Christ
will not be crucified again, he will not his death to be had in
derision."

"He hath reconciled us in the body of his flesh."

"Mark, I beseech you; he saith not, in the mystery of his body, but in
the body of his flesh."

"If any man sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the
righteous, and he is the propitiation for our sins; not for ours only,
but for the sins of the whole world.

"I know that all these places of the Scripture are avoided by two
manner of subtle shifts: the one is by the distinction of the bloody
and unbloody sacrifice, as though our unbloody sacrifice of the church
were any other than the sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving, than a
commemoration, a showing-forth, and a sacramental representation of
that one only bloody sacrifice, offered up once for all. The other is,
by depraving and wresting the sayings of the ancient fathers unto such
a strange kind of sense as the fathers themselves indeed never meant.
For what the meaning of the fathers was, it is evident by that which
St. Augustine writeth in his epistle to Boniface, and in the eighty-
third chapter of his ninth book against Faustus the Manichee, besides
many other places; likewise by Eusebius, Emissene, Cyprian,
Chrysostom, Fulgentius, Bertram, and others, who do wholly concord and
agree together in this unity in the Lord; that the redemption, once
made in verity for the salvation of man, continueth in full effect for
ever, and worketh without ceasing unto the end of the world; that the
sacrifice once offered cannot be consumed; that the Lord's death and
passion is as effectual, the virtue of that blood once shed as fresh
at this day for the washing away of sins, as it was even the same day
that it flowed out of the blessed side of our Saviour: and finally,
that the whole substance of our sacrifice, which is frequented of the
church in the Lord's supper, consisteth in prayers, praise, and giving
of thanks, and in remembering and showing forth of that sacrifice once
offered upon the altar of the cross; that the same might continually
be had in reverence by mystery, which once only, and no more, was
offered for the price of our redemption.

"These are the things, right worshipful Master Prolocutor, and ye the
rest of the commissioners, which I could presently prepare to the
answering of your three aforesaid propositions, being destitute of all
help in this shortness of time, sudden warning, and want of books:
wherefore I appeal to my first protestation, most humbly desiring the
help of the same (as much as may be) to be granted unto me. And
because ye have lately given most unjust and cruel sentence against
me, I do here appeal (so far forth as I may) to a more indifferent and
just censure and judgment of some other superior, competent, and
lawful judge, and that according to the approved state of the Church
of England. Howbeit, I confess, that I am ignorant what that is, at
this present, through the trouble and alteration of the state of the
realm. But if this appeal may not he granted to me upon earth, then do
I fly (even as to my only refuge and alone haven of health) to the
sentence of the eternal Judge, that is, of the Almighty God; to whose
most merciful justice towards us, and most just mercifulness, I do
wholly commit myself and all my cause, nothing at all despairing of
the defence of mine Advocate and alone Saviour Jesus Christ; to whom,
with the everlasting Father, and the Holy Spirit, the Sanctifier of us
all, be now and for ever all honour and glory. Amen."

Albeit this learned bishop was not suffered to read all that is above
prefixed before the disputations, yet because he had it then ready,
and offered it up to the prolocutor after the disputations and
sentence pronounced, I thought here the place not unmeet to annex the
same together with the rest. Now let us hear the arguments and answers
between Dr. Smith and him.

(Dr. Smith beginneth to oppose.)

Smith.--"You have occasioned me to go otherwise to work with you, than
I had thought to have done. Meseemed you did, in your supposition,
abuse the testimonies of Scripture concerning the ascension of Christ,
to take away his presence in the sacrament; as though this were a
strong argument to enforce your matter withal.

"Christ did ascend into heaven: ergo, he is not in the sacrament.

"Now therefore I will go about to disprove this reason of yours.

"Christ's ascension is no let to his real presence in the sacrament:
ergo, you are deceived, whereas you do ground yourself upon those
places."

Ridley.--"You import as though I had made a strong argument by
Christ's going up into heaven. But howsoever mine argument is made,
you collect it not rightly. For it doth not only stay upon his
ascension, but upon his ascension and his abiding there also."

Smith.--"Christ's going up to heaven, and his abiding there, hinder
not his real presence in the sacrament: ergo, you are deceived."

Ridley.--"Of Christ's real presence, there may be a double
understanding. If you take the real presence of Christ according to
the real and corporal substance which he took of the Virgin, that
presence being in heaven, cannot be on the earth also. But, if you
mean a real presence, according to something that appertaineth to
Christ's body, certes the ascension and abiding in heaven are no let
at all to that presence. Wherefore Christ's body, after that sort, is
here present to us in the Lord's supper; by grace, I say, as
Epiphanius speaketh it."

Weston.--"I will cut off from henceforth all equivocation and doubt:
for whensoever we speak of Christ's body, we mean that which he took
of the Virgin."

Ridley.--"Christ's ascension and abiding in heaven cannot stand with
his presence."

Smith.--"Christ appeared corporally and really on the earth, for all
his ascension and continual abode in heaven unto the day of doom:
ergo, his ascension and abiding in heaven, is no let to his real
presence in the sacrament."

Ridley.--"Master Doctor, this argument is nothing worth. I do not so
straitly tie Christ up in heaven, that he may not come into the earth
at his pleasure: for when he will, he may come down from heaven, and
be on the earth, as it liketh himself. Howbeit I do affirm, that it is
not possible for him to be both in heaven and earth at one time."

Smith.--"Mark, I pray you, my masters that be here, diligently, what
he answereth: First he saith, that the sitting of Christ at the right
hand of his Father, is a let to the real presence of his body in the
sacrament; and then, afterward, he flieth from it again."

Ridley.--"I would not have you think that I do imagine or dream upon
any such manner of sitting, as these men here sit in the school."

Smith.--"Ergo, It is lawful for Christ, then, to be here present on
the earth, when he will himself."

Ridley.--"Yea, when he will, it is lawful indeed."

Smith.--"Ergo, He, ascending into heaven, doth not restrain his real
presence in the sacrament."

Ridley.--"I do not gainsay, but that it is lawful for him to appear on
the earth when he will: but prove you that he will."

Smith.--"Then your answer dependeth upon the will of Christ, I
perceive: therefore I will join again with you in that short argument:

"Christ, albeit he doth alway abide in heaven after his ascension, was
seen really and corporally on earth:

"Ergo, Notwithstanding his ascension and continual sitting at the
right hand of his Father, he may be really and corporally in the
sacrament."

Ridley.--"If the notaries should so record your argument as you have
framed it, you, peradventure, would be ashamed of it hereafter."

Smith.--"Christ, after his ascension, was seen really and corporally
upon the earth:

"Ergo, Notwithstanding his ascension and abiding with his Father, he
may be corporally in the sacrament."

Ridley.--"I grant the antecedent; but I deny the consequence."

Smith.--"Do you grant the antecedent?"

Ridley.--"Yea, I grant the antecedent. I am content to let you have so
much: because I know that there be certain ancient fathers of that
opinion. I am well content to let you use that proposition as true;
and I will frame the argument for you.

"He was seen on earth after his ascension: ergo," &c.

Smith.--"Nay, nay, I will frame it myself.

"Christ, after his ascension, was seen really and corporally on earth,
albeit he do abide in heaven continually:

"Ergo, Notwithstanding his ascension and continual abiding at the
right hand of the Father, he may be really and corporally on the
earth."

Ridley.--"Let us first agree about the continual sitting at the right
hand of the Father."

Smith.--"Doth he so sit at the right hand of his Father, that he doth
never forsake the same?"

Ridley.--"Nay, I do not bind Christ in heaven so straitly. I see you
go about to beguile me with your equivocations. Such equivocations are
to be distinguished. If you mean by his sitting in heaven, to reign
with his Father, he may be both in heaven and also in earth. But if ye
understand his sitting to be after a corporal manner of sitting, so is
he always permanent in heaven. For Christ to be corporally here on
earth, when corporally he is resident in heaven, is clean contrary to
the Holy Scriptures, as Austin saith: 'The body of Christ is in
heaven; but his truth is dispersed in every place.' Now if continually
he abide in heaven after the manner of his corporal presence, then his
perpetual abiding there, stoppeth or letteth that the same corporal
presence of him cannot be in the sacrament."

Smith.--"In Acts iii. we read, that Christ shall sit perpetually at
the right hand of God, unto the consummation of the world."

Weston.--"I perceive you are conme here to this issue, whether the
body of Christ may be together both in earth and in heaven. I will
tell you that Christ, in very deed, is both in earth and in heaven
together, and at one time, both one and the same natural Christ, after
the verity and substance of his very body: ergo," &c.:--

Ridley.--"I deny the antecedent."

Weston.--"I prove it by two witnesses: First by Chrysostom: Do we not
offer every day: we do so indeed; but doing it for the remembrance of
his death. And this offering is one, and not many. And how is it one,
and not many, which was once offered in the holy place? This sacrifice
is a pattern of that: the selfsame we always offer; not now as
offering one lamb to-day, and another to-morrow, but always one and
the same lamb. Wherefore here is but one sacrifice; for else by this
means, seeing there be many sacrifices in many places, he there many
Christs. Not so, but one Christ in all places, both perfect here, and
perfect there, one only body.' Now thus I argue:

"We offer one thing at all times.

"There is one Christ in all places, both here complete, and there
complete.

"Ergo, By Chrysostom, there is one both in heaven and earth."

Ridley.--"I remember the place well. These things make nothing against
me."

Weston.--"One Christ is in all places; here full and there full."

Ridley.--"One Christ is in all places; but not one body in all
places."

Weston.--"One body, saith Chrysostom."

Ridley.--"But not after the manner of bodily substance he is in all
places, nor by circumscription of place. For 'here' and 'there,' in
Chrysostom, do assign no place; as Augustine saith, 'The Lord is
above, but the truth of the Lord is in all places.'"

Weston.--"You cannot so escape. He saith not the verity of Christ is
one; but one Christ is in all places, both here and there."

Ridley.--"One sacrifice is in all places, because of the unity of him
whom the sacrifice doth signify: not that the sacrifices be all one
and the same."

Weston.--"Ergo, By your saying it is not Christ, but the sacrifice of
Christ. But Chrysostom saith, 'One body and one Christ is there;' and
not one sacrifice."

Ridley.--"I say, that both Christ and the sacrifice of Christ are
there; Christ by his Spirit, grace, and verity; the sacrifice by
signification. Thus I grant with Chrysostom, that there is one host or
sacrifice, and not many. And this our host is called one, by reason of
the unity of that one, which one only all our hosts do represent. That
only host was never other but that which was once offered on the altar
of the cross, of which host all our hosts are but sacramental
examples.

"And whereas you allege out of Chrysostom, that Christ is offered in
many places at once, (both here full Christ, and there full Christ,) I
grant it to be true; that is, that Christ is offered in many places at
once, in a mystery and sacramentally, and that he is full Christ in
all those places; but not after the corporal substance of our flesh
which he took, but after the benediction which giveth life; and he is
given to the godly receivers in bread and wine, as Cyril speaketh.
Concerning the oblation of Christ, whereof Chrysostom here speaketh,
he himself doth clearly show what he meaneth thereby, in saying by the
way of correction, 'We always do the selfsame, howbeit by the
recordation or remembrance of his sacrifice.'"

Weston.--"The second witness is Bernard, in a sermon that he made of
the supper of the Lord, who saith: How cometh this to us, most gentle
Jesus, that we, silly worms, creeping on the face of the earth; that
we, I say, which are but dust and ashes, may deserve to have thee
present in our hands, and before our eyes, who, both together, full
and whole, dost sit at the right hand of the Father; and who also, in
the moment of one hour, from the rising of the sun to the going down
of the same, art present, one and the selfsame, in many and divers
places?"

Ridley.--"These words of Bernard make for you nothing at all. But I
know that Bernard was in such a time, that in this matter he may
worthily be suspected. He hath many good and fruitful sayings; as also
in the same aforesaid place by you alleged: but yet he followed in an
age, when the doctrine of the holy supper was sore perverted.
Notwithstanding yet I will so expound him rather than reject him, that
he shall make nothing for you at all. He saith, that we have Christ in
a mystery, in a sacrament, under a veil or cover; but hereafter shall
have him without veil or cover. In the mean time here now he saith,
that the verity of Christ is every where: the verity of Christ is both
here and there, and in all places."

Weston.--"What do you call verity? He saith not the verity of Christ,
but the verity of the body of Christ."

Ridley.--"The verity of the body of Christ is the true faith of the
body of Christ: after that verity he is with them which truly believe
upon him."

Weston.--"Christ is one and the same in divers places. I urge these
words in divers places;' and yet I am not satisfied."

Smith.--"Christ was really seen and corporally on the earth after his
ascension, and continually sitting at the right hand of the Father:
ergo, the ascension and perpetual sitting in heaven hinder nothing,
but that he may be really and corporally in the sacrament."

Ridley.--"If by perpetual sitting you mean the residence of his body
in heaven, your reason containeth manifest contradiction."

Smith.--"These two have no contradiction in them at all, both to sit
continually at his Father's right hand, and also to be seen here
really in earth after his ascension. First, you will give me, that
Christ sitteth in heaven at the right hand of his Father: for so it is
written, Heaven must needs receive him, unto the time of the restoring
of all, &c. Secondly, he was also seen of Paul here corporally on
earth. Wherefore these two do import, as ye see, no contradiction."

Ridley.--"What letteth but that Christ, if it please him, and when it
pleaseth him, may be in heaven and in earth, and appear to whom he
will? and yet, notwithstanding, you have not yet proved that he will
so do. And though Christ continually shall be resident in heaven unto
the judgment, yet there may be some intermission, that
notwithstanding. But this controversy, as I said, is amongst all the
ancient doctors and writers. And that Christ hath been here seen, that
they grant all: but whether then he being in earth or in heaven, that
is doubtful."

Smith.--"I will prove that he would appear in earth. He so would, and
also did appear here in earth after his ascension: ergo," &c.

Ridley.--"He appeared, I grant; but how he appeared, whether then
being in heaven or in earth, that is uncertain. So he appeared to
Stephen, being then corporally sitting in heaven. For, speaking after
the true manner of man's body, when he is in heaven, he is not the
same time in earth; and when he is in earth, he is not the same time
corporally in heaven."

Smith.--"Christ hath been both in heaven and in earth all at one time:
ergo, you are deceived in denying that."

Ridley.--"I do not utterly deny Christ here to have been seen in
earth. Of uncertain things I speak uncertainly."

Smith.--"He was seen of Paul, as being born before his time, after his
ascending up to heaven.

"But his vision was a corporal vision:

"Ergo, He was seen corporally upon the earth after his ascending into
heaven."

Ridley.--"He was seen really and corporally indeed: but whether being
in heaven or earth, is a doubt: and of doubtful things we must judge
doubtfully. Howbeit you must prove, that he was in heaven at the same
time when he was corporally on earth."

Smith.--"I would know of you, whether this vision may enforce the
resurrection of Christ."

Ridley.--"I account this a sound and firm argument to prove the
resurrection. But whether they saw him in heaven or in earth, I am in
doubt: and to say the truth, it maketh no great matter. Both ways the
argument is of like strength: for whether he were seen in heaven, or
whether he were seen on earth, either of both maketh sufficiently for
the matter. Certain it is, he rose again: for he could not have been
seen, unless he had risen again."

Smith.--"Paul saw him as he was here conversant on earth, and not out
of heaven, as you affirm."

Ridley.--"You run to the beginning again: that you take for granted,
which you should have proved."

Smith.--"You make delays for the nonce."

Ridley.--"Say not so, I pray you. Those that hear us be learned: they
can tell both what you oppose, and what I answer well enough, I
warrant you."

Tresham.--"He was seen after such sort, as that he might be heard:
ergo, he was corporally on the earth; or else how could he be heard?"

Ridley.--"He that found the means for Stephen to behold him in heaven,
even he could bring to pass well enough, that Paul might hear him out
of heaven."

Smith.--"As others saw him, so Paul saw him.

"Other did see him visibly and corporally on earth:

"Ergo, Paul saw him visibly and corporally on earth."

Ridley.--"I grant he was seen visibly and corporally: but yet have you
not proved that he was seen in earth."

Smith.--"He was seen of him as of others. "But he was seen of others
being on earth, and appeared visibly to them on earth:

"Ergo, He was seen of Paul on earth."

Ridley.--"Your controversy is about being on earth. If 'to be' be
referred as unto the place, I deny that Christ after that sort was on
earth. But if it be referred as to the verity of the body, then I
grant it. Moreover I say, that Christ was seen of men in earth after
his ascension, it is certain: for he was seen of Stephen; he was seen
also of Paul. But whether he descended unto the earth, or whether he,
being in heaven, did reveal or manifest himself to Paul, when Paul was
rapt into the third heaven, I know that some contend about it: and the
Scripture, as far as I have read or heard, doth not determine it.
Wherefore we cannot but judge uncertainly of those things which be
uncertain."

Smith.--"We have Egesippus and Linus against you, which testify, that
Christ appeared corporally on the earth to Peter after his ascension.
Peter, overcome with the requests and mournings of the people, which 
desired him to get him out of the city because of Nero's lying in wait
for him, began without company to convey himself away from thence: and
when he was come to the gate, he seeth Christ come to meet him, and
worshipping him, he said, 'Master, whither walk you?' Christ answered,
'I am come again to be crucified.' Linus, writing of the passion of
Peter, hath the selfsame story. St. Ambrose hath the same likewise,
and also Abdias, scholar to the apostles, which saw Christ before his
ascending into heaven. With what face, therefore, dare you affirm it
to be a thing uncertain, which these men do manifestly witness to have
been done?"

Ridley.--"I said before, that the doctors in that matter did vary."

Smith.--"Do you think this story is not certain, being approved by so
ancient and probable authority?"

Ridley.--"I do so think, because I take and esteem not their words for
the words of Scripture. And though I did grant you that story to be
certain, yet it maketh not against me."

Smith.--"Such things as be certain, and approved of them, you do
reject as things uncertain."

Ridley.--"The story of Linus is not of so great authority; although I
am not ignorant that Eusebius so writeth also, in the Story of the
Church. And yet I account not these men's reports so sure as the
canonical Scriptures. Albeit if, at any time, he had to any man
appeared here on the earth after his ascension, that doth not disprove
my saying. For I go not about to tie Christ up in fetters (as some do
untruly report of us); but that he may be seen upon the earth
according to his Divine pleasure, whensoever it liketh him. But we
affirm, that it is contrary to the nature of his manhood, and the true
manner of his body, that he should be together and at one instant both
in heaven and earth, according to his corporal substance. And the
perpetual sitting at the right hand of the Father, may, I grant, be
taken for the stability of Christ's kingdom, and his continual or
everlasting equality with his Father in the glory of heaven."

Smith.--"Now, whereas you boast that your faith is the very faith of
the ancient church, I will show here that it is not so, but that it
doth directly strive against the faith of the old fathers: I will
bring in Chrysostom for this point. 'Eliseus received the mantle, as a
right great inheritance: for it was indeed a right excellent
inheritance, and more precious than any gold beside. And the same was
a double Elias: he was both Elias above, and Elias beneath. I know
well you think that just man to be happy, and you would gladly be,
every one of you, as he is. What will you then say, if I shall declare
unto you a certain other thing, which all we that are endued with
these holy mysteries do receive much more than that? Elias indeed left
his mantle to his scholar: but the Son of God ascending did leave here
his flesh unto us. Elias left it, putting off the same: but Christ
both left it to us, and ascended also to heaven, having it with him."

Ridley.--"I grant that Christ did both; that is, both took up his
flesh with him ascending up, and also did leave the same behind him
with us, but after a divers manner and respect. For he took his flesh
with him, after the true and corporal substance of his body and flesh:
again, he left the same in mystery to the faithful in the supper, to
be received after a spiritual communication, and by grace. Neither is
the same received in the supper only, but also at other times, by
hearing the gospel, and by faith. For, the 'bread,' which we break, is
the communication of the body of Christ: and generally, Unless ye eat
the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, ye shall have no
life in you."

Smith.--"Chrysostom saith: 'O miracle, O good will of God! He that
sitteth above, at the sacrifice time, is contained in the hands of
men.' Or else as others have translated it, thus: 'O miracle, O the
gentleness of God! he that sitteth above with the Father, is handled
with the hands of all men at the very same moment of time, and doth
himself deliver himself to them that are desirous to take him and
embrace him.'"

Ridley.--"He that sitteth there, is there present in mystery, and by
grace; and is holden of the godly, such as communicate him, not only
sacramentally with the hand of the body, but much more wholesomely
with the hand of the heart, and by inward drinking is received: but by
the sacramental signification he is holden of all men."

Seton.--"Where is then the miracle, if he be only present through his
grace and mystery only?"

Ridley.--"Yes, there is a miracle, good sir: Christ is not idle in his
sacraments. Is not the miracle great, trow you, when bread, which is
wont to sustain the body, becometh food to the soul? He that
understandeth not that miracle, he understandeth not the force of that
mystery. God grant we may every one of us understand his truth, and
obey the same."

Smith.--"Chrysostom calleth it a miracle, that Christ sitteth at the 
right hand of God in heaven, and at the same time is held in the hands
of men.-- Not that he is handled with the hands of men -- only in a
mystery, and is with them through grace. Therefore while you deny
that, you are altogether deceived, and stray far from the truth."

Harpsfield.--"The former place of Chrysostom is not to be let slip.
Let me, before I begin, ask this one question of you. Is it not a
great matter that Elias left his cloak or mantle, and the gift of
prophecy, to his scholar?"

Ridley.--"Yes, surely; it is a great matter."

Harpsfield.--"Did not Elias then leave great grace?"

Ridley.--"He did so."

Harpsfield.--"But Christ left a far greater grace than Elias: for he
could not both leave his cloak and take it with him; Christ doth both
in his flesh."

Ridley.--"I am well content to grant, that Christ left much greater
things to us than Elias to Eliseus, albeit he be said to have left his
double spirit with him: for that the strength and grace of the body of
Christ, which Christ, ascending up, here left with us, is the only
salvation and life of all them who shall be saved: which life Christ
hath here left unto us, to be received by faith through the hearing of
the word, and the right administration of the sacraments. This virtue
and grace Chrysostom, after the phrase and manner of John the
evangelist, calleth Christ's flesh."

Harpsfield.--"But Christ performed a greater matter. He carried up,
and left behind. You understand not the comparison. The comparison is
in this, That Elias left his mantle, and carried it not with him:
Christ left his flesh behind him, and carried it with him also."

Ridley.--"True it is, and I myself did affirm no less before. Now
where you seem to speak many things, indeed you bring no new things at
all. Let there be a comparison between grace and grace; then Christ
gave the far greater grace, when he did insert or graft us into his
flesh."

Harpsfield.--"If you will give me leave, I will ask you this question:
If Chrysostom would have meant so, that Christ left his body in the
eucharist, what plainer words think you, or more evident, could he
have used than these?"

Ridley.--"These things be not of so great force as they bear a great
show outwardly. He might also have used grosser words if he had listed
to have uttered his mind so grossly: for he was an eloquent man. Now
he speaketh after the manner of other doctors, which of mystical
matters speak mystically, and of sacraments sacramentally."

Harpsfield.--"The comparison lieth in this: That which was impossible
to Elias, is possible with Christ."

Ridley.--"I grant it was possible to Christ, which was to the other
impossible. Elias left his cloak: Christ both left his flesh and took
it with him."

Harpsfield.--"Elias left behind him, and could not take with him:
Christ both left behind him, and also took with him: except you will
say the comparison here made to be nothing."

Ridley.--"He took up his flesh with him to heaven, and left here the
communion of his flesh in earth."

Weston.--"You understand in the first place his flesh for very true
flesh; and in the second place for grace, and communion of his flesh;
and why do you not understand it in the second place also, for his
true flesh? I will make it evident how blockish and gross your answer
is."

Ridley.--"These be taunts and reproaches, not beseeming, as I think,
the modesty of this school."

Weston.--"Elias left his cloak to his disciple: but the Son of God,
going up to heaven, left his flesh. But Elias certainly left his cloak
behind, and Christ likewise his flesh; and yet, ascending, he carried
the same with him too. By which words we make this reason:

"Christ left his flesh to his disciples, and yet, for all that, he
took the same up with him:

"Ergo, He is present here with us."

Here Dr. Weston, crying to the people, said unto them, "Master Doctor
answereth it after this fashion: 'He carried his flesh into heaven,
and he left here the communion of his flesh behind.' Assuredly the
answer is too unlearned."

Ridley.--"I am glad you speak in English. Surely, I wish that all the
whole world might understand your reasons and my answers: He left his
flesh. This you understand of his flesh, and I understand the same of
grace. He carried his flesh into heaven, and left behind the communion
of his flesh unto us."

Weston.--"Ye judges, what think you of this answer?"

Judges.--"It is ridiculous, and a very fond answer."

Ridley.--"Well, I take your words patiently, for Christ's cause."

Weston here citeth a place: "We are sprinkled with the blood of
Christ."

Ridley--"Master Doctor, it is the same blood, but yet spiritually
received. And indeed all the prophets were sprinkled with the same
blood, but yet spiritually, I say, and by grace. And whatsoever they
he that are not sprinkled with this blood, they cannot be partakers of
the everlasting salvation."

Weston.--"Here I bring Bernard unto you again: 'Even from the west
unto the east, from the north unto the south, there is one and the
selfsame Christ in many and divers places."

Ridley.--"The answer is soon made, that one Christ is here and in
divers places: for God, according to his majesty, and according to his
providence, as St. Austin saith, is every where with the godly,
according to his indivisible and unspeakable grace. Or else, if ye
would understand Bernard according to the corporal presence, how
monstrous, or huge and giant-like, a body would you then make Christ's
body to be, which should reach even from north to south, from west to
east."

Weston.--"Nay, nay, you make a monstrous answer, and unlearned."

Ward.--"Before I come in with those reasons which I had purposed to
bring against you, I am minded to come again to Master Doctor's
argument, by which you, being brought into the briers, seemed to doubt
of Christ's presence on the earth. To the proof of which matter I will
bring nothing else than that which was agreed upon in the catechism of
the synod of London, set out not long ago by you."

Ridley.--"Sir, I give you to wit, before you go any further, that I
did set out no catechism."

Weston.--"Yes, you made me subscribe to it, when you were a bishop in
your ruff."

Ridley.--"I compelled no man to subscribe."

Ward.--"Yes, by the rood, you are the very author of that heresy."

Ridley.--"I put forth no catechism."

Cole.--"Did you never consent to the setting out of those things which
you allowed?"

Ridley.--"I grant that I saw the book; but I deny that I wrote it. I
perused it after it was made, and I noted many things for it: so I
consented to the book. I was not the author of it."

Judges.--"The catechism is so set forth, as though the whole
convocation-house had agreed to it. Cranmer said yesterday, that you
made it."

Ridley.--"I think surely, that he would not say so."

Ward.--"The catechism hath this clause: 'If visibly and on the
earth.'"

Ridley.--"I answer, that those articles were set out, I both witting
and consenting to them. Mine own hand will testify the same, and
Master Cranmer put his hand to them likewise, and gave them to others
afterward. Now, as for the place which you allege out of it, that may
easily be expounded, and without any inconvenience."

Ward.--"Christ is the power and the virtue of his Father: ergo, he was
not of so little strength that he could not bring to pass whatsoever
he would himself."

Ridley.--"I grant."

Ward.--"Christ was the wisdom of the Father: ergo, that he spake, he
spake wisely, and so as every man might understand; neither was it his
mind to speak one thing instead of another."

Ridley.--"All this I grant."

Ward.--"Christ was likewise the very truth: ergo, he made and
performed indeed that which he intended to make. And likewise it is,
that he doth neither deceive, nor could be deceived, nor yet would go
about to deceive others."

Weston.--"Hilary on Psal. cxviii. hath these weds: All God's words or
sayings are true, and neither idly placed, nor unprofitably, but
fiery, and wonderful fiery, without all doubtfulness of superfluous
vanity; that there may be nothing thought to be there, which is not
absolute and proper.'"

Ward.--"He is the truth of the Father: ergo, he can neither deceive,
nor yet be deceived; especially, I mean, when he spake at his latter
end, and made his testament."

Ridley.--"Christ is the very truth of the Father; and I perceive well
to what scope you drive your reason. This is but a far-fetched compass
of words. If that these words of Christ, 'This is my body,' which you
mean, be rightly understood, they are most true."

Ward.--"He took, he brake, he gave, &c. What took he?"

Ridley.--"Bread: his body."

Ward.--"What brake he?"

Ridley.--"Bread."

Ward.--"What gave he?"

Ridley.--"Bread."

Ward.--"Gave he bread made of wheat, and material bread?"

Ridley.--"I know not whether he gave bread of wheat; but he gave true
and material bread."

Ward.--"I will prove the contrary by Scriptures.

"He delivered to them that which he bade them take.

"But he bade not them take material bread, but his own body:

"Ergo, He gave not material bread, but his own body."

Ridley.--"I deny the minor. For he bade them take his body
sacramentally in material bread: and after that sort it was both bread
which he bade them take, because the substance was bread, and that it
was also his body; because it was the sacrament of his body, for the
sanctifying and the coming of the Holy Ghost, which is always
assistant to those mysteries which were instituted of Christ, and
lawfully administered."

Harpsfield.--"What is he that so saith, 'By the coming unto of the
Holy Spirit?'"

Ridley.--"I have Theophylact for mine author for this manner of
speaking. And here I bring him, that ye may understand that phrase not
to be mine, upon Matthew xxvi. Furthermore the said Theophylact,
writing upon these words, This is my body, showeth, that the body of 
the Lord is bread, which is sanctified on the altar."

Oglethorpe. --"That place of Theophylact maketh openly against you:
for he saith in that place, that Christ said not, 'This is the figure
of my body, but my body.' 'For,' saith he, 'by an unspeakable
operation it is transformed, although it seem to us to be bread.'"

Ridley. "It is not a figure; that is to say, It is not only a figure
of his body."

Weston.--"Where have you that word 'only?'"

Ridley.--"It is not in that place, but he hath it in another; and
Augustine doth so speak many times, and other doctors more."

Here Weston, repeating the words of Theophylact in English, said, "He
saith, it is not a figure, and you say, it is a figure. And the same
Theophylact saith moreover, that the converting or turning of the
bread is made into the Lord's flesh.

"That which Christ gave, we do give.

"But that which be gave was not a figure of his body, but his body.

"Ergo, We give no figure, but his body."

Ridley.--"I grant," quoth he, "the bread to be converted and turned
into the flesh of Christ; but not by transubstantiation, but by a
sacramental conversion or turning. 'It is transformed,' saith
Theophylact, in the same place, by a mystical benediction, and by the 
accession or coming of the Holy Ghost unto the flesh of Christ.' He
saith not, by expulsion or driving away the substance of bread, and by
substituting or putting in its place the corporal substance of
Christ's flesh. And whereas he saith, 'It is not a figure of the
body,' we should understand that saying, as he himself doth elsewhere
add 'only,' that is, it is no naked or bare figure only. For Christ is
present in his mysteries; neither at any time, as Cyprian saith, doth
the Divine Majesty absent himself from the Divine mysteries."

Weston.--"You put in 'only,' and that is one lie. And I tell you
further, Peter Martyr was fain to deny the author, because the place
was so plain against him. But mark his words, how he saith, It is no
figure, but his flesh.'

Ridley.--"To take his words, and not his meaning, is to do injury to
the author."

Larding.--"No other doctor maketh more against you. For the word in
Greek is µea?t???e???ta?[Greek:metastoi-cheioutai]; which is in Latin
trans-elementatur, that is, turned from one element into another. And
showing the cause why it is in form of bread, he saith, 'Because we
are infirm, and abhor to eat the raw flesh, especially the flesh of
man: therefore it appeareth bread, but it is flesh.'"

Ridley.--"That word hath not that strength which you seem to give it.
You strain it overmuch, and yet it maketh not so much for your
purpose. For the same author hath in another place, ?µe??
µea?t???e???µe?a[Greek: emeis metastoicheioumetha] that is, 'We are
trans-elemented, or transformed and changed, into the body of Christ:'
and so by that word, in such meaning as you speak of, I could prove as
well that we are transformed indeed into the very body of Christ."

Ward.--"Learned Master Doctor, thus you expound the place, This is my
body, that is, a figure of my body."

Ridley.--"Although I know there be that so expound it, yet that
exposition is not full to express the whole."

Ward.--"My sheep hear my voice, and follow me.

"But all the sheep of Christ hear his voice, This is my body, without
a figure:

"Ergo, The voice of Christ here hath no figure."

Ridley.--"The sheep of Christ follow the voice of Christ, unless they
be seduced and deceived through ignorance."

Ward.--"But the fathers took this place for no figurative speech."

Ridley.--"Yet they do all number this place among figurative and
tropical speeches."

Ward.--"Justin Martyr, in his second Apology, hath thus: 'Neque vero
hęc pro pane potuve communi sumimus; imo quemadmodum verbo Dei Jesus
Christus, Servator noster incarnatus, habuit pro salute nostra carnem
et sanguinem: ita per orationem illius verbi consecratum hoc
alimentum, quo sanguis et carnes nostrę per immutationem enutriuntur, 
ejusdem incarnati carnem et sanguinem esse sumus edocti.'

"This place Cranmer hath corrupted. Thus it is Englished; 'For we do
not take this for common bread and drink, but like as Jesus Christ our
Saviour, incarnate by the word of God, had flesh and blood for our
salvation; even so we be taught the food wherewith our flesh and blood
is nourished by alteration, when it is consecrated by the prayer of
his word, to be the flesh and blood of the same Jesus incarnate.'

"Dr. Cranmer hath thus translated it: 'Bread, water, and wine, are not
to be taken as other common meats and drinks be, but they be ordained
purposely to give thanks to God, and therefore be called Eucharistia,
and be called the body and blood of Christ: and that it is lawful for
none to eat and drink of them, but such as profess Christ, and live
according to the same; and yet the same meat and drink is changed into
our flesh and blood, and nourisheth our bodies.'"

Ridley.--"O good Master Doctor, go sincerely to work: I know that
place, and I know how it is used."

Ward here repeated the place again out of Justin, 'We are taught,'
&c., as above.

Ridley.--"O what upright dealing is this! I have the selfsame place of
Justin here copied out. You know yourself, which are skilful in Greek,
how the words here be removed out of the right place; and that without
any just cause."

Ward.--"I stand still upon mine argument. What say you?"

Ridley.--"If you will, that I should answer to Justin, then you must
hear. I have but one tongue, I cannot answer at once to you all."

Weston.--"Christ gave us his very and true flesh to be eaten:

"But he never gave it to be eaten but in his last supper, and in the
sacrament of the altar:

"Ergo, There is the very true flesh of Christ."

Ridley.--"If you speak of the very true flesh of Christ, after the
substance of his flesh taken in the womb of the Virgin Mary, and not
by grace and spiritually, I then do deny the first part of your
reason. But if you understand it of the true flesh, after grace and
spiritual communication, I then grant the first part, and deny the
second. For he giveth unto us truly his flesh, to be eaten of all that
believe in him: for he is the very and true meat of the soul,
wherewith we are fed unto everlasting life, according to his saying,
My flesh is meat indeed," &c.

Ward.--"I have desired with my hearty desire to eat this paschal with
you. What paschal, I pray you, desired he to eat? If you stand in
doubt, you have Tertullian against Marcion: He, therefore, protesting
a great desire to eat his paschal, (his own paschal I say, for it was
not meet that he should desire any other than his own,) taking bread
and distributing it to his disciples, made it his body, saying, This
is my body. What say you? Did he understand by this paschal the
Judaical lamb, or by that which afterward he gave in his supper?"

Ridley.--"I suppose that the first he understood of the Judaical
passover, and afterward of the eucharist."

Ward.--"Nay then Tertullian is against you, who saith:

'He desired to eat his passover.

'But the Judaical passover was not his, but strange from Christ:

'Ergo, He meant not of the Judaical passover.'"

Ridley.--"The Judaical passover was not strange from Christ, but his
own: insomuch as he is the Lord of all; and as well the Lord of the
Judaical passover, as of his own supper."

Ward.--"What answer you then to Tertullian, who saith, He desired to
eat his own passover, and not the Jewish passover, which stood upon
words without flesh?"

Ridley.--"Tertullian may here dally in sense analogical. I know that
Cyprian hath these words: 'He began then to institute the holy
eucharist, but both were Christ's.'"

Ward.--"Augustine on Psalm xcvi., writing upon these words, Worship
his footstool, &c.: 'I ask,' saith he, what is the footstool of his
feet; and the Scripture telleth me, The earth is the footstool of my
feet. And so, in searching thereof, I turn myself to Christ, because I
seek him here in the earth, and find how, without impiety, the
footstool of his feet may be worshipped. For he took earth of earth,
in that he is flesh of earth, and because of the flesh of Mary he took
flesh, and because that in the same flesh here he walked; and also he
gave the same flesh to us, to be eaten unto salvation. But no man
eateth that flesh except he have worshipped before. And so it is
found, how such a footstool of the feet of the Lord is to be
worshipped, so that not only we sin not in worshipping, but also do
sin in not worshipping the same.'

"He gave to us his flesh to be eaten, the which he took of the earth,
in which also here he walked, &c.

"But he never gave his flesh to be eaten, but when he gave it at his
supper, saying, This is my body:

"Ergo, In the eucharist he gave us his flesh."

Ridley.--"You do allege the place of Augustine upon Psalm xcviii.,
where he saith, that Christ gave his flesh to be eaten which he took
of the earth, and in which here he walked; inferring hereupon that
Christ never gave the same his flesh to be eaten, but only in the
eucharist: I deny your minor; for he gave it both in the eucharist to
be eaten, and also otherwise, as well in the word, as also upon the
moss."

Smith.--"What if Augustine say, that Christ did not only give himself
to us in a figure, but gave his own very flesh indeed and really?"

Ridley."I never said that Christ gave only a figure of his body; for
indeed he gave himself in a real communication, that is, he gave his
flesh after a communication of his flesh."

(Here Weston read the place of Augustine in English, and afterward
said, "Ye say Christ gave not his body, but a figure of his body.")

Ridley.--"I say not so: I say, he gave his own body verily; but he
gave it by a real, effectual, and spiritual communication."

After this, Dr. Glyn began to reason, who (notwithstanding Master
Ridley had always taken him for his old friend) made a very
contumelious preface against him. This preface Master Ridley,
therefore, did the more take to heart, because it proceeded from him.
Howbeit he thought, that Dr. Glyn's mind was to serve the turn: for
afterward he came to the house wherein Master Ridley was kept, and, as
far as Master Ridley could call to remembrance, before Dr. Young and
Dr. Oglethorpe he desired him to pardon his words. The which Master
Ridley did even from the very heart; and wished earnestly, that God
would give not only to him, but unto all others, the true and evident
knowledge of God's evangelical sincerity, that, all offences put
apart, they, being perfectly and fully reconciled, might agree and
meet together in the house of the heavenly Father.

Glyn.--"I see that you elude or shift away all Scriptures and fathers:
I will go to work with you after another sort:-- Christ hath here his
church known in earth, of which you were once a child, although now
you speak contumeliously of the sacraments."

Ridley.--"This is a grievous contumely, that you call me a shifter-
away of the Scripture, and of the doctors. As touching the sacraments,
I never yet spake contumeliously of them. I grant that Christ hath
here his church in earth; but that church did ever receive and
acknowledge the eucharist to be a sacrament of the body of Christ, yet
not the body of Christ really, but the body of Christ by grace."

Glyn.--"Then I ask this question; whether the catholic church hath
ever or at any time been idolatrous?"

Ridley ."The church is the pillar and stay of the truth, that never
yet hath been idolatrous in respect of the whole; but, peradventure,
in respect of some part thereof, which sometimes may be seduced by
evil pastors, and through ignorance."

Glyn.--"That church ever hath worshipped the flesh of Christ in the
eucharist.

"But the church hath never been idolatrous:

"Ergo, It hath alway judged the flesh of Christ to be in the
eucharist."

Ridley.--"And I also worship Christ in the sacrament, but not because
he is included in the sacrament: like as I worship Christ also in the
Scriptures, not because he is really included in them. Notwithstanding
I say, that the body of Christ is present in the sacrament; but yet
sacramentally and spiritually, (according to his grace,) giving life,
and in that respect really, that is, according to his benediction,
giving life. Furthermore, I acknowledge gladly the true body of Christ
to be in the Lord's supper, in such sort as the church of Christ
(which is the spouse of Christ, and is taught of the Holy Ghost, and
guided by God's word) doth acknowledge the same. But the true church
of Christ doth acknowledge a presence of Christ's body in the Lord's
supper to be communicated to the godly by grace, and spiritually, as I
have often showed, and by a sacramental signification; but not by the
corporal presence of the body of his flesh."

Glyn.--"Augustine against Faustus [saith,] 'Some there were which
thought us, instead of bread and of the cup, to worship Ceres and
Bacchus.' Upon this place I gather, that there was an adoration of the
sacrament among the fathers; and Erasmus, in an epistle to the
brethren of Low Germany, saith, that the worshipping of the sacrament
was before Augustine and Cyprian."

Ridley.--"We do handle the signs reverently; but we worship the
sacrament as a sacrament, not as a thing signified by the sacrament."

Glyn.--"What is the symbol or sacrament?"

Ridley.--"Bread."

Glyn.--"Ergo, We worship bread."

Ridley.--"There is a deceit in this word adoramus. We worship the
symbols, when reverently we handle them. We worship Christ wheresoever
we perceive his benefits: but we understand his benefits to be
greatest in the sacrament."

Glyn.--"So I may fall down before the bench here, and worship Christ;
and if any man ask me what I do, I may answer, I worship Christ."

Ridley.--"We adore and worship Christ in theeucharist. And if you mean
the external sacrament; I say, that also is to be worshipped as a
sacrament."

Glyn.--"So was the faith of the primitive church."

Ridley.--"Would to God we would all follow the faith of that church."

Glyn.--"Think you that Christ hath now his church?"

Ridley.--"I do so."

Glyn.--"But all the church adoreth Christ verily and really in the
sacrament."

Ridley.--"You know yourself, that the eastern church would not
acknowledge transubstantiation; as appeareth in the council of
Florence."

Cole.--"That is false: for in the same they did acknowledge
transubstantiation; although they would not entreat of that matter,
for that they had not in their commission so to do."

Ridley --"Nay, they would determine nothing of that matter, when the
article was propounded unto then."

Cole.--"It was not because they did not acknowledge the same, but
because they had no commission so to do."

Curtop.--"Reverend sir, I will prove and declare, that the body of
Christ is truly and really in the eucharist: and whereas the holy
fathers, both of the west and east church, have written both many
things and no less manifest of the same matter, yet will I bring forth
only Chrysostom. The place is this:

"That which is in the cup, is the same that flowed from the side of
Christ:

"But true and pure blood did flow from the side of Christ:

"Ergo, His true and pure blood is in the cup."

Ridley.--"It is his true blood which is in the chalice, I grant, and
the same which sprang from the side of Christ. But how? It is blood
indeed, but not after the same manner, after which it sprang from his
side. For here is the blood, but by way of a sacrament.-- Again I say,
like as the bread of the sacrament and of thanksgiving is called the
body of Christ given for us; so the cup of the Lord is called the
blood which sprang from the side of Christ: but that sacramental bread
is called the body, because it is the sacrament of his body. Even so
likewise the cup is called the blood also, which flowed out of
Christ's side, because it is the sacrament of that blood which flowed
out of his side, instituted of the Lord himself for our singular
commodity; namely, for our spiritual nourishment: like as baptism is
ordained in water to spiritual regeneration."

Curtop.--"The sacrament of the blood is not the blood."

Ridley.--"The sacrament of the blood is the blood; and that is
attributed to the sacrament, which is spoken of the thing of the
sacrament."

(Here Weston repeateth Curtop's argument in English.)

Weston.--"That which is in the chalice, is the same which flowed out
of Christ's side.

"But there came out very blood:

"Ergo, There is very blood in the chalice."

Ridley.--"The blood of Christ is in the chalice indeed, but not in the
real presence, but by grace, and in a sacrament."

Weston.--"That is very well. Then we have blood in the chalice."

Ridley.--"It is true; but by grace, and in a sacrament."

(Here the people hissed at him.)

Ridley.--"O my masters! I take this for no judgment: I will stand to
God's judgment."

Watson.--"Good sir, I have determined to have respect of the time, and
to abstain from all those things which may hinder the entrance of our
disceptation: and therefore first I ask this question: When Christ
said in John vi., He that eateth my flesh, &c., doth he signify in
those words the eating of his true and natural flesh, or else of the
bread and symbol?"

Ridley.--"I understand that place of the very flesh of Christ to be
eaten, but spiritually: and further I say, that the sacrament also
pertaineth unto the spiritual manducation: for without the spirit to
eat the sacrament, is to eat it unprofitably; for whoso eateth not
spiritually, he eateth his own condemnation."

Watson.--"I ask then, whether the eucharist be a sacrament?"

Ridley.--"The eucharist, taken for a sign or symLol, is a sacrament."

Watson.--"Is it instituted of God?"

Ridley.--"It is instituted of God."

Watson.--"Where?"

Ridley.--"In the supper."

Watson.--"With what words is it made a sacrament?"

Ridley.--"By the words and deeds which Christ said and did, and
commanded us to say and do the same."

Watson.--"It is a thing commonly received of all, that the sacraments
of the new law give grace to them that worthily receive."

Ridley.--"True it is, that grace is given by the sacrament; but as by
an instrument. The inward virtue and Christ give the grace through the
sacrament."

Watson.--"What is a sacrament?"

Ridley.--"I remember there be many definitions of a sacrament in
Augustine: but I will take that which seemeth most fit to this present
purpose. A sacrament is a visible sign of invisible grace."

Watson.--"Ergo, grace is given to the receivers."

Ridley.--"The society or conjunction with Christ through the Holy
Ghost is grace; and by the sacrament we are made the members of the
mystical body of Christ, for that by the sacrament the part of the
body is grafted in the head."

Watson.--"But there is difference between the mystical body and
natural body."

Ridley.--"There is, I grant you, a difference; but the head of them
both is one."

Watson.--"The eucharist is a sacrament of the New Testament:

"Ergo, It hath a promise of grace.

"But no promise of grace is made to bread and wine:

"Ergo, Bread and wine be not the sacraments of the New Testament."

Ridley.--"I grant that grace pertaineth to the eucharist, according to
this saying, The bread which we break, is it not the communication or
partaking of the body of Christ? And like as he that eateth and he
that drinketh unworthily the sacrament of the body and blood of the
Lord, eateth and drinketh his own damnation; even so he that eateth
and drinketh worthily, eateth life, and drinketh life. I grant also
that there is no promise made to bread and wine. But inasmuch as they
are sanctified, and made the sacraments of the body and blood of the
Lord, they have a promise of grace annexed unto them;'namely, of
spiritual partaking of the body of Christ to be communicated and
given, not to the bread and wine, but to them which worthily do
receive the sacrament."

Watson.--"If the substance of bread and wine do remain, then the
society betwixt Christ and us is promised to them that take bread and
wine.

"But that society is not promised to bread and wine, but to the
receivers of the flesh and blood.

"Ergo, The substance of bread and wine remaineth not."

Ridley.--"The promise undoubtedly is made to the flesh and blood, but
the same is to be received in the sacrament through faith."

Watson.--"Every sacrament hath a promise of grace annexed unto it: but
bread and wine have not a promise of grace annexed unto them:

"Ergo, The bread and wine are not sacraments."

Ridley.--"True it is, every sacrament hath grace annexed unto it
instrumentally. But there is divers understanding of this word 'hath:'
for the sacrament hath not grace included in it; but to those that
receive it well, it is turned to grace. After that manner the water in
baptism hath grace promised, and by that grace the Holy Spirit is
given: not that grace is included in water, but that grace cometh by
water."

Watson.--"This promise is made to the flesh and blood of Christ; and
not to the bread and wine:

"Ergo, The sacrament is not bread and wine, but the body and blood of
Christ."

Ridley.--"There is no promise made to him that taketh common bread and
common wine; but to him that receiveth the sanctified bread, and bread
of the communion, there is a large promise of grace made: neither is
the promise given to the symbols, but to the thing of the sacrament.
But the thing of the sacrament is the flesh and blood."

Watson.--"Every sacrament of the New Testament giveth grace, promised
of God to those that worthily receive it."

Ridley.--"This sacrament hath a promise of grace, made to those that
receive it worthily, because grace is given by it, as by an
instrument; not that Christ hath transfused grace into the bread and
wine."

Watson.--"But this promise which is made, is not but to those that
worthily receive the flesh and blood; not the bread and wine."

Ridley.--"That proposition of yours hath a divers understanding. There
is no promise made to them that receive common bread, as it were; but
to those that worthily receive the sanctified bread, there is a
promise of grace made, like as Origen doth testify."

Watson.--"Where is that promise made?"

Ridley.--"The bread which we break, is it not a communication of the
body of Christ? And we being many are one bread, one body of Christ."

Watson.--"What doth he mean by bread in that place?"

Ridley.--"The bread of the Lord's table, the communion of the body of
Christ."

Watson.--"Hearken what Chrysostom saith upon that place: 'The bread
which we break, is it not the communication of Christ's body?'
Wherefore did he not say participation? Because he would signify some
greater matter, and that he would declare a great convenience and
conjunction betwixt the same. For we do not communicate by
participation only and receiving, but also by co-uniting; for likewise
as that body is co-united to Christ, so also we, by the same bread,
are conjoined and united to him."

Ridley.--"Let Chrysostom have his manner of speaking, and his
sentence. If it be true, I reject it not. But let it not be
prejudicial to me, to name it true bread."

Watson.--"'All,' saith Chrysostom, 'which sit together at one board,
do communicate together of one true body. What do I call,' saith he,
'this communicating? We are all the selfsame body. What doth bread
signify? The body of Christ. What be they that receive it? The body of
Christ: for many are but one body.' Chrysostom doth interpret this
place against you: 'All we be one bread and one mystical body, which
do participate together one bread of Christ.'"

Ridley.--"All we be one mystical body, which do communicate of one
Christ in bread, after the efficacy of regeneration, or quickening."

Watson.--"Of what manner of bread speaketh he?"

Ridley.--"Of the bread of the Lord's table."

Watson.--"Is not that bread one?"

Ridley.--"It is one of the church being one; because one bread is set
forth upon the table: and so of one bread all together do participate,
which communicate at the table of the Lord."

Watson.--"See how absurdly you speak. Do you say, all which be from
the beginning to the end of the world?"

Ridley.--"All, I say, which at one table together have communicated in
the mysteries might well so do. Albeit the heavenly and celestial
bread is likewise one also, whereof the sacramental bread is a
mystery: the which being one, all we together do participate."

Watson.--"A perverse answer. Which all? Mean you all Christian men?"

Ridley.--"I do distribute this word 'all;' for all were wont together
to communicate of the one bread divided into parts: all, I say, which
were in one congregation, and which all did communicate together at
one table."

Watson.--"What? Do you exclude then from the body of Christ all them
which did not communicate, being present?"

Fecknam.--"But Cyprian saith, 'Bread which no multitude doth consume:'
which cannot be understood but only of the body of Christ."

Ridley.--"Also Cyprian in this place did speak of the true body of
Christ, and not of material bread."

Fecknam.--"Nay, rather he did there entreat of the sacrament in that
tractation De Cœna Domini, writing upon the supper of the Lord."

Ridley.--"Truth it is, and I grant he entreateth there of the
sacrament: but, also, he doth admix something therewithal of the
spiritual manducation."

Smith.--"When the Lord saith, 'This is my body,' he useth no tropical
speech:

"Ergo, You are deceived."

Ridley.--"I deny your antecedent."

Smith.--"I bring here Augustine expounding these words, He was carried
in his own hands: How may this be understood to be done in man? For no
man is carried in his own hands, but in the hands of other. How this
may be understood of David after the letter, we do not find; of Christ
we find it. For Christ was borne in his own hands, when he saith,
'This is my body:' for he carried that same body in his own hands, &c.
Augustine here did not see how this place, after the letter, could be
understood of David; because no man can carry himself in his own
hands. Therefore,' saith he, 'this place is to be understood of Christ
after the letter.' For Christ carried himself in his own hands in his
supper, when he gave the sacrament to his disciples, saying, 'This is
my body.'"

Ridley.--"I deny your argument, and I explicate the same. Austin could
not find, after his own understanding, how this could be understood of
David after the letter. Austin goeth here from others in this
exposition, but I go not from him. But let this exposition of Austin
be granted to you; although I know this place of Scripture be
otherwise read of other men, after the verity of the Hebrew text, and
it is also otherwise to be expounded. Yet, to grant to you this
exposition of Austin, I say yet, notwithstanding, it maketh nothing
against my assertion: for Christ did bear himself in his own hands,
when he gave the sacrament of his body to be eaten of his disciples."

Smith.--"Ergo, It is true of Christ after the letter, that he was
borne in his own hands."

Ridley.--"He was borne literally, and after that letter which was
spoken of David: but not after the letter of these words, Hoc est
corpus meum."

"I grant that St. Austin saith, that it is not found literally of
David, that he carried himself in his own hands, and that it is found
of Christ. But this word ad literam, literally, you do not well refer
to that which was borne, but rather it ought to be referred to him
that did bear it. St. Augustine's meaning is this; that it is not read
any where in the Bible, that this carnal David, the son of Jesse, did
bear himself in his hands; but of that spiritual David, that overthrew
Goliath the devil, (that is, of Christ our Saviour, the Son of the
Virgin,) it may well be found literally, that he bare himself in his
own hands after a certain manner, namely, in carrying the sacrament of
himself. And note, that St. Austin hath these words, quodam modo,
after a certain manner; which manifestly declare, how the doctor's
meaning is to be taken."

Smith--"When then was he borne in his own hands; and after what
letter?"

Ridley.--"He was borne in the supper sacramentally, when he said,
'This is my body.'"

Smith.--"Every man may bear in his own hands a figure of his body. But
Augustine denieth that David could carry himself in his hands:

"Ergo, He speaketh of no figure of his body."

Ridley.--"If Austin could have found in all the Scripture, that David
had carried the sacrament of his body, then he would never have used
that exposition of Christ."

Smith.--"But he did bear himself in his own hands.

"Ergo, He did not bear a figure only."

Ridley.--"He did bear himself, but in a sacrament: and Austin
afterward addeth, quodam modo, that is, sacramentally."

Smith.--"You understand not what Austin meant when he said, quodam
modo; for he meant, that he did bear his very true body in that
supper, not in figure and form of a body, but in form and figure of
bread.

"Ergo, You are holden fast, neither are you able to escape out of this
labyrinth."

Dr. Weston repeated this place again in English: which done, then Dr.
Tresham began thus to speak, moved (as it seemed to Master Ridley)
with great zeal; and desired that he might be in the stead of John
Baptist, in converting the hearts of the fathers, and in reducing the
said Bishop Ridley again to the mother church. Now at the first, not
knowing the person, he thought he had been some good old man, which
had the zeal of God, although not according to knowledge, and began to
answer him with mansuetude and reverence: but afterward he smelled a
fox under a sheep's clothing.

Tresham.--"God Almighty grant that it may be fulfilled in me, that was
spoken by the prophet Malachi of John Baptist, Which may turn the
hearts of the fathers to the children, and the hearts of the children
to their fathers, that you at length may be converted. The wise man
saith, Son, honour thy father, and reverence thy mother: but you
dishonour your Father in heaven, and pollute your mother the holy
church here on earth, while ye set nought by her."

Ridley. -- "These by-words do pollute your school."

Tresham.--"If there were an Arian which had that subtle wit that you
have, he might soon shift off the authority of the Scriptures and
fathers."

Weston.--"Either dispute, or else hold your peace, I pray you."

Tresham.--"I bring a place here out of the council of Lateran, the
which council, representing the universal church, wherein were
congregated three hundred bishops, and seventy metropolitans, besides
a great multitude of others, decreed that bread and wine, by the power
of God's word, was transubstantiate into the body and blood of the
Lord. Therefore whosoever saith contrary, cannot be a child of the
church, but a heretic."

Ridley.--"Good sir, I have heard what you have cited out of the
council of Lateran, and remember that there was a great multitude of
bishops and metropolitans, as you said: but yet you have not numbered
how many abbots, priors, and friars were in that council, who were to
the number of eight hundred."

One of the scribes.--"What! will you deny then the authority of that
council, for the multitude of those priors?"

Ridley.--"No, sir, not so much for that cause, as for that,
especially, because the doctrine of that council agreed not with the
word of God, as it may well appear by the acts of that council, which
was holden under Innocent the Third, a man (if we believe the
histories) most pernicious to the church and commonwealth of Christ."

Tresham.--"What! do you not receive the council of Lateran?" Whereupon
he, with certain others, cried, "Write, write."

Ridley.--"No, sir, I receive not that council; write, and write
again."

Tresham.--"Evil men do eat the natural body of Christ; ergo, the true
and natural body of Christ is on the altar."

Ridley.--"Evil men do eat the very true and natural body of Christ
sacramentally, and no further; as St. Augustine saith. But good men do
eat the very true body, both sacramentally, and spiritually by grace."

Tresham.--"I prove the contrary, by St. Augustine: 'Like as Judas, to
whom the Lord gave the morsel, did offend, not in taking a thing that
was evil, but in receiving it after an evil manner,' &c. And a little
after, 'Because some do not eat unto salvation, it followeth not,
therefore, that it is not his body.'"

Ridley.--"It is the body to them, that is, the sacrament of the body:
and Judas took the sacrament of the Lord to his condemnation. Austin
hath distinguished these things well in another place, where he saith,
'The bread of the Lord, the bread the Lord. Evil men eat the bread of
the Lord, but not the bread the Lord. But good men eat both the bread
of the Lord, and bread the Lord.'"

Weston.--"Paul saith, the body, and you say, the sacrament of the
body."

Ridley.--"Paul meaneth so indeed."

Watson.--"You understand it evil concerning the sign: for the fathers
say, that evil men do eat him which descended from heaven."

Ridley.--"They eat him indeed, but sacramentally. The fathers use many
times the sacrament for the matter of the sacrament, and all that same
place maketh against you:" and so here he cited the place."

Weston.--"I bring Theophylact, which saith, that Judas did taste the
body of the Lord. 'The Lord did show the cruelty of Judas, who, when
he was rebuked, did not understand, and tasted the Lord's flesh,'"&c.

Ridley.--"This phrase to divines is well known, and used of the
doctors: 'He tasted the flesh of the Lord insensibly;' that is, the
sacrament of the Lord's flesh."

Weston.--"Chrysostom saith, that the same punishment remaineth to them
which receive the body of the Lord unworthily, as to them which
crucified him."

Ridley.--"That is, because they defile the Lord's body: for evil men
do eat the body of Christ sacramentally, but good men eat both the
sacrament, and the matter of the sacrament."

Watson.--"You reject the council of Lateran, because (you say) it
agreeth not with God's word. What say you then to the council of Nice?
The words of the council be these: 'Let us not look a-low by the
ground, upon the bread and the drink set before us, but, lifting up
our mind, let us faithfully believe, there upon that holy table to lie
the Lamb of God taking away the sins of the world, being sacrificed of
the priests.'"

Ridley.--"That council was collected out of ancient fathers; and is to
me a great authority; for it with, 'that bread is set upon the altar,
and having our minds lifted up, we must consider him which is in
heaven.' The words of the council make for me."

Watson.--"With a mind exalted: that is, not as brute beasts at the
rack or manger, having an eye only upon the thing that is set before
them. 'The Lamb of God lieth on the table,' saith the council."

Ridley.--"The Lamb of God is in heaven, according to the verity of the
body: and here he is with us in a mystery, according to his power; not
corporally."

Watson.--"But the Lamb of God lieth on the table."

Ridley.--"It is a figurative speech; for in our mind we understand him
which is in heaven."

Watson.--"But he lieth there, the Greek word is ?e?ta?[Greek:keitai].

Ridley.--"He lieth there; that is, he is there present: not
corporally, but he lieth there by his operation."

Watson.--"He lieth; but his operation lieth not."

Ridley.--"You think very grossly of the sitting or lying of the
celestial Lamb on the table of the Lord: for we may not imagine any
such sitting or lying upon the table, as the reason of man would
judge: but all things are here to be understood spiritually. For that
heavenly Lamb is (as I confess) on the table; but by a spiritual
presence, by grace, and not after any corporal substance of his flesh
taken of the Virgin Mary. And indeed the same canon doth very plainly
teach, that the bread which is set on the table is material bread; and
therefore it (the canon I mean) commandeth that we should not creep on
the ground in our cogitation, to those things which are set before us;
as who should say, what other things are they (as much as pertaineth
to their true substance) than bread and wine? 'But rather,' saith the
canon, 'lifting up our minds into heaven, let us consider with faith
the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sins of the world, sitting or
lying upon the table.' 'For a lifted-up faith,' saith he, 'seeth him
which sitteth on the right hand of God the Father, after the true
manner of a body set by grace on the Lord's table, and taking away the
sins of the world. For I think you mean not so; as though the Lamb did
lie there prostrate with his members spread upon the table.'"

Smith.--"I bring another place out of the council of Nice: 'None of
the apostles said, this is a figure of the body of Christ: none of the
reverend elders said, the unbloody sacrifice of the altar to be a
figure.'

"Ergo, You are deceived."

Ridley.--"This canon is not in the council of Nice; for I have read
over this council many times."

Then came in another, whom Master Ridley knew not, and said: "The
universal church both of the Greeks and Latins, of the east and of the
west, have agreed in the council of Florence uniformly in the doctrine
of the sacrament; that in the sacrament of the altar there is the true
and real body."

Ridley.--"I deny the Greek and the east church to have agreed either
in the council at Florence, or at any time else, with the Romish
church in the doctrine of transubstantiation of bread into the body of
Christ. For there was nothing in the council of Florence, wherein the
Greeks would agree with the Romanists; albeit hitherto I confess it
was left free for every church to use, as they were wont, leavened or
unleavened bread."

Here cried out Dr. Cole, and said, they agreed together concerning
transubstantiation of bread into the body of Christ. Master Ridley
said that could not be.

Here started up another unknown to Master Ridley, but thought to be
one of the scribes, who affirmed with him, that indeed there was
nothing decreed concerning transubstantiation; but the council left
that, as a matter not meet nor worthy to disturb the peace and concord
of the church; to whom Master Ridley answered again, saying, that he
said the truth.

Pie.--"What say you to that council, where it is said, that the priest
doth offer an unbloody sacrifice of the body of Christ?"

Ridley.--"I say, it is well said, if it be rightly understood."

Pie.--"But he offereth an unbloody sacrifice."

Ridley.--"It is called unbloody, and is offered after a certain
manner, and in a mystery, and as a representation of that bloody
sacrifice; and he doth not lie, who saith Christ to be offered."

Weston.--"I, with one argument, will throw down to the ground your
opinion, out of Chrysostom, and I will teach, not only a figure, and a
sign or grace only, but the very same body, which was here conversant
on the earth, to be in the eucharist.

"We worship the selfsame body in the eucharist which the wise men did
worship in the manger.

"But that was his natural and real body, not spiritual:

"Ergo, The real body of Christ is in the eucharist.

"Again, the same Chrysostom saith, 'We have not here the Lord in the
manger, but on the altar. Here a woman holdeth him not in her hands,
but a priest.'"

Ridley.--"We worship, I confess, the same true Lord and Saviour of the
world, which the wise men worshipped in the manger; howbeit we do it 
in a mystery; and in the sacrament of the Lord's supper, and that in
spiritual liberty, as saith St. Augustine, not in carnal servitude;
that is, we do not worship servilely the signs for the things: for
that should be, as he also saith, a part of a servile infirmity. But
we behold with the eyes of faith him present after grace, and
spiritually set upon the table; and we worship him which sitteth
above, and is worshipped of the angels. For Christ is always assistant
to his mysteries, as the said Augustine saith. And the Divine Majesty,
as saith Cyprian, doth never absent itself from the Divine mysteries;
but this assistance and presence of Christ, as in baptism it is wholly
spiritual, and by grace, and not by any corporal substance of the
flesh: even so it is here in the Lord's supper, being rightly and
according to the word of God duly ministered."

Weston.--"That which the woman did hold in her womb, the same thing
holdeth the priest."

Ridley.--"I grant the priest holdeth the same thing, but after another
manner. She did hold the natural body; the priest holdeth the mystery
of the body."

(Weston repeated again his argument out of Chrysostom in English.)

Ridley.--"I say that the author meant it spiritually."

(Weston here, dissolving the disputations, had these words: "Here you
see the stubborn, the glorious, the crafty, the unconstant mind of
this man. Here you see, this day, that the strength of the truth is
without foil. Therefore I beseech you all most earnestly to blow the
note, (and he began, and they followed,) 'Verity hath the victory,'
'Verity hath the victory.'"

$

252. DISPUTATION OF LATIMER AT OXFORD

 AFTER these disputations of Bishop Ridley ended, next was brought out
Master Hugh Latimer to dispute, upon Wednesday, which was the
eighteenth day of April; which disputation began at eight of the
clock, in such form as before: but it was most in English. For Master
Latimer, the answerer, alleged that he was out of use with the Latin,
and unfit for that place.

There replied unto him Master Smith of Oriel college; Dr. Cartwright,
Master Harpsfield, and divers others, had snatches at him, and gave
him bitter taunts. He escaped not hissings and scornful laughings, no
more than they that went before him. He was very faint, and desired
that he might not long tarry. He durst not drink for fear of vomiting.
The disputation ended before eleven of the clock. Master Latimer was
not suffered to read what he had (as he said) painfully written: but
it was exhibited up, and the prolocutor read part thereof, and so
proceeded unto the disputation.

(The preface of Weston unto the disputation following.)

Weston.--"Men and brethren! we are come together this day, (by the
help of God,) to vanquish the strength of the arguments, and dispersed
opinions of adversaries, against the truth of the real presence of the
Lord's body in the sacrament. And therefore, you father, if you have
any thing to answer, I do admonish you that you answer in short and
few words."

Latimer.--"I pray you, good Master Prolocutor, do not exact that of
me, which is not in me, I have not these twenty years much used the
Latin tongue."

Weston.--"Take your ease, father."

Latimer.--"I thank you, sir, I am well; let me here protest my faith,
for I am not able to dispute; and afterwards do your pleasure with
me."

The protestation of Master Hugh Latimer, given up in writing to Dr.
Weston.

"The conclusions whereunto I must answer are these:

"The first is, that in the sacrament of the altar, by the virtue of
God's word pronounced by the priest, there is really present the
natural body of Christ, conceived of the Virgin Mary, under the kinds
of the appearance of bread and wine: in like manner his blood.

"The second is, that after consecration there remaineth no substance
of bread and wine, nor any other substance, but the substance of God
and man.

"The third is, that in the mass there is the lively sacrifice of the
church, which is propitiable, as well for the sins of the quick, as of
the dead.

"Concerning the first conclusion, methinketh it is set forth with
certain new-found terms that be obscure, and do not sound according to
the speech of the Scripture. Howbeit, howsoever I understand it, this
I do answer plainly, though not without peril -- I answer, I say, that
to the right celebration of the Lord's supper there is no other
presence of Christ required, than a spiritual presence: and this
presence is sufficient for a Christian man, as a presence by which we
abide in Christ, and Christ abided in us, to the obtaining of eternal
life, if we persevere. And this same presence may be called most fitly
a real presence; that is, a presence not feigned, but a true and a
faithful presence: which thing I here rehearse, lest some sycophant or
scorner should suppose me, with the Anabaptists, to make nothing else
of the sacrament, but a naked and a bare sign. As for that which is
feigned of many, concerning their corporal presence, I, for my part,
take it but for a papistical invention; therefore think it utterly to
be rejected.

"Concerning the second conclusion, I dare be bold to say, that it hath
no stay or ground in God's word, but is a thing invented and found out
by man; and therefore to be taken as fond and false: and I had almost
said, as the mother and nurse of the other errors. It were good for
any lords and masters of the transubstantiation, to take heed lest
they conspire with the Nestorians, for I do not see how they can avoid
it.

"The third conclusion (as I do understand it) seemeth subtlely to sow
sedition against the offering which Christ himself offered for us in
his own proper person, according to that pithy place of Paul, where he
saith, That Christ, his own self, hath made purgation of our sins. And
afterward, That he might, saith he, be a merciful bishop, concerning
those things which are to be done with God, for the taking away of our
sins. So that the expiation or taking away of our sins, may be thought
rather to depend on this, that Christ was an offering bishop, than
that he was offered, were it not that he was offered of himself: and
therefore it is needless that he should be offered of any other. I
will speak nothing of the wonderful presumption of man, to dare to
attempt this thing without a manifest vocation, specially in that it
tendeth to the overthrowing and making fruitless (if not wholly, yet
partly) of the cross of Christ; for truly it is no base or mean thing
to offer Christ. And therefore worthily a man may say to my lords and
masters the offerers, By what authority do ye this, and who gave you
this authority? -- Where? when?-- A man cannot, saith the Baptist,
take any thing except it be given him from above: much less then may
any man presume to usurp any honour, before he be thereto called.
Again, If any man sin, saith St. John, we have, saith he,--(not a
master or offerer at home, which can sacrifice for us at mass; but we
have, saith he,) an advocate, Jesus Christ, which once offered himself
long ago; of which offering the efficacy and effect is perdurable for
ever, so that it is needless to have such offerers.

"What meaneth Paul, when he saith, They that serve at the altar are
partakers of the altar? and so addeth, So the Lord hath ordained, that
they that preach the gospel, shall live of the gospel.-- Whereas he
should have said, The Lord hath ordained, that they that sacrifice at
mass, should live of their sacrificing; that there might be a living
assigned to our sacrificers now, as was before Christ's coming, to the
Jewish priests. For now they have nothing to allege for their living,
as they that be preachers have. So that it appeareth, that the
sacrificing priesthood is changed by God's ordinance into a preaching
priesthood; and the sacrificing priesthood should cease utterly,
saving inasmuch as all Christian men are sacrificing priests.

"The supper of the Lord was instituted to provoke us to thanksgiving
for the offering which the Lord himself did offer for us, much rather
than that our offerers should do there as they do. Feed, saith Peter,
as much as ye may, the flock of Christ: nay, rather, let us sacrifice
as much as we may, for the flock of Christ. If so be the matter he as
now men make it, I can never wonder enough, that Peter would or could
forget this office of sacrificing, which, at this day, is in such a
price and estimation that to feed is almost nothing with many. If thou
cease from feeding the flock, how shalt thou be taken? Truly, catholic
enough. But if thou cease from sacrificing and massing, how will that
be taken? At the least, I warrant thee, thou shalt be called a
heretic. And whence, I pray you, come these papistical judgments?
except, perchance, they think a man feedeth the flock, in sacrificing
for them: and then what needeth there any learned pastors? For no man
is so foolish, but soon may he learn to sacrifice and mass it.

"Thus, lo! I have taken the more pains to write, because I refused to
dispute, in consideration of my debility thereunto: that all men may
know, how that I have so done not without great pains, having not any
man to help me, as I have never before been debarred to have. Oh, sir!
you may chance to live till you come to this age and weakness that I
am of. I have spoken in my time before two kings more than once, two
or three hours together, without interruption; but now, that I may
speak the truth, (by your leave,) I could not be suffered to declare
my mind before you, no, not by the space of a quarter of an hour,
without snatches, revilings, checks, rebukes, taunts, such as I have
not felt the like, in such an audience, all my life long.

"Surely it cannot be but a heinous offence that I have given. But what
was it? Forsooth I had spoken of the four marrow-hones of the mass;
the which kind of speaking I never read to be a sin against the Holy
Ghost. I could not be allowed to show what I meant by my metaphor;
but, sir, now, by your favour, I will tell your mastership what I
mean:" The first, is 'the popish consecration,' which hath been called
a god's body-making. The second, is 'transubstantiation.' The third,
is the 'Missal oblation.' The fourth, 'adoration.'

"These chief and principal portions, parts, and points, belonging or
incident to the mass, and most esteemed and had in price in the same,
I call 'the marrow-bones of the mass;' which indeed you, by force,
might, and violence, intrude in sound of words in some of the
Scripture, with racking and cramping, injuring and wronging the same:
but else, indeed, plain out of the Scripture, as I am thoroughly
persuaded; although in disputation I now could nothing do to persuade
the same to others, being both unapt to study, and also to make a show
of my former study, in such readiness as should be requisite to the
same.

"I have heard much talk of Master Doctor Weston to and fro in my time:
but I never knew your person to my knowledge, till I came before you,
as the queen's Majesty's commissioner. I pray God send you so right
judgment, as I perceive you have a great wit, the great learning, with
many other qualities. God give you grace ever well to use them, and
ever to have in remembrance, that he that dwelleth on high, looketh on
the low things on the earth; and that there is no counsel against the
Lord; and also that this world hath been, and yet is, a tottering
world. And yet again, that though we must obey the princes, yet that
hath this limitation; namely, in the Lord. For whoso doth obey them
against the Lord, they be most pernicious to them, and the greatest
adversaries that they have; for they so procure God's vengeance upon
them, if God be only the ruler of things.

"There be some so corrupt in mind, the truth being taken from them,
that they think gain to be godliness; great learned men, and yet men
of no learning, but of railing, and raging about questions and strife
of words. I call them men of no learning, because they know not
Christ, how much else soever they know. And on this sort we are wont
to call great learned clerks, being ignorant of Christ, unlearned men;
for it is nothing but plain ignorance, to know any thing without
Christ: whereas whoso knoweth Christ, the same hath knowledge enough,
although in other knowledge he be to seek. The apostle St. Paul
confesseth of himself to the Corinthians, that he did know nothing but
Jesus Christ crucified. Many men babble many things of Christ which
yet know not Christ; but, pretending Christ, do craftily colour and
darken his glory. Depart from such men, saith the apostle St. Paul to
Timothy.

"It is not out of the way to remember what St. Augustine saith. The
place where, I now well remember not, except it be against the
epistles of Petilian 'Whosoever,' saith he, 'teacheth any thing
necessarily to be believed, which is not contained inthe Old and New
Testament, the same is accursed.' Oh! beware of this curse if you be
wise. I am much deceived if Basil have not such like words:
'Whatsoever,' saith he, 'is beside the Holy Scripture, if the same be
taught as necessarily to be believed, that is sin.' Oh therefore take
heed of this sin!

"There be some that speak many false things more probable, and more
like to the truth, than the truth itself. Therefore Paul giveth a
watchword: Let no man, saith he, deceive you with probability and
persuasions of words.--'But what mean you,' saith one, 'by this talk
so far from the matter?' Well, I hope, good masters, you will suffer
an old man a little to play the child, and to speak one thing twice. O
Lord God!-- you have changed the most holy communion into a private
action; and you deny to the laity the Lord's cup, contrary to Christ's
commandment. And you do blemish the annunciation of the Lord's death
till he come; for you have changed the common prayer, called the
divine service, with the administration of the sacraments, from the
vulgar and known language, into a strange tongue, contrary to the will
of the Lord revealed in his word. God open the door of your heart, to
see the things you should see herein! I would as fain obey my
sovereign as any in this realm; but, in these things, I can never do
it with an upright conscience. God be merciful unto us. Amen!"

Weston.--"Then refuse you to dispute? Will you here then subscribe?"

Latimer.--"No, good master; I pray be good to an old man. You may, if
it please God, be once old, as I am: you may come to this age, and to
this debility."

Weston.--"Ye said, upon Saturday last, that ye could not find the
mass, nor the marrow-bones thereof, in your book: but we will find a
mass in that book."

Latimer.--"No, good Master Doctor, ye cannot."

Weston.--"What find you then there?"

Latimer.--"Forsooth, a communion I find there."

Weston.--"Which communion?-- the first or the last?"

Latimer.--"I find no great diversity in them; they are one supper of
the Lord; but I like the last very well."

Weston.--"Then the first was naught, belike."

Latimer.--"I do not well remember wherein they differ."

Weston.--"Then cake-bread and loaf-bread are all one with you. Ye call
it the supper of the Lord, but you are deceived in that: for they had
done the supper before, and therefore the Scripture saith, after they
had supped: For ye know that St. Paul findeth fault with the
Corinthians, for that some of them were drunken at this supper; and ye
know no man can be drunken at our communion."

Latimer.--"The first was called The Jewish supper,' when they did eat
the paschal lamb together; the other was called 'The Lord's supper.'"

Weston.--"That is false; for Chrysostom denieth that. And St. Ambrose,
on I Cor. x., saith, that 'the mystery of the sacrament, given as they
were at supper, is not the supper of the Lord.' And Gregory Nazianzen
saith the same: 'Again he kept the holy feast of passover with his
disciples in the dining chamber, after the supper, and one day before
his passion. But we keep it both in the churches and houses of prayer,
both before the supper, and also after the resurrection. And that
first supper was called a?ap? [Greek: agape]: can you tell what that
is?"

Latimer.--"I understand no Greek: yet I think it meaneth charity."

Weston.--"Will you have all things done that Christ did then? Why,
then, must the priest be hanged on the morrow.-- And where find you, I
pray you, that a woman should receive the sacrament?"

Latimer.--"Will you give me leave to turn my book: I find it in 1 Cor.
xi. I trow these be his words: probet autem seipsum homo, &c.-- I pray
you, good master, what gender is homo?"

Weston.--"Marry, the common gender."

Cole.--"It is in the Greek, ? a????p?? [o anthropos]."

Harpsfield.--"It is a??? [anes], that is, vir."

Latimer.--"It is in my book of Erasmus's translation, probet seipsum
homo."

Fecknam.--"It is probet seipsum indeed, and therefore it importeth the
masculine gender."

Latimer.--"What then? I trow when the woman touched Christ, he said,
Who touched me? I know that some man touched me."

Weston.--"I will be at host with you anon.--cWhen Christ was at his
supper, none were with him but his apostles only: ergo, he meant no
woman, if you will have his institution kept."

Latimer.--"In the twelve apostles was represented the whole church, in
which you will grant both men and women to be."

Weston.--"So through the whole heretically translated Bible ye never 
make mention of priest, till ye come to the putting of Christ to
death. Where find you then that a priest or minister (a minstrel, I
may call him well enough) should do it of necessity?"

Latimer.--"A minister is a more fit name for that office; for the name
of a priest importeth a sacrifice."

Weston.--"Well, remember that ye cannot find that a woman may receive
by Scripture. Master Opponent, fall to it."

Smith.--"Because I perceive that this charge is laid upon my neck to
dispute with you: to the end that the same may go forward after a
right manner and order, I will propose three questions, so as they are
put forth unto me. And first I ask this question of you, although the
same indeed ought not to be called in question; but such is the
condition of the church, that it is always vexed of the wicked sort. I
ask, I say, whether Christ's body be really in the sacrament?"

Latimer.--"I trust I have obtained of Master Prolocutor, that no man
shall exact that thing of me, which is not in me. And I am sorry that
this worshipful audience should be deceived of their expectation for
my sake. I have given up my mind in writing to Master Prolocutor."

Smith.--"Whatsoever ye have given up, it shall be registered among the
acts."

Latimer.--"Disputation requireth a good memory; my memory is gone
clean, and marvellously weakened, and never the better, I wis, for the
prison.

Weston.--"How long have ye been in prison?"

Latimer.--"These three quarters of this year."

Weston.--"And I was in prison six years."

Latimer.--"The more pity, sir."

Weston.--"How long have you been of this opinion?"

Latimer.--"It is not long, sir, that I have been of this opinion."

Weston.--"The time hath been, when you said mass full devoutly."

Latimer.--"Yea, I cry God mercy heartily for it."

Weston.--"Where learned you this new-fangleness?"

Latimer.--"I have long sought for the truth in this matter of the
sacrament, and have not been of this mind past seven years: and my
Lord of Canterbury's book hath especially confirmed my judgment
herein. If I could remember all therein contained, I would not fear to
answer any man in this matter."

Tresham.--"There are in that book six hundred errors."

Weston.--"You were once a Lutheran."

Latimer.--"No, I was a papist: for I never could perceive how Luther
could defend his opinion without transubstantiation. The Zurichers
once did write a book against Luther, and I oft desired God, that he
might live so long to make them answer."

Weston.--"Luther, in his book De privata Missa, said, that the devil
reasoned with him, and persuaded him that the mass was not good.
Whereof it may appear, that Luther said mass, and the devil dissuaded
him from it."

Latimer.--"I do not take in hand here to defend Luther's sayings or
doings. If he were here, he would defend himself well enough, I trow.
I told you before, that I am not meet for disputations. I pray you
read mine answer, wherein I have declared my faith."

Weston.--"Do you believe this, as you have written?"

Latimer.--"Yea, sir."

Weston.--"Then have you no faith."

Latimer.--"Then would I be sorry, sir."

Tresham.--"It is written, Except ye shall eat the flesh of the Son of
man, and drink his blood, ye shall have no life in you. Which when the
Capernaites, and many of Christ's disciples, heard, they said, This is
a hard saying, &c. Now that the troth may the better appear, here I
ask of you, whether Christ, speaking these words, did mean of his 
flesh to be eaten with the mouth, or the spiritual eating of the
same?"

Latimer.--"I answer as Augustine understandeth: that Christ meant of
the spiritual eating of his flesh."

Tresham.--"Of what flesh meant Christ? his true flesh, or no?"

Latimer.--"Of his true flesh, spiritually to be eaten in the supper by
faith, and not corporally."

Tresham.--"Of what flesh mean the Capernaites?"

Latimer.--"Of his true flesh also; but to be taken with the mouth."

Tresham.--"They, as ye confess, did mean his true flesh to be taken
with the mouth. And Christ also, as I shall prove, did speak of the
receiving of his flesh with the mouth. Ergo, they both did understand
it of the eating of one thing, which is done by the mouth of the
body."

Latimer.--"I say, Christ understood it not of the bodily mouth, but of
the mouth of the spirit; mind, and heart."

Tresham.--"I prove the contrary, that Christ understandeth it of the
eating with the bodily mouth. For whereas custom is a right good
mistress and interpreter of things, and whereas the acts put in
practice by Christ, do certainly declare those things which he first
spake: Christ's deeds in his supper, where he gave his body to be
taken with the mouth, together with the custom which hath been ever
since that time, of that eating which is done with the mouth, doth
evidently infer that Christ did un-derstand his words, here cited of
me out of John vi., of the eating with the mouth."

Latimer.--"He gave not his body to be received with the mouth, but he
gave the sacrament of his body to be received with the mouth: he gave
the sacrament to the mouth, his body to the mind."

Tresham.--"But my reason doth conclude, that Christ spake concerning
his flesh to be received with the corporal mouth: for otherwise (which
God forbid) he had been a deceiver, and had not been offensive to the
Capernaites and his disciples, if he had not meant in this point as
they thought he meant: for if he had thought as you do feign, it had
been an easy matter for him to have said, You shall not eat my flesh
with your mouth, but the sacrament of my flesh; that is to say, ye
shall receive with your mouth not the thing itself, but the figure of
the thing; and thus he might have satisfied them: but so he said not,
but continued in the truth of his words, as he was wont. Therefore
Christ meant the selfsame thing that the Capernaites did, I mean
concerning the thing itself to be received with the mouth; videlicet,
that his true flesh is truly to be eaten with the mouth. Moreover,
forasmuch as you do expound for 'the body of Christ,' 'the sacrament
of the body of Christ,' and hereby do suppose that we obtain but a
spiritual union, or union of the mind between us and Christ, plain it
is, that you are deceived in this thing, and do err from the mind of
the fathers: for they affirm by plain and express words, that we are
corporally and carnally joined together. And these be the words of
Hilary: Therefore, if Christ did truly take the flesh of our body upon
him, and the same man be Christ indeed, which was born of Mary; then
we also do receive under a mystery the flesh of his body indeed, and
thereby shall become one; because-the Father is in him, and he in us.
How is the unity of will affirmed, when a natural propriety by the
sacrament is a perfect sacrament of unity?' Thus far hath Hilary. Lo!
here you see how manifestly these words confound your assertion. To be
short, I myself have heard you preaching at Greenwich before King
Henry the Eighth, where you did openly affirm, that no Christian man
ought to doubt of the true and real presence of Christ's body in the
sacrament, forasmuch as he had the word of Scripture on his side;
videlicet, This is my body; whereby he might be confirmed. But now
there is the same truth; the word of Scripture hath the selfsame thing
which it then had. Therefore why do you deny at this present that,
whereof it was not lawful once to doubt before, when you taught it?"

Latimer.--"Will you give me leave to speak?"

Tresham.--"Speak Latin, I pray you; for ye can do it, if ye list,
promptly enough."

Latimer.--"I cannot speak Latin so long and so largely. Master
Prolocutor hath given me leave to speak English. And as for the words
of Hilary, I think they make not so much for you. But he that shall
answer the doctors, had not need to be in my case, but should have
them in a readiness, and know their purpose. Melancthon saith, 'If the
doctors had foreseen that they should have been so taken in this
controversy, they would have written more plainly.'"

Smith.--"I will reduce the words of Hilary into the form of a
syllogism.

"Such as is the unity of our flesh with Christ's flesh, such, yea
greater, is the unity of Christ with the Father.

"But the unity of Christ's flesh with ours, is true and substantial:

"Ergo, The unity of Christ with the Father, is true and substantial."

Latimer.--"I understand you not."

Scion.--"I know your learning well enough, and how subtle ye be: I
will use a few words with you, and that out of Cyprian, De Cœna
Domini. 'The Old Testament doth forbid the drinking of blood. The New
Testament doth command the drinking and tasting of blood: but where
doth it command the drinking of blood?'"

Latimer.--"In these words, Drink ye all of this."

Seton.--"Then we taste true blood."

Latimer.--"We do taste true blood, but spiritually; and this is
enough."

Seton.--"Nay, the Old and New Testament in this do differ: for the one
doth command, and the other doth forbid, to drink blood."

Latimer.--"It is true as touching the matter; but not as touching the
manner of the thing."

Seton.--"Then there is no difference between the drinking of blood in
the New Testament, and that of the Old: for they also drank
spiritually."

Latimer.--"And we drink spiritually, also; but a more precious blood."

Weston.--"Augustine, upon the 45th Psalm, saith, 'Drink boldly the
blood which ye have poured out.'--Ergo, it is blood."

Latimer.--"I never denied it, nor ever will I go from it, but that we
drink the very blood of Christ indeed, but spiritually: for the same
St. Augustine saith, 'Believe, and thou hast eaten.'"

Weston.--"Nay, 'To believe, is not to drink or eat.' You will not
say,I pledge you, when I say, I believe in God."

Latimer.--"Is not 'to eat,' in your learning put for 'to believe?'"

Weston.--"I remember my lord chancellor demanded Master Hooper of
these questions, whether ''to eat,' were 'to believe;' and 'an altar,'
were Christ, in all the Scripture, &c.: and he answered, 'Yea.' Then
said my lord chancellor, 'Why then, We have an altar of which it is
not lawful to eat, is as much to say, We have a Christ in whom we may
not believe.'"

Tresham.--"'Believe, and thou hast eaten,' is spoken of the spiritual
eating."

Latimer.--"It is true, I do allow your saying; I take it so also."

Weston.--"We are commanded to drink blood in the new law.-- Ergo, it
is very blood."

Latimer.--"We drink blood, so as appertaineth to us to drink to our
comfort, in sacramental wine. We drink blood sacramentally: he gave us
his blood to drink spiritually: he went about to show, that as certain
as we drink wine, so certainly we drink his blood spiritually."

Weston.--"Do not you seem to be a papist, which do bring in new words,
not found in Scripture? Where find you that 'sacramentally,' in God's
book?"

Latimer.--"It is necessarily gathered upon Scripture."

Weston.--"The Old Testament doth forbid the tasting of blood, but the
New doth command

Latimer.--"It is true, not as touching the thing, but as touching the
manner thereof."

Weston.--"Hear, ye people, this is the argument:--

"That which was forbidden in the Old Testament, is commanded in the
New.

"To drink blood was forbidden in the Old Testament, and commanded in
the New:

"Ergo, It is very blood that we drink in the New."

Latimer.--"It is commanded spiritually to be drunk. I grant it is
blood drunk in the New Testament, but we receive it spiritually."

Pie.--"It was not forbidden spiritually in the old law."

Latimer.--"The substance of blood is drunk; but not in one manner."

Pie.--"It doth not require the same manner of drinking."

Latimer.--"It is the same thing, not the same manner. I have no more
to say."

[Here Weston cited the place of Chrysostom, of Judas's treason: "O the
madness of Judas He made bargain with the Jews for thirty pence to
sell Christ, and Christ offered him his blood, which he sold."]

Latimer.--"I grant he offered to Judas his blood, which he sold, but
in a sacrament."

Weston.--"Because ye can defend your doctors no better, ye shall see
what worshipful men ye hang upon, and one that hath been of your mind
shall dispute with you.-- Master Cartwright, I pray you dispute."

Cartwright.--"Reverend father, because it is given me in commandment
to dispute with you, I will do it gladly. But first understand, ere we
go any further, that I was in the same error that you are in: but I am
sorry for it, and do confess myself to have erred. I acknowledge mine
offence, and I wish and desire God, that you may also repent with me."

Latimer.--"Will you give me leave to tell what hath caused Master
Doctor here to recant? It is 'the pain of the law,' which hath brought
you back, and converted you, and many more; the which letteth many to
confess God. And this is a great argument, there are few here can
dissolve it."

Cartwright.--"That is not my cause; but I will make you this short
argument, by which I was converted from mine errors.

"If the true body of Christ be not really in the sacrament, all the
whole church hath erred from the apostles' time.

"But Christ would not suffer his church to err:

"Ergo, It is the true body of Christ."

Latimer.--"The popish church hath erred, and doth err. I think for the
space of six or seven hundred years, there was no mention made of any
eating but spiritually: for, before these five hundred years, the
church did ever confess a spiritual manducation. But the Romish church
begat the error of transubstantiation. My Lord of Canterbury's book
handleth that very well, and by him I could answer you, if I had him."

Cartwright.--"Linus and all the rest do confess the body of Christ to
be in the sacrament: and St. Augustine also, upon Psalm xcviii., upon
this place, Adorate scabellum pedum, &c., granteth that it is to be
worshipped."

Latimer.--"We do worship Christ in the heavens, and we do worship him
in the sacrament: but the massing worship is not to be used.'

Smith.--"Do you think that Cyril was of the ancient church:"

Latimer.--"I do think so."

Smith --"He saith,' That Christ dwelleth in us corporally.' These be
Cyril's words of the mystical benediction."

Latimer.--"That 'corporally' hath another understanding than you do
grossly take it."

[Here Smith repeateth these words of Cyril, "By the communicating of
the body of Christ, Christ dwelleth in us corporally."]

Latimer.--"The solution of this, is in my Lord of Canterbury's book."

Smith.--"Cyril was no papist, and yet these be his words, 'Christ
dwelleth in us corporally:' but you say, be dwelleth in us
spiritually."

Latimer.--"I say, both; that he dwelleth in us both corporally and
spiritually, according to his meaning: spiritually by faith, and
corporally by taking our flesh upon him. For I remember I have read
this in my Lord of Canterbury's book."

Weston.--"Because your learning is let out to farm, and shut up in my
Lord of Canterbury's book, I will recite unto you a place of St.
Ambrose, where be saith, 'We see the chief priest coming unto us, and
offering blood,' &c. Likewise both Augustine on Psalm xxxviii., and
Chrysostom, concerning the incomprehensible nature of God, say, Non
solum homines, &c."

Latimer.--"I am not ashamed to acknowledge mine ignorance; and these
testimonies are more than I can bear away."

Weston.--"Then you must leave some behind you, for lack of carriage."

Latimer.--"But for Chrysostom, he hath many figurative speeches, and
emphatical locutions in many places; as in that which you have now
recited: but he saith not, 'For the quick and the dead:' He taketh the
celebration for the sacrifice."

Weston.--"You shall hear Chrysostom again, upon Acts ix., 'What say
you? The host in the hands of the priest,' &c.:-- He doth not call it
a cup of wine."

Latimer.--"Ye have mine answer there with you in a paper: and yet he
calleth it not, a propitiatory sacrifice."

Weston. You shall hear it to be so: and I bring another place of
Chrysostom out of the same treatise, 'It was not rashly instituted by
the apostles,' &c."

Latimer.--"He is too precious a thing for us to offer; he offereth 
himself."

Weston.--"here, in another place of Chrysostom to the people of
Antioch, and also to the Philippians, he saith, 'There should be a
memory and sacrifice for the dead.'"

Latimer.--"I do say, that the holy communion beareth the name of a
sacrifice, because it is a sacrifice memorative."

Weston.--"How say you to the sacrifice of the dead?"

Latimer.--"I say, that it needeth not, and it booteth not."

Weston.--"Augustine, in his Enchiridion, saith, 'We must not deny that
the souls of the dead are relieved by the devotion of their friends
which are living, when the sacrifice of the Mediator is offered for
them:'-- where he proveth the verity of Christ's body, and praying for
the dead. And it is said, that the same Augustine said mass for his
mother."

Latimer.--"But that mass was not like yours, which thing doth
manifestly appear in his writings, which are against it in every
place. And Augustine is a reasonable man, he requireth to be believed
no further than he bringeth Scripture for his proof, and agreeth with
God's word."

Weston.--"In the same place he proveth a propitiatory sacrifice, and
that upon an altar; and no oyster-board."

Latimer.--"It is the Lord's table, and no oyster-board. It may be
called an altar, and so the doctors call it in many places: but there
is no propitiatory sacrifice, but only Christ. The doctors might be
deceived in some points, though not in all things. I believe them when
they say well."

Cole.--"Is it not a shame for an old man to lie? You say, you are of
the old fathers' faith where they say well; and yet ye are not."

Latimer.--"I am of their faith when they say well. I refer myself to
my Lord of Canterbury's book wholly herein."

Smith.--"Then are not you of Chrysostom's faith, nor of St.
Augustine's faith."

Latimer.--"I have said, when they say well, and bring Scripture for
them, I am of their faith. And further Augustine requireth not to be
believed."

Weston.--"Origen, homily thirteen upon Leviticus--"

Latimer.--"I have but one word to say: 'the sacramental bread' is
called a propitiation, because it is a sacrament of the propitiation.
What is your vocation?"

Weston.--"My vocation is at this time to dispute; otherwise I am a
priest, and my vocation is to offer."

Latimer.--"Where have you that authority given you to offer?"

Weston.--"Hoc facite, Do this: for facite in that place, is taken for
offerte, that is, offer."

Latimer.--"Is facere nothing but 'to sacrifice?' Why, then, no man
must receive the sacrament bat priests only: for there may none other
offer but priests.--Ergo, there may none receive but priests."

Weston.--"Your argument is to be denied."

Latimer.--"Did Christ then offer himself at his supper?"

Pie.--"Yea, he offered himself for the whole world."

Latimer.--"Then if this word 'do ye,' signify 'sacrifice ye,' it
followeth, as I said, that none but priests only ought to receive the
sacrament, to whom it is only lawful to sacrifice: and where find you
that, I pray you?"

Weston.--"Forty year agone, whither could you have gone to have found
your doctrine?'"

Latimer.--"The more cause we have to thank God, that hath now sent the
light into the world."

Weston.--"The light? nay, light and lewd preachers; for you could not
tell what you might have. Ye altered and changed so often your
communions and altars; and all for this one end, to spoil and rob the
church."

Latimer.--"These things pertain nothing to me; I must not answer for
other men's deeds, but only for mine own."

Weston.--"Well, Master Latimer, this is our intent, to will you well,
and to exhort you to come to yourself, and remember, that without
Noah's ark there is no health. Remember what they have been, that were
the beginners of your doctrine; none but a few flying apostates,
running out of Germany for fear of the faggot. Remember what they have
been which have set forth the same in this realm: a sort of fling-
brains and light-heads, which were never constant in any one thing; as
it was to be seen in the turning of the table, where, like a sort of
apes, they could not tell which way to turn their tails, looking one
day west, and another day east; one that way, and another this way.
They will be like (they say) to the apostles, they will have no
churches. A hovel is good enough for them. They come to the communion
with no reverence. They get them a tankard, and one saith, I drink,
and I am thankful. The more joy of thee, saith another. And in them
was it true that Hilary saith, 'We make every year and every month a
faith.' A runagate Scot did take away the adoration or worshipping of
Christ in the sacrament, by whose procurement that heresy was put into
the last communion-book: so much prevailed that one man's authority at
that time. You never agreed with the Zurichers, or the Germans, or
with the church, or with yourself. Your stubbornness cometh of a vain-
glory, which is to no purpose: for it will do you no good when a
faggot is in your beard. And we see all, by your own confession, how
little cause you have to be stubborn, for your learning is in
feoffer's hold. The queen's Grace is merciful, if ye will turn."

Latimer.--"You shall have no hope in me to turn. I pray for the queen
daily, even from the bottom of my heart, that she may turn from this
religion."

Weston.--"Here you all see the weakness of heresy against the truth:
he denieth all truth, and all the old fathers."

Here all good readers may see, how this glorious prolocutor
triumpheth: but whether he hath the victory or no, that I suppose they
have yet neither heard nor seen.-- And give, that he had the victory,
yet what great marvel was it, disputing as he did, non sine suo
Theseo, that is, not without his tippling cup standing at his elbow
all the time of his disputation; not without a privy noting and
smiling of them that beheld the matter, but especially at that time,
when Dr. Ridley, disputing with one of the opponents, the said
prolocutor took the cup, and holding it in his hand, said to the
opponent, Urge hoc, urge hoc; nam hoc facie pro nobis. In which words,
as he moved no little matter of laughter to the beholders thereof, so
I thought here also not to leave the same unmentioned, somewhat also
to delight the reader withal, after his tedious weariness in reading
the story thereof.

$

253. DISPUTATION OF HARPSFIELD AT OXFORD

AND thus hast thou, loving reader, the whole action and stage of this
doctorly disputation showed forth unto thee, against these three
worthy confessors and martyrs of the Lord, wherein thou mayest behold
the disordered usage of the university-men, the unmannerly manner of
the school, the rude tumult of the multitude, the fierceness and
interruption of the doctors, the full pith and ground of all their
arguments, the censure of the judges, the railing language of the
oblocutor, with his blast of triumph in the latter end, being both the
actor, the moderator, and also judge himself. And what marvel then, if
the courage of this victorious conqueror, having the law in his own
hands, to do and say what him listed, would say for himself, Vicit
veritas, although he said never a true word, nor made ever a true
conclusion almost, in all that disputation.

It followeth furthermore, after disputation of these  three days being
ended, that Master Harpsfield, the next day after, which was the 19th
of April, should dispute for his form, to be made doctor: to the which
disputation the archbishop of Canterbury was brought forth, and
permitted, among the rest, to utter an argument or two in defence of
his cause; as in sequel hereof may appear.

Disputation of Master Harpsfield, bachelor of divinity, answering for
his form, to be made doctor.

Harpsfield.--"I am not ignorant what a weighty matter it is to entreat
of the whole order and trade of the Scriptures; and most hard it is
too, in the great contention of religion, to show the ready way
whereby the Scriptures may be best understood: for the often reading
of them doth not bring the true understanding of them. What other
thing is there then? Verily this is the ready way, not to follow our
own heads and senses, but to give over our judgment unto the holy
catholic church, which hath had of old years the truth, and always
delivered the same to their posterity. But if the often reading of
Scriptures, and never so painful comparing of places, should bring the
true understanding, then divers heretics might prevail even against
whole general councils. The Jews did greatly brag of the knowledge of
the law, and of the Saviour that they waited for. But what availed it
them? Notwithstanding, I know right well, that divers places of the
Scripture do much warn us of the often reading of the same, and what
fruit doth thereby follow; as, Search the Scriptures; for they do bear
witness of me, &c. The law of the Lord is pure, able to turn souls.
And that saying of St. Paul, All Scripture inspired from above, doth
make that a man may be instructed to all good works. Howbeit doth the
law of the Jews convert their souls? are they by reading instructed to
every good work? The letter of the Old Testament is the same that we
have.

"The heretics, also, have ever had the same Scriptures which we have
that be catholics. But they are served as Tantalus, that the poets
speak of; who, in the plenty of things to eat and drink, is said to be
oppressed with hunger and thirst. The swifter that men do seek the
Scriptures without the catholic church, the deeper they fall, and find
hell for their labour. St. Cyprian, never swerving from the catholic
church, saith, 'He that doth not acknowledge the church to be his
mother, shall not have God to his Father.' Therefore it is true
divinity, to be wise with the church, where Christ saith, Unless ye
eat my flesh, and drink my blood, ye have no life in you.

"If he had meant of only eating bread and drinking wine, nothing had
been more pleasant to the Capernaites, neither would they have
forsaken him. The flesh profited, nothing to them that do so take it.
For the Capernaites did imagine Christ to be given in such sort as he
lived. But Christ spice high things; not that they should have him as
flesh in the market, but to consider his presence with the Spirit
under the forms whereby it is given. As there is an alteration of
bodies by courses and times of ages, so there is no less variety in
eating of bodies."

These things which I have recited briefly, Master Harpsfleld did, with
many more words, set out: and hereupon Dr. Weston disputed against
him.

Weston.--"Christ's real body is not in the sacrament: ergo, you are
deceived."

Harpsfield.--"I deny the antecedent."

Weston.--"John xvi. I speak the truth unto you: it behoveth me that I
go away from you. For unless I do depart, that Comforter cannot come,
&c. Upon this I will make this argument.

"Christ is so gone away, as he did send the Holy Ghost.

"But the Holy Ghost did verily come into the world:

"Ergo, Christ is verily gone."

Harpsfield.--"He is verily gone, and yet remaineth here."

Weston.--"St. Augustine saith, that these words, I will be with you
even to the end of the world, are accomplished, 'according to his
majesty:' but 'by the presence of his flesh he is not here.' The
church hath him not in flesh, but by belief."

Harpsfield.--"We must diligently weigh, that there are two natures in
Christ: the Divine nature, and human nature. The Divine nature is of
such sort, that it cannot choose but be in all places. The human
nature is not such, that of force it must be in all places, although
it be in divers after a divers manner. So, where that the doctors do
entreat of his presence by majesty, they do commend the majesty of the
Divine nature, not to hinder us of the natural presence here in the
sacrament."

Weston.--"He saith further, Ye shall not have me always with you, is
to be understood in the flesh."

Harpsfield.--"The presence of the flesh is to be considered, that he
is not here as he was wont to live in conversation with them, to be
seen, talked withal, or in such sort as a man may give him any thing:
after that sort he is not present."

Weston.--"But what say you to this of Augustine, 'He is not here?'"

Harpsfield.--"I do answer out of St. Augustine upon John, Tract. 25,
upon these words, I go to the Father, ye shall not see me; that is,
'such as I am now.' Therefore I do deny the manner of his presence."

Weston.--"I will overthrow St. Augustine with St. Augustine; who saith
this also, How may a man hold Christ? Send thy faith, and thou holdest
him.'-- So he showeth, that by sending our faith, we do hold Christ."

Harpsfield.--"Indeed no man holdeth Christ, unless he believe in him;
but it is another thing to have Christ merciful and favourable unto
us, and to have him present in the sacrament. There, St. Augustine
speaketh of holding him by faith, as he is favourable unto us."

Weston.--"Nay, he speaketh there, how the fathers had him in the
flesh, and teacheth that we have him not so in the flesh, as they had
him long time; saying, 'Your fathers did hold Christ present in the
flesh: do you hold him in your heart?' What words can be more plain?
Further he saith, 'He is gone, and is not here: he hath left us, and
yet hath not forsaken us.' 'He is here in majesty, and gone touching
the flesh.'"

Harpsfield.--"I do understand Augustine thus: that Christ is here in
his flesh, to them that receive him worthily: to such as do not
worthily receive him, to them he is not present in the flesh. I judge
St. Augustine meaneth so. We have him, and have not: we have him in
receiving of him worthily, otherwise not."

Weston.--"Nay, to hold the flesh is to hold the outward letter. I will
prosecute another argument. Cyril doth say, 'By the majesty of his
Divinity he is ever here, but the presence of his flesh hath he taken
away.'"

Harpsfield.--"The sense of Cyril is thus to be understood: the most
true flesh of Christ is at the right hand of the Father. Thus the
fathers taught, and so they believed. Thus said Cyril; thus said
Augustine: and because this is the foundation of our faith, they did
oftentimes teach it. Therefore when they prove this, (the body to be
in heaven,) they do not make against the presence in the sacrament.

"So unless ye can plainly show that the fathers do directly say, he is
not in the sacrament, you make nothing against me: for I have showed
why the fathers so spake. They did teach the great difference between
the Divine nature, and the human nature, as I have before said."

Weston.--"I will then prove, that he is not in the sacrament, Vigilius
against the heretic Eutiches, upon these words, 'Me ye have not
always,' saith, 'The Son of God, as touching his humanity, is gone
from us; by his Divinity he remaineth with us.' And the same Vigilius,
in his fourth book, saith, 'He that is in the heaven, is not in the
earth;' speaking of Christ."

Harpsfield.--"I will show you the reason of these words. The heretic
Eutiches did believe, that the Divine nature of Christ was fastened on
the cross, and believed that Christ had no natural body. To this
Vigilius said, that the human nature was taken up and ascended; which
could not so have done, unless he had a body. This he said not, to
take away the presence in the sacrament: for what had he to refer this
sentence to the sacrament? He never did so much as dream of the
sacrament."

Weston. "Cyril saith, 'Although he be absent from us in body, yet are
we governed by his Spirit.'"

Harpsfield.--"By these words he gave us a cheerfulness to aspire
upwards, seeking thence our help: for as touching his conversation, he
is not so in the sacrament as one meet to be lived withal. But let him
not teach us, that he is not there to feed us; for after that sort he
is there."

Weston.--"You have satisfied me with your answers, in doing the same
learnedly, and catholicly. But now to another argument.

"Christ is now so absent from the earth by his body, as he was absent
from heaven when he lived here.

"But when he did live bodily on earth, the same natural body was out
of heaven:

"Ergo, Now whilst this natural body is in heaven, it is not in the
earth."

Harpsfield.--"I deny the major."

Weston.--"Fulgentius saith, 'As to the substance of his humanity, he
was absent from heaven when he came down from heaven.' These are
Fulgentius's words touching his human substance: He was absent from
heaven, when he descended from heaven; and touching the same
substance, now he is in heaven he is not on the earth: but concerning
the Divine nature, he never forsook, either heaven or earth.'"

After these words, not waiting Harpsfield's answer, he offered Master
Cranmer to dispute; who began in this wise:

Cranmer.--"I have heard you right learnedly and eloquently entreat of
the dignity of the Scriptures, which I do both commend, and have
marvelled thereat within myself. But whereas you refer the true sense
and judgment of the Scriptures to the catholic church as judge
thereof, you are much deceived; specially for that under the name of
the church, you appoint such judges as have corruptly judged, and
contrary to the sense of the Scriptures. I wonder likewise, why you
attribute so little to the diligent reading of the Scriptures, and
conferring of places; seeing the Scriptures do so much commend the
same, as well in divers other places, as also in those which you
yourself have already alleged. And as touching your opinion of these
questions, it seemeth to me neither to have any ground of the word of
God, nor of the primitive church. And, to say the truth, the schoolmen
have spoken diversely of them, and do riot agree therein among
themselves. Wherefore, minding here briefly to show my judgment also,
I must desire you first to answer me to a few questions which I shall
demand of you; which being done, we shall the better proceed in our
disputation. Moreover, I must desire you to bear also with my rudeness
in the Latin tongue, which, through long disuse, is not now so prompt
and ready with me as it hath been: and now, all other things set
apart, I mind chiefly to have regard to the truth. My first question
is this: How Christ's body is in the sacrament, according to your mind
or determination?"

Then answered a doctor, "He is there as touching his substance, but
not after the manner of his substance."

Harpsfield.--"He is there in such sort and manner, as he may be
eaten."

Cranmer.--"My next question is, Whether he hath his quantity and
qualities, form, figure, and such-like properties?"

Harpsfield.--"Are these your questions?" said Master Harpsfield. "I
may likewise ask you, 'When Christ passed through the Virgin's womb,
an ruperit necne?'"

When they had thus awhile contended, there were divers opinions in
this matter. All the doctors fell in a buzzing, uncertain what to
answer: some thought one way, some another; and thus Master Doctors
could not agree. Then Master Cranmer said thus:

Cranmer.--"You put off questions with questions, and not with answers,
I ask one thing of you, and you answer another. Once again I ask,
'Whether he have those properties which he had on the earth?'"

Tresham.--"No, he hath not all the quantities and qualities belonging
to a body."

Smith.--"Stay you, Master Tresham: I will answer you, Master Doctor,
with the words of Damascene, 'The bread is transformed,' &c.:-- but if
thou wilt inquire how, 'The manner is impossible.'"

Then two or three others added their answers to this question,
somewhat doubtfully. A great hurly-burly was among them, some
affirming one thing, and some another.

Cranmer.--"Do you appoint me a body, and cannot tell what manner of
body? Either he hath not his quantity, or else you are ignorant how to
answer it."

Harpsfield.--"These are vain questions, and it is not meet to spend
the time on them."

Weston.--"Hear me a while: Lanfranc, some time bishop of Canterbury,
doth answer in this wise unto Berengarius upon such-like questions,
'They may be well believed, but never faithfully asked.'

Cranmer.--"If you think good to answer it, some of you declare it."

Harpsfield He is there as pleaseth him to be there."

Cranmer.--"I would be best contented with that answer, if that your
appointing of a carnal presence had not driven me of necessity to have
inquired, for disputation's sake, how you place him there, since you
will have a natural body."

When again he was answered of divers at one time, some denying it to
be a quantum, some saying it to be quantitativum; some affirming it to
have modum quanti, some denying it; some one thing, some another;-- up
starts Dr. Weston, and doughtily decided, as he thought, all the
matter, saying, "It is a body, having quantity; but not according to
the manner of quantity."

Whereunto Master Ward, a great sophister, thinking the matter not
fully answered, did largely declare and discourse his sentence.-- How
learnedly and truly I cannot tell, nor I think he himself either, nor
yet the best learned there. For it was said since, that far better
learned than he, laid as good ear to him as they could, and yet could
by no means perceive to what end all his talk tended: indeed he told a
formal tale to clout up the matter. He was full of quantum and
quantitativum. This that follows was, as it is thought, the effect;
yet others think not. Howbeit we will rehearse the sum of his words,
as it is thought he spake them.

Ward.--"We must consider," saith he, "that there are two positions.
The one standeth by the order of parts, with respect of the whole. The
other in respect of that which containeth. Christ is in the sacrament
in respect of the whole. This proposition is in one of Aristotle's
Predicaments, called Situs. I remember I did entreat these matters
very largely, when I did rule and moderate the philosophical
disputations in the public schools. This position is sine modo
quantitativo, as by an ensample: you can never bring heaven to a
quantity. So I conclude that he is in the sacrament quantum, sine modo
quantitativo."

These words he amplified very largely, and so high he climbed into the
heavens with Duns's ladder, and not with the Scriptures, that it is to
be marvelled how he could come down again without falling. To whom
Master Cranmer said:

Cranmer.--"Then thus do I make my argument.

"In heaven his body hath quantity, in earth it hath none, by your
saying:

"Ergo, He hath two bodies, the one in heaven, the other in earth."

Here some would have answered him, that he had quantity in both, and
so put off the antecedent: but thus said Master Harpsfield:

Harpsfield.--"I deny your argument;" [though some would not have had
him say so.]

Cranmer.--"The argument is good. It standeth upon contradictories,
which is the most sure hold."

Harpsfield.--"I deny that there are contradictions."

Weston.--"I confirm the same: for one body may have modum
quantitativum, and not have; and the same body was passible and
impassible; one body may have wounds and not wounds."

Cranmer.--"This cannot be at one time."

Weston.--"The ensample of the potter doth prove that which I say; who
of that which is clay now, maketh a pot or cup forthwith."

Cranmer.--"But I say again, that it is so; but at divers times: as one
piece of meat to be raw and sodden, cannot be at one time together.
But you would have it otherwise, that Christ should be here and in
heaven at one time, and should have modum quantitativum, and not have;
which cannot be but by such argument as I have showed you."

Weston.--"But I say, Christ's body was passible and not passible at
one instant."

Seton.--"You may ask as well other questions -- how be is in heaven?
whether he sit or stand? and whether he be there as he lived here?"

Cranmer.--"You yourself, by putting a natural presence, do force me to
question, how he is here. Therefore, next, I do ask this question:
Whether good and evil men do eat the body in the sacrament?"

Harpsfield.--"Yea, they do so, even as the sun doth shine upon king's
palaces, and on dung-heaps."

Cranmer.--"Then do I inquire, how long Christ tarrieth in the eater?"

Harpsfield.--"These are curious questions, unmeet to be asked."

Cranmer.--"I have taken them out of your schools and schoolmen, which
you yourselves do most use: and there, also, do I learn to ask, how
far he goeth into the body."

Harpsfield.--"We know that the body of Christ is received to nourish
the whole man, both body and soul: eousque progreditur corpus quousque
species."

Cranmer.--"How long doth he abide in the body?"

Seton --"St. Augustine saith, 'Our flesh goeth into his flesh.' But
after he is once received into the stomach, it maketh no matter for
us, to know how far he doth pierce, or whither he is conveyed."

Here Master Tresham and one Master London answered, that Christ being
given there under such form and quantity as pleased him, it was not to
be inquired of his tarrying, or of his descending into the body.

Harpsfield.--"You were wont to lay to our charge, that we added to the
Scripture; saying always that we should fetch the truth out of the
Scripture: and now you yourself bring questions out of the schoolmen,
which you have disallowed in us."

Cranmer.--"I say as I have said alway, that I am constrained to ask
these questions, because of this carnal presence which you imagine:
and yet I know right well, that these questions be answered out of the
Scriptures. As to my last question, How long he abideth in the body?
&c.: the Scripture answereth plainly, that Christ doth so long dwell
in his people, as they are his members. Whereupon I make this
argument.

"They which eat the flesh of Christ, do dwell in him, and he in them.

"But the wicked do not remain in him, nor he in them:

"Ergo, The wicked do not eat his flesh, nor drink his blood."

Harpsfield.--"I will answer unto you as St. Augustine saith, not that
howsoever a man doth eat, he eateth the body, but he that eateth after
a certain manner."

Cranmer.--"I cannot tell what manner ye appoint; but I am sure that
evil men do not eat the flesh and drink the blood of Christ, as Christ
speaketh in John vi."

Harpsfield.--"In John vi. some things are to be referred to the godly,
and some to the ungodly."

Cranmer.--"Whatsoever he doth entreat there of eating, doth pertain
unto good men."

Harpsfield.--"If you do mean only of the word of eating, it is true;
if concerning the thing, it is not so: and if your meaning be of that
which is contained under the word of eating, it may be so taken, I
grant."

Cranmer.--"Now to the argument: He that eateth my flesh, and drinketh
my blood, dwelleth in me, and I in him. Doth not this prove
sufficiently, that evil men do not eat that the good do?"

Tresham.--"You must add, 'He that eateth worthily.'

Cranmer.--"I speak of the same manner of eating that Christ speaketh
of."

Weston.--"Augustine ad Fratres in Eremo, sermon 28, There is a certain
manner of eating:' Augustine speaketh of two manners of eating; the
one of them that eat worthily, the other that eat unworthily."

Harpsfield.--"All things in John vi. are not to be referred to the
sacrament, but to the receiving of Christ by faith. The fathers do
agree, that there is not entreaty made of the supper of the Lord,
before they come unto Panis quem dabo vobis, caro mea est," &c.

Cranmer.--"There is entreating of manna, both before and after."

Harpsfield.--"I will apply another answer. This argument hath a kind
of poison in it, which must be thus bitten away:-- That manna and this
sacrament be not both one. Manna hath not its efficacy of itself, but
of God."

Cranmer.--"But they that did take manna worthily, had fruit thereby:
and so, by your assertion, he that doth eat the flesh of Christ
worthily, hath his fruit by that. Therefore the like doth follow of
them both; and so there should be no difference between manna and this
sacrament, by your reason."

Harpsfield.--"When it is said, that they which did eat manna are dead,
it is to be understood, that they did want the virtue of manna."

[If Master Harpsfleld do mean of bodily life, they which eat the
sacrament do die, as well as they which did eat the manna. If he mean
of spiritual life, neither be they all damned that did eat manna, nor
all saved that do eat the sacrament. Wherefore the truth is, that
neither the eating of manna bringeth death, nor the eating of the
sacrament bringeth salvation: but only the spiritual believing upon
Christ's bodily passion, which only justifieth both them and us. And
therefore, as the effect is spiritual, which Christ speaketh of in
this chapter; so is the cause of that effect spiritual whereof he
meaneth, which is our spiritual believing in him, and not our bodily
eating of him.]

Cranmer.--"They, then, which do eat either of them worthily, do live."

Harpsfield.--"They do live which do eat manna worthily; not by manna,
but by the power of God given by it. The others which do eat this
sacrament, do live by the same."

Cranmer.--"Christ did not entreat of the cause, but the effect which
followed: he doth not speak of the cause, whereof the effect
proceedeth."

Harpsfield.--"I do say, the effects are diverse -- life, and death,
which do follow the worthy and unworthy eating thereof."

Cranmer.--"Since you will needs have an addition to it, we must use
both in manna and in the sacrament, indifferently, either worthily or
unworthily, Christ spake absolutely of manna, and of the supper; so
that, after that absolute speaking of the supper, wicked men can in no
wise eat the flesh of Christ, and drink his blood. Further, Augustine,
upon these words, Qui manducat, &c., saith, There are no such respects
in common meats, as in the Lord's body. For who that eateth other
meats hath still hunger, and needeth to be satisfied daily: but he
that doth eat the flesh of Christ, and drinketh his blood, doth live
for ever.' But you know wicked men do not so.-- Ergo, Wicked men do
not receive."

Harpsfield.--"St. Augustine meaneth, that he who eateth Christ's
flesh, &c., after a certain manner, should live for ever. Wicked men
do eat, but not after that manner."

Cranmer.--"Only they which participate Christ, be of the mystical
body.

"But the evil men are not of the mystical body.

"Ergo, They do not participate Christ."

Weston.--"Your wonderful gentle behaviour and modesty, good Master
Doctor Cranmer, is worthy much commendation: and that I may not
deprive you of your right and just deserving, I give you most hearty
thanks in my own name, and in the name of all my brethren."

At this saying all the doctors gently put off their caps. Then Master
Weston did oppose the respondent on this wise:

Weston.--"Tertullian doth call the sacrament, 'the sign and figure of
the Lord.' St. Augustine ad Dardanum saith, 'The Lord did not stick to
say, This is my body, when he gave a sign of his body.'

"Besides this, he giveth rules how to understand the Scriptures,
saying: 'If the Scriptures seem to command some heinous thing, then it
is figurative, as by example: To eat the flesh, and drink the blood,
is a tropical speech.'"

Harpsfield.--"Tertullian did write in that place against Marcion, a
heretic, who denied Christ to have a true body, and said, he had only
a fantastical body. He went about to show, that we had Christ both in
heaven and in earth; and though we have the true body in the
sacrament, yet he would not go about so to confound him, as to say
that Christ was truly in the sacrament: for that heretic would have
thereat rather marvelled, than believed it. Therefore he showed him,
that it was the figure of Christ: and a figure cannot be but of a
thing that is, or hath been extant.

"To the text of Augustine, the church hath never taught the contrary.
There is an outward thing in the sacrament, which sometimes hath
sundry names; for it may be called a figure in this declaration: That
body which is in the sacrament, is a figure of Christ dwelling in
heaven.

"To the third: that which is brought by Augustine, for example, about
the understanding of the Scriptures, is thus to be understood; as
tending to a general manner of eating: so To eat the flesh and drink
the blood,' may be a figurative speech to exclude 'The eating of man's
flesh.' The which is, when we eat man's flesh, cut in morsels, as we
eat common meat; so as we neither have, nor eat Christ in the
sacrament."

Weston.--"I understand your short and learned answer, which doth
sufficiently content me. But now to the second question, which is of
transubstantiation.

"The Scripture calleth it bread:

"Ergo, it is bread."

Harpsfield.--"In the name of bread all is signified which we do eat."

Weston.--"Theodoret, an ancient writer, in his first dialogue, saith,
that Christ changed not the nature, but called it his body."

Harpsfield.--"He doth there speak de symbolo, which is, 'The outward
form of the sacrament.' He meaneth, that that doth tarry in his own
nature."

[Moreover, as it was reported, he brought for his answer Augustine.]

Weston.--"Theodoret also, in his second dialogue of those kinds of
bread and wine, saith, 'They go not out of their own nature, but they
tarry in their own substance.'"

Harpsfield.--"They are understood to be of the same substance wherein
they are turned."

Weston.--"But what say you to this? They remain in their former
substance.'"

Harpsfield.--"'The outward signs do tarry.'

"Weston.--"But what is meant here by this word symbolum?"

Harpsfield.--"The outward form or shape only of the nature."

Weston.--"Then you cannot call them a substance."

Harpsfield.--"Yes, sir, every thing hath a certain substance in his
kind."

Weston.--"That is true; but accidents are not substances in their
kind."

Harpsfield.--"They are substance in their own kind."

[Of this they contended much.]

Weston --"Chrysostom saith, 'Like as before it is consecrated, it is
bread: so after it is consecrated, it is delivered from the name of
bread, and is endued with the name of the Lord's body; whereas the
nature doth remain.'"

Harpsfield.--"Where read you this place, I pray you?"

Weston.--"Here, in Peter Martyr I find it; I have his book in my
hand."

Harpsfield.--"The author shall be of more credit, before that I make
so much of him, as to frame an answer unto it."

Weston.--"Indeed I know not well where he findeth it. But Gelasius
saith, that the nature of bread and wine do tarry."

Harpsfield.--"What is that Gelasius?"

Weston.--"A bishop of Rome."

Harpsfield.--"Then he allowed the mass?"

Weston.--"Yea, and oftentimes said it: and purgatory he also allowed,
and so prayer for the dead, relics, and invocation to saints."

Harpsfield.--"Belike, then, he meant nothing against
transubstantiation."

Weston.--"It doth appear so indeed. But Origen saith, that the
material bread doth tarry, and is conveyed into the privy, and is
eaten of worms."

Harpsfield.--"Tush, tush! this place appertaineth unto holy bread."

Weston.--"What! doth it appertain to holy bread?"

Harpsfield.--"Yea, unto holy bread."

Weston.--"By what means can you show how this miraculous work bringeth
Christ into the sacrament?"

Harpsfield.--"By the Scripture I prove that, which saith, This is my
body."

Weston.--"It doth rejoice all us not a little, that you have so well
maintained the sound doctrine of the sacrament of the altar, wherein
you have faithfully cleaved to the catholic church, as an only stay of
our religion: by the which means you have proved yourself meet to be
authorized further towards the practising of the Scripture.

"And here I do openly witness, that I do thoroughly consent with you:
and have, for disputation's sake only, brought these arguments against
you, which you have right learnedly satisfied: and now all things
being done, after our form and manner, we will end this disputation,
saying, Sacred theology is against it."

$

254. CONCERNING THESE DISPUTATIONS

Certain observations or censures given to the reader, upon the
disputations of the bishops and doctors above mentioned; declaring
what judgment is to be given, as well touching the arguments of the
adversaries, and also to the answers of the martyrs.

THUS ye have heard, in these aforesaid disputations about the holy
supper of the Lord, the reasons and arguments of the doctors, the
answers and resolutions of the bishops, and the triumph of the
prolocutor triumphing before the victory with Vicit veritas; who
rather in my mind should have exclaimed Vicit potestas: as it
happeneth always ubi pars major vincit meliorem. For else if potestas
had not helped the prolocutor more than veritas, there had been a
small victoria. But so it is, where judgments be partial and parties
addicted, there all things turn to victory, though it be never so mean
and simple: but, contrariwise, all partiality set apart, if censure
should be given upon these disputations with upright and indifferent
judgment, weighing with the arguments on the one side, the answers on
the other, we shall see victory there falsely bragged, where no
victory was.

If in these disputations it had so been, that the distinction of the
answers had been wiped away or removed by the opposers; or if the
arguments, of the opponents' side, had been so strong that they could
not be dissolved of the answerer, then would I confess victory gotten.
But seeing now all the arguments, brought against the bishops, to be
taken away by a plain distinction of Really, Spiritually, and
Sacramentally: and this distinction so to stand in force, that the
contrary arguments were not able to infringe the same, we must say,
Vicit non veritas, sed potestas, that is, He conquered not by truth,
but by force.

And, for the reader's sake, to make the matter more largely and
evidently to appear, concerning the distinction made of the bishops in
this disputation, (whereby they did both repeat the arguments
objected, and manfully maintain the verity,) here have we, as in a
brief sum or table, expressed, as well their arguments, as the
distinctions and answers of the other part to the same.

In these disputations the controversy is of the body of Christ, either
to be present with us, or to be eaten of us, or to be united to us;
which presence, eating, and uniting of him to us, standeth three
manner of ways, Really, Spiritually, and Sacramentally. And these
three things must be considered after three divers respects; for the
lack of the knowledge and consideration whereof, the papists, who take
upon them most to maintain this matter, are much deceived and deceive
many; of whom I cannot marvel enough, that they, being so full of
distinctions in all their other questions, in this one matter neither
will make distinction themselves, nor abide it in others. For who
seeth not that the presence of Christ's body is one, to the faith and
spirit of man -- which is spiritual; and another to the body of man --
which is bodily.

Besides these two, there is also another presence differing from them
both, which is "sacramental." Of things diverse and differing in
themselves we must speak diversely, except we will confound things
together which nature hath distincted asunder. Now they of the
catholic part, as they call themselves, (other men call them papists,)
whether for rudeness they cannot, or for wilfulness they will not see,
speaking of the real presence of Christ, think there is no other
presence of Christ real but in the sacrament; being deceived therein
two manner of ways. First, that they consider not the nature of a
sacrament; which is, not to exhibit the thing in deed which it doth
represent, but to represent effectually one thing by another: for that
is the property of a sacrament, to hear a similitude of one thing by
another thing; of the which two things the one is represented, the
other in deed exhibited. Secondly, that they consider not the
operation of faith, which, penetrating up to heaven, there
apprehendeth the real body of Christ, no less, yea, and more
effectually, than if he were here bodily present to the eye.

To these two, the third error also of these men may be added: in that
they seem either not to weigh the operation of Christ's passion
enough, or else, not to feel the heavy torment of sin and miserable
hunger of man's soul; which, if they did feel, they would easily
perceive what a necessary and opportune nourishment to man's
conscience, were the body of Christ on the cross broken, and his blood
shed.

Wherefore these are to be distincted after their right terms. For that
which is sacramental, by and by is not real; and, like as the real
presence of Christ's body is to be distincted from the spiritual
presence, so is it to be said of the eating, and also of the co-
uniting or conjunction, betwixt his body and us: for as there is a
real eating, so there is a spiritual eating, and also a sacramental
eating.

Now the papists, whensoever they speak or read of the eating of
Christ's body, conceive no other eating of him but only of that in the
sacrament, and no otherwise; which is false and the cause of great
error, in that they see not, neither do consider, how Christ is eaten,
not only with the symbols or sacrament, but also without the
sacrament: which eating standeth inwardly by faith, and pertaineth to
the spirit of man, in apprehending or digesting with the stomach of
faith those things which, by the outward sacrament, are represented.
And of the spiritual eating of Christ speaketh the sixth chapter of
St. John.

Besides this spiritual eating there is also a sacramental manducation
of Christ's body, under, and with, the elements of bread and wine;
that is, when both the mouth and spirit of man receive both the bread
and the body together, in divers and sundry respects, bread
substantially, the body sacramentally. The spirit receiveth the body
only and not the bread.

The like distinction also is to be made of the uniting or conjunction
betwixt Christ and us, which is both real, spiritual, and sacramental.

Further, here is to be noted, that to this sacramentally uniting,
eating, and presence of Christ, in or under the sacrament, belong two
things, Mutation and Operation, which the doctors much speak of. This
"Mutation" is double, substantial and accidental.

Mutation is called substantial, when one substance is changed into
another, as water into wine, the rod of Aaron into a serpent, &c.; and
this mutation, which they call "transubstantiation," belongeth nothing
to the Lord's supper.

The other mutation, which is accidental, (whereof the doctors
entreat,) standeth in three points: that is, where the use, the name,
and the honour of the sacramental elements be changed. In use: as,
when the use of common bread is changed to a mystical and heavenly
use, the name of bread and wine is changed to the name of the body and
blood of Christ; the honour, from a not reverent, to a reverent
receiving of the same, &c.

About "Operation" the Romish clergy make much ado; thinking there is
no other operation but only transubstantiation. And this operation
they ascribe to the five words of the priest: saying, that Christ, in
calling a thing, maketh the thing so to be.

We affirm also that the words of Christ do work, but not as they do 
say; to wit, they work effectually in the material bread and wine: not
in altering or trans-elementing the substance there, as Harding saith
above, but in sanctifying the aforesaid creatures to be a sacrament,
which cannot be but only by the virtue of the word and of the Holy
Ghost, as St. Augustine saith; for else no priest or creature hath any
such power to make a sacrament.

Of these aforesaid distinctions here followeth a brief Table to make
the contents hereof more plain.

A Table declaring divers and sundry respects how the holy real body of
Christ our Saviour, both in the sacrament and beside the sacrament, is
present, eaten, and united to us.

The body of Christ is, really, spiritually, and sacramentally,
present, eaten, and united.

FIRST.
The body of Christ is really present.

So was the body of Christ once present here on earth with us, and
shall be again at the day of his coming. Otherwise it is not here
really present, but only to our faith, really, that is to say truly,
apprehending his body in heaven, and here feeding upon the same in
earth. And thus is he present only to good men, whether with the
symbols or without the symbols.

The body of Christ is really eaten.

Really, not with our bodily mouth, but with the mouth of faith;
apprehending the real body of Christ, who suffered for us, and worketh
to us nourishment of life and grace, &c.

The body of Christ is really united.

Really and corporally the body of Christ is united to us, by his
incarnation, and the partaking of our flesh.

SECONDLY.
The body of Christ is spiritually present.

Spiritually we say his body to be present, when either the body of
Christ is present to our spirit and faith; or when the virtue of his
body is present and redoundeth to our bodies and spirits by grace. And
this differeth from the other real presence above, in this: that the
one hath respect to the body apprehended, the other to the thing that
doth apprehend.

The body of Christ is spiritually eaten.

Spiritually we eat the body and blood of Christ, not with mouth and
teeth, but with faith only, whensoever we believe on the passion of
Christ, being the true bread of life and the only food of man's soul.
And thus is he eaten, but only of good men, as well besides the
sacrament as with the sacrament; and of this eating speaketh the sixth
chapter of John. And so was he eaten in the time also of the old law.

The body of Christ is spiritually united.

Spiritually he is united unto us, when the properties of his holy
body, as his innocence, power, glorification, eternity, beatitude,
&c., are united to our bodies and spirits, which cometh by our faith
in him, according to his words in John xvii. 23, I in them, and thou
in me, &c. And this uniting, standing by grace, cometh as well besides
the sacrament, as with the sacrament; only to the godly.

THIRDLY.
The body of Christ is sacramentally present.

Sacramentally his body is present, by representation of another thing 
which beareth a similitude or a memorial of his body; and his
sacramental presence, pertaining to the outward mouth of the receiver,
is common as well to the good as to the evil. And this sacramental
presence ought not to be alone, but to be joined with the spiritual
presence, &c.

The body of Christ is sacramentally eaten.

Sacramentally we eat with our bodily mouth the mysteries of bread and
wine, not being the real body indeed, but representing the real body
indeed; id est, Non panem Dominum, sed panem Domini; that is, not the
Lord as bread, but the bread of the Lord. And this eating, if it be
not joined with the other two above, profiteth nothing; and, so, is
eaten only of the evil. If it be adjoined, then is it eaten of the
good, and them it profiteth.

The body of Christ is sacramentally united.

The sacrament, as it is not the real body itself of the Lord, so it
causeth not itself any real conjunction betwixt Christ's real body and
ours, but representeth the same; declaring that as the material bread,
digested in our bodies, is united to the same, so the body of Christ,
being received by faith, changeth our spirits and bodies to the nature
of him.

To the sacramental presence, and eating of Christ, pertain two things
chiefly to be considered: Mutation and Operation.

MUTATION.

First, Mutation substantial.

Whereby one substance is changed into another: as, water into wine;
the rod of Aaron into a serpent, &c. And this "mutation," which they
call "transubstantiation," belongeth nothing to the sacrament; for,
then, accidents of bread should also be changed, as the accidents of
Aaron's rod were changed, with the substance, into a serpent.

Secondly, Mutation accidental.

Of this "mutation" speak the doctors, meaning not of the change of
substance but of accidents, which standeth in three things, in the
use, in name, and in honour.

First, In use.

As when the use of common bread is changed into a mystical and
heavenly use.

Secondly, In name.

When the name of bread and wine passeth away, and is changed into the
name of the body and blood of the Lord, and, so, is the name changed.

Thirdly, In honour.

As when the bread and wine which before were received not with honour,
are now received with honour and reverence: not that we honour the
bread and wine, but the things represented in them, as, in a king's
letter and seal, we honour the king and not the seal.

OPERATION.
First, Operation in the sacraments.

The operation of the word in the sacraments is this: to change, not
the substance of the sacrament, but that the substance thereof
remaining may be made the body of Christ, that is, the sacrament of
the body of Christ. And this operation cannot come but by the Holy
Ghost. Whereof Augustine saith: Panis non sanctificatur in sacramentum
tam magnum, nisi operante invisibiliter Spiritu Dei.

Secondly, Operation of the sacraments.

The operation of the sacraments is thought by the papists to give
grace, which, in very deed, give not grace of their own work; but only
serve as instruments and means of that grace and life which cometh
from God. So Peter calleth it the word of life; and St. Paul calleth
the gospel of Christ, the power of God unto salvation. Not that they
themselves give life and salvation, but that they are certain means
and instruments of that life and salvation which cometh to us from
God.

To the spiritual presence and manducation of Christ, principally
belongeth the sixth chapter of St. John; albeit two sorts of bread are
there specified, namely, bodily or sacramental, and spiritual bread.

First, Bodily or sacramental, of the Old Testament; and also of the
New Testament.

The bodily or sacramental bread of the Old Teatament signifying Christ
to come, as manna, the rock, &c.; and the bodily or sacramental bread
of the New Testament signifying Christ being already come, as the holy
eucharist.

Secondly, Spiritual bread.

Spiritual bread, which is Christ himself, born for us, and given for
the life of the world. John vi. My flesh is meat indeed, &c.

Thus hast thou, gentle reader, in this aforesaid table set forth unto
thee the diverse respects how the real body of the Saviour is eaten in
the sacrament, and out of the sacrament, &c. By which table, if thou
mark it well, thou mayest answer easily to the most part of the
arguments which the papists bring. And now these things being
premised, let us see and examine the arguments of the aforesaid
doctors, here in brief sum repeated again, and, afterwards, annex the
resolution of the same.

A Table of the principal arguments brought
against Doctor Cranmer.

I. Chedsey.--"That thing which was given for us, is here contained;
from the words of Christ. "The substance of bread was not given for
us: Ergo, the substance of bread is not contained in the sacrament."

II. Oglethorpe.--"This word body, being prędicatum, doth signify
substance.

"But one substance is not predicated, or affirmed, denominatively,
upon another: Ergo, it is an essential predication, and, so, it is his
true body, and not a figure of his body."

III. Oglethorpe.--"Christ path no less care for his espouse than a
father for his household. "No father maketh his will with tropes for
deceiving his household: Ergo, Christ used no tropes in making his
Will or Testament."

IV. Weston.--"A good heir will not say that the testator did lie.

"Whoso saith, that the testator 'spoke by figures,' saith that the
testator did lie: Ergo, he that saith that Christ our testator spake
by figures is no good heir."

V. Cole.--"If it be bread it cannot be the body; a disparitis.

"But Christ saith it is his body: Ergo, it cannot be bread."

VI. Weston.--"The same flesh is given us to be eaten, by which be is
made our brother and kinsman.

"By his true, natural, and organical flesh, he is made our brother and
kinsman: Ergo, he gave us his true and organical flesh to eat."

VII. Weston.--"He gave us the same flesh, which he took of the Virgin.

"He took his flesh of the Virgin not spiritually: Ergo, he gave his
true flesh, and not [his flesh] spiritually."

VIII. Weston.--"As mothers nourish their children with their milk, so
Christ nourished us with his body.

"Mothers nourish not their infants spiritually with their milk: Ergo,
Christ nourisheth us not spiritually with his body."

IX. Weston.--"If Christ gave wine for his blood, then he gave less
than mothers to their infants. "Chrysostom saith, 'Christ gave more to
us than mothers to their infants:' Ergo, he gave not wine for his
blood."

X. Weston.--"That thing which is worthy the highest honour, is showed
forth in earth.

"Christ's body is worthy the highest honour: Ergo, Christ's body is
showed forth in earth."

XI. Chedsey.--"The soul is fed by that which the body eateth.

"The soul is fed by the body of Christ: Ergo, the body eateth the body
of Christ."

XII. Chedsey.--"The flesh eateth Christ's body that the soul may be
fed therewith.

"The soul is not fed with the sacrament, but with Christ's body: Ergo,
the flesh eateth the body of Christ."

XIII. Tresham.--"As Christ liveth by his Father, so we live by his
flesh eaten of us.

"Christ liveth by his Father naturally, not by unity of will: Ergo, we
live by eating Christ's flesh naturally, not by faith only and will."

XIV. Young.--"A figurative speech is no working thing; Christ's speech
is a working thing: Ergo, Christ's speech is not figurative in this
sacrament."

XV. Pie.--"The words of Christ work that, there, which redeemed the
people.

"The natural blood of Christ redeemed the people: Ergo, the words of
Christ make, there, the natural blood of Christ."

XVI. Chedsey.--"As Christ is truly and really incarnate, so is he
truly and really in the sacrament.

"But Christ is truly and really incarnate: Ergo, Christ is truly and
really in the sacrament."

XVII. Weston.--"The substance of our flesh could not be increased
thereby, except it were the true body and blood of Christ.

"But the substance of our body is increased thereby, which we receive
in the sacrament: Ergo, it is the true body and blood, which we
receive in the sacrament."

A Table of the principal arguments objected against Dr. Ridley.

XXIII. Smith.--"Christ, after his ascension, was seen really and
corporally on earth: Ergo, notwithstanding his ascension, and
continual abiding at the right hand of the Father, he may be really
and corporally on earth.

"Or thus; Christ's ascension into heaven letteth not, but that he may
be, really and corporally, seen on the earth: Ergo, his ascension
letteth not, but that he may be, really and corporally, in the
sacrament."

XIX. Weston.--"We offer one thing at all times. There is one Christ in
all places, both here complete, and there complete: Ergo, by
Chrysostom, there is one body both in heaven and earth."

XX. Smith.--"He was seen of Paul as being born before his time, after
his ascending up to heaven, [1 Cor. xv.]

"But his vision was a corporal vision: Ergo, he was seen corporally on
earth, after his ascension."

XXI. Tresham.--"He was seen after such sort that he might be heard:
Ergo, he was corporally on the earth, or else how could he be heard."

XXII. Smith.--"He was seen so of him as of others.

"But he was seen of others being on earth, and appeared visible to
them on earth: Ergo, he was seen of Paul on earth."

XXIII. Weston.--"Christ left his flesh to his disciples, and yet, for
all that, he took the same up with him: Ergo, he is present here with
us."

XXIV. Ward.--"He delivered that which he bade them take.

"But he bade them not take material bread, but his own body: Ergo, he
gave not material bread, but his own body."

XXV. Weston.--"That which Christ gave we do give.

"But that which he gave was not a figure of his body, but his body:
Ergo, we give no figure, but his body."

XXVI. Ward.--"My sheep hear my voice and follow me.

"But all the sheep of Christ hear this voice, This is my body, without
a figure: Ergo, the voice of Christ, here, hath no figure."

XXVII. Ward.--"Christ gave us his very and true flesh to be eaten.

"But he never gave it to be eaten but in his last supper and in the
sacrament of the altar: Ergo, there is the very true flesh of Christ."

XXVIII. Ward.--"He desired to eat his passover.

"But the Judaical passover was not his: Ergo, he meant not of the
Judaical passover."

XXIX. Ward.--"He gave us his flesh to be eaten, which he took of the
earth, in which, also, he here walked, &c.

"But he never gave his flesh to be eaten, but when he gave it at his
supper, saying, This is my body: Ergo, in the eucharist he gave us his
flesh."

XXX. Curtop.--"That which is in the cup is the same that flowed from
the side of Christ.

"But his true and pure blood did flow from the side of Christ: Ergo,
his true and pure blood is in the cup."

XXXI. Watson.--"Every sacrament hath a promise of grace annexed unto
it.

"But bread and wine have not a promise of grace annexed unto it: Ergo,
the bread and wine are not sacraments."

XXXII. Smith.--"Every man may bear, in his own hands, a figure of his
body.

"But Augustine denied that David could carry himself in his hands:
Ergo, Augustine speaketh of no figure of his body."

XXXIII. Tresham.--"Evil men do eat the natural body of Christ: Ergo,
the true and natural body of Christ is in the sacrament of the altar."

XXXIV. Weston.--"We worship the selfsame body in the eucharist, which
the wise men did worship in the manger.

"But that was his natural real body, not spiritual: Ergo, the real
body of Christ is in the eucharist."

Arguments objected against Master Latimer.

Seton's arguments, formed by Weston.--"You say, That which was
forbidden in the Old Testament is commanded in the New.

"To drink blood was forbidden in the Old Testament and commanded in
the New: Ergo, by your own saying, it is the very blood that we drink
in the New."

Cartwright.--"If the true body of Christ be not really in the
sacrament, all the whole church hath erred from the apostles' time.

"But Christ would not suffer his church to err: Ergo, it is the true
body of Christ."

The argument of Doctor Cranmer objecting against Harpsfield.

Doctor Cranmer.--"Christ's body, in heaven, hath quantity.

"The papists say, Christ's body in earth hath no quantity: Ergo, by
the papists Christ hath two bodies, one in heaven, another in earth."

Doctor Cranmer.--"They that do eat the flesh of Christ, do dwell in
him, and be in them. "The wicked do not remain in him, nor lie in
them: Ergo, the wicked eat not his flesh, nor drink his blood."

Here follow the answers and resolutions to the arguments above
mentioned, by number and order of the same;
and first to the arguments objected against Doctor Cranmer.

I. First, to answer to Chedsey's first argument: Cranmer denieth the
argument, and may well so do, for the form thereof is faulty; which,
being in the first figure, hath his minor negative. Again, he
answereth to the major by a distinction, being two ways: How the body
may be contained Really,-- and so it is false; Sacramentally,--and so
it is true.

II. One substance or disparatum cannot be affirmed of another
properly; but figuratively it may: and therefore we say this is a
figurative locution: Bread is the body of Christ (meaning bread to be
a figure of the body).

III. The minor is false; for, though equivocation of one word
sometimes, peradventure, may deceive, yet the whole sense or locution,
being tropical, doth not deceive, but rather serveth for beautifying
of the oration, and for the better help of the hearers. And if the
trope be not perceived of all, the fault is not in the trope, but in
their ignorance.

IV. The authority of St. Augustine, De unitate Ecclesię, proveth the
major, which we also do allow. For who knoweth not that a man, at his
death, will commonly speak the truth? But we deny the minor, That he
which speaketh by figure or trope doth lie: that St. Augustine yet
hath not proved, nor Dr. Weston either. Christ, after his supper,
being more near his death, saith, Let this cup pass from me; calling
his passion "the cup," by a metaphor; yet he lied not.

V. Cole saith, "This argument cannot be dissolved." But Cranmer's
answer cannot be infringed; for, if one disparatum cannot be affirmed
of another by any way than by that rule, "Christ is not the rock;"
"Bread cannot be the body" (being disparate one from the other) I
grant, speaking properly; but figuratively, or sacramentally, it may.

VI. and VII. Cranmer answereth to the major by a distinction: "The
same body is given which was born of the Virgin, but not after the
same manner." Of the Virgin, his body was born really: in the
sacrament, it is eaten sacramentally and figuratively.

VIII. The nourishment of mothers and of Christ agree in this, wherein
they are compared: that is, that they both do nourish their children
with their own bodies, but not after one way of nourishing. The mother
feedeth her infant by putting her milk into his mouth and body,
really; Christ likewise feedeth us with his body broken for us; not in
putting his flesh, broken, into our bodies, but in offering the 
passion of his body to our faith, spiritually; and, in the bread,
sacramentally.

IX. The major is false: Christ giveth not only wine for his blood, but
giveth both wine and his blood. Wine as a holy sacrament of his blood,
to be taken with mouth, wherein, not the wine, but his blood, is to be
considered; and also, besides the wine, he giveth his blood to be
received with faith, and these two be more than mothers give to their
infants.

X. In this argument is a point of false packing; for where Chrysostom
hath, Ostenditur in terra, the prolocutor thrusteth in est in terra.
And so is the argument answered -- the body of Christ is showed here
on earth in a sacrament, and the same body, so showed, is worthy
highest honour.

XI. and XII. This argument is to be denied for lack of form, except
Chedsey would thus form it: "The soul of man is fed, there, with what
the body eateth; The soul of man is fed with Christ's body, and not
with sacraments: ergo, the body of man eateth the body of Christ, and
not the sacrament," &c.-- First, the major is false as it standeth.
And here note the deceit of Chedsey in putting in "therewith," which
Tertullian hath not: his words be these, "The flesh feeds on the body
and blood of Christ, that the soul may be nourished by God."-- Here
Chedsey, for "by God," hath "by it;" which corrupteth the meaning of
Tertullian, who saith "by God:" meaning that the soul is fed
spiritually, and the body sacramentally. Secondly, to the minor: if
the soul be not fed with the sacraments, how is it true then that the
papists say the sacraments give grace?

XIII. The major is false and to be denied: for the similitude of
Christ's living by his Father, and our living by eating the body of
Christ, is not like. For if Christ live, naturally, by his Father, so
do not we eat the body of Christ naturally in the sacrament, nor live
naturally by eating the same; but naturally we live by Christ, in that
he took our natural body -- not that we eat his natural body.

XIV. To the minor it is answered by a distinction: "For the speech of
Christ worketh two manner of ways, by making, and by instituting." The
speech of Christ, at the supper, worketh, not by making any new
substance or by changing theold, but by instituting a sacrament by the
power of the word and of the Holy Spirit; of which instituting St.
Augustine speaketh: "The bread is not consecrated to so great a
sacrament, unless by the unseen work of the Spirit of God."

XV. To the major, being grounded upon the words of Ambrose, the
archbishop answereth, That there is the same blood which redeemed the
people, but not after the same manner; for, on the cross, the blood of
Christ was there, simply and really: at the supper and in the cup, it
is sacramentally and by a similitude. As Ambrose saith himself in
another place, "As thou hast received the similitude of his death, so
also thou drinkest the similitude of his precious blood."

XVI. As concerning this argument here is to be noted, that the
archbishop found fault with Chedsey for false translating of Justin,
Cibum ilium consecratum per sermonem: whereas the Greek text of Justin
hath not ?e?e??e?sa? hprvOswav, but e??a??st??e?sa?; that is non
consecratum, meat not consecrated; but meat only over which thanks be
given. Then to the argument; If Christ be so truly in the sacrament,
as he was truly incarnate of the Virgin, then can there be no
transubstantiation; for, as the Word was made flesh, not by changing
the substance of the Word into the substance of flesh, so is not the
substance of bread changed into the body.

XVII. To the XVIIth, the major, as it standeth, is not to be granted:
"The substance of our flesh may be nourished and increased with that 
which is received, though it be not the true and real body of Christ;
for the bread, being a sacrament of Christ's real body, may feed the
body of man, and so doth the real body of Christ properly feed the
soul and not the body; as Tertullian saith, 'The body is nourished by
the symbolical bread, the soul by the body of Christ.'"

Next follow the answers and resolutions to the arguments objected
against Dr. Ridley; wherein the less labour shall need to be taken,
because he, being more practised in the schools, hath sufficiently and
fully answered the same before.

XVIII. Argument: This argument doth not hold; and that for three
causes, as Dr. Ridley in his answers seemeth to infer. First, that the
presence of Christ may be upon earth according to any thing which
belongs to the body of Christ, and not according to his real or
corporal substance; and so he granteth his ascension not to let his
presence to be in the sacrament. Secondly, if Christ, after his
ascension, was seen here in earth, as to Paul, Stephen, and Peter,
&c., yet, whether he appeared from heaven to them on earth, or whether
their eyes from earth were rapt up to him in heaven, it is doubtful;
and of things doubtful no certain judgment can be given. Thirdly, 
though he had so manifested himself at certain times to be seen as
pleased him, yet by that is proved that he was, and not that he is
present here now in earth; and therefore, as this, his abiding in
heaven, is no let but that he may be in the sacrament if he list, so
this his appearing sometimes on the earth, is no proof that he list
now to be in the sacrament when he may.

XIX. To the antecedent: "One Christ is complete at all times, and in
all places;" but Chrysostom saith not, that one body of Christ is in
all places.

XX. and XXI. It may be that Christ might appear to Paul, not he coming
down from heaven -- but that the eyes of Paul, rising up to heaven,
there might apprehend him. Again it may be, that the power and glory
of Christ might appear to Paul, and yet the body of Christ remain
still in heaven; but, if his body was then really present on earth,
yet his body was not at one time both in heaven and earth together.
But what should we say then to the pix? If the body of Christ be so
often on the altar and so long in the pix as they make him, then, by
this reason, Christ's body is either seldom, or never, lightly, in
heaven.

XXII. He answereth to the minor by a distinction: If the being or
appearing of Christ here on the earth be referred as to a place, so he
denieth that Paul or others did see him corporally being here on
earth; but if it be referred as to the verity of his person, so he
granteth it may be. And yet, as is said, whether he descended down, or
their spirits ascended up, it is doubtful: certes, to whomsoever he
appeared, yet his appearing was in the air above, and not on the
earth.

XXIII. The force of this argument is grounded upon Chrysostom, "Christ
both left his flesh to us, and ascended having it with him." To the
which it is thus answered: That Christ both took his flesh and left
the same with us; but not after the same manner: for he took up his
flesh really, and left the same behind sacramentally. And therein he
did more than Elias, for he, as he left his mantle behind him really,
so he took the same with him no manner of way.

XXIV. This argument of Master Ward, as the terms stand, is neither a
right figure nor mode. Again, there is a fallax a dicto secundum quid
ad id quod simpliciter: and therefore the minor is well denied. For
Christ, in giving them his body to eat, did not give his body
simpliciter to be eaten, but after a certain manner, that is,
sacramentally his body, and materially his bread; and so both bread
and his body, in sundry respects.

XXV. The minor of this argument standeth upon Theophylact, "He did not
not say it is a figure of my flesh, but it is my body;" which author,
as he is not to be numbered among the most ancient, so neither among
the most sound of writers. He was about that time, when this
controversy about transubstantiation began first to grow, and when the
contention was between the Greek church and the Latin about the
proceeding of the Holy Ghost, &c. But, to let authority stand: this
place upon St. Mark is answered by another place of the said author
upon St. John, cap. vi.: Attende quod panis in mysteriis non est
tantum figuratio quędam carnis Domini, sed ipsa caro Domini, &c.;
meaning that here, which he speaketh above: That the sacrament is not
only a figure, (that is, no bare and void figure,) but a reverend
sacrament of the body, and, after a manner, the body itself, of
Christ.

XXVI. The minor hereof is untrue, if it stand universally for all the
true sheep of Christ.

XXVII. The major of this argument, taken out of Justin, maybe taken
two ways: for the giving of the body of Christ, may be understood
either really, and so the major is false; or spiritually, and so the
minor faileth: for he gave his flesh, not only in the supper, but also
on the cross.

XXVIII. The major is false: The Judaical passover is not strange from
Christ, for that he is the Lord of all.

XXIX. The minor is denied: for he gave his flesh to be eaten, both in
the eucharist and also otherwise; as is before declared: In the
eucharist, sacramentally to be eaten; on the cross, and also in the
world, spiritually.

XXX. To the major he answereth: The true blood, and the same blood
which issued out of his side, is in the cup; but not after the same
manner. From his side it streamed, really and substantially. In the
cup it is sacramentally, that is, by way and condition of
representation, so by him ordained. The question is not of being, for
that is granted on both parties, but of the manner of being, which now
in heaven is really; in the receivers is spiritually; in the eucharist
is sacramentally.

XXXI. The minor is thus to be understood: Bread and wine, as it is
common bread and common wine, have no promise; but, as they be
sanctified into a sacrament of the Lord's body and blood, they have
promise of grace annexed; but so annexed, that not they themselves
have or give the grace, but they are only as instruments whereby the
grace cometh, not for their sake, but for that thing which they
represent.

XXXII. This argument of Dr. Smith lacketh its right shape and form,
having four terms, &c.

Further, to the sequel, which he inferreth upon this argument: "But
Christ bare himself in his own hands: ergo, he bare no figure of his
body," &c. To this is answered by a distinction really and
sacramentally. Really, neither David nor Christ did bear himself in
his own hands; sacramentally, David could not bear himself, but Christ
so did at the supper; and that Augustine meaneth, adding this word,
quodam modo, after a certain manner; expounding thereby his words
before. And this Dr. Smith, falsely and craftily, leaveth out, in
alleging the doctor's words.

XXXIII. Evil men do eat the natural body of Christ, he granteth, but
only sacramentally; that is, that thing which beareth a sacrament of
the natural body of Christ: but good men eat the same, both
sacramentally and spiritually.

XXXIV. To the major he answereth: We worship the same natural body of
Christ, which the wise men did worship, but not after the same
mariner; that is, not really here present to our bodies, as he was to
theirs, but spiritually or sacramentally; and, so we worship Christ
spiritually in his word and Scriptures, and yet we say not that he is
really present in the Scriptures.

Resolutions to the arguments objected against Master Latimer.

XXXV. To the major of this argument, Master Latimer answereth himself
sufficiently before. As touching drinking of blood, it is forbidden in
the Old Testament; and commanded in the New, as touching the matter,
but not as touching the manner of the thing, &c.

XXXVI. First he denieth the major; secondly he distincteth the word
"church" in the minor; for as there is the true church of Christ which
he never suffereth to err, in the whole, from the apostles' time,
(although it may, in part, sometime,) so there is the popish church,
and that erreth and hath erred; which first begat the error of
transubstantiation in the time of Pope Innocent the Third about the
year 1215.

$

255. VARIOUS DOCUMENTS RELATING TO THE DISPUTATIONS

Here followeth a copy of the letter of warrant, sent from the queen to
Richard Atkinson, mayor of Oxford; Richard Ivery, and William Jony,
bailiffs; and the rest of the aldermen and inhabitants of the same
city, concerning the custody and bringing forth of the said bishops to
the disputations.

A letter of Warrant, &c.

To our trusty and well-beloved the mayor, aldermen, and other
inhabitants, of the city of Oxford.

"Trusty and well-beloved, we greet you well. And whereas Dr. Cranmer,
late archbishop of Canterbury, Dr. Ridley, and Hugh Latimer, clerk,
now remaining in your custody, by your appointment, have, besides
other their great crimes, maintained and openly set forth divers
heresies and erroneous and most pernicious opinions, contrary to the
catholic faith of Christ's church, to the great offence of Almighty
God, and evil and dangerous example of all our faithful and loving
subjects:-- like as it hath been wisely considered in the convocation
of the bishops, prelates, and other the clergy of our realm, that the
heresies, moved and nourished by the fore-said persons and other their
adherents, being no less perilous for the state of our realm than
hurtful to the setting-forth of God's glory and the furtherance of the
catholic religion, are meet to be, by learning, convinced and
overthrown in time:-- so have they, for that purpose, appointed
certain grave and well learned doctors and others, as well of that our
university of Oxford as of our university of Cambridge, to hear, in
open disputation, the said Cranmer, Ridley, and Latimer; so as their
erroneous opinions, being by the word of God justly and truly
convinced, the residue of our subjects may be thereby the better
established in the true catholic faith: We therefore, minding to have
the truth of Christ's catholic religion set forth and justly 
established among our loving subjects, to his glory and benefit of
this our realm, do let you wit, that our will and pleasure is, that
when, and as often as, the said learned persons appointed for that
purpose shall require you to cause the said Cranmer, Ridley, and
Latimer (every or any of them) to be brought to the place of open
disputation, you shall not only give order for the same conveying
thither of them, or any one or two of them, at the hours to them to be
appointed, but also to receive them again into your custody, to be
kept all together or separately as the commissioners shall appoint
from time to time, until further order shall be taken in this behalf
accordingly. Given under our signet, at our manor of St. James, the
sixth of April, and in the first year of our reign."

The report and narration of Master Ridley, concerning the misordered
disputation had against him and his fellow prisoners at Oxford.

"I never yet, since I was born, saw or heard any thing done or handled
more vainly or tumultuously, than the disputation which was with me in
the schools at Oxford. Yea verily, I could never have thought that it
had been possible to have found amongst men recounted to be of
knowledge and learning in this realm, any so brazen-faced and
shameless, so disorderly and vainly to behave themselves, more like to
stage-players in interludes to set forth a pageant, than to grave
divines in schools to dispute. The Sorbonical clamours -- which at
Paris I have seen in times past, when popery most reigned -- might be
worthily thought (in comparison of this Thrasonical ostentation) to
have had much modesty. And no great marvel, seeing they which should
have been moderators and overseers of others, and which should have
given good examples in words and gravity; they themselves, above all
others, gave worst example, and did, as it were, blow the trump to the
rest, to rave, roar, rage, and cry out. By reason whereof (good
Christian reader) manifestly it may appear, that they never sought for
any truth or verity, but only for the glory of the world, and their
own bragging victory. But lest, by the innumerable railings and
reproachful taunts, wherewith I was baited on every side, our cause --
yea, rather God's cause and his church's -- should be evil spoken of,
and slandered to the world, through false reports and untrue examples
given out of our disputation, and so the verity might sustain some
damage, I thought it no less than my duty to write mine answers; to
the intent that whosoever is desirous to know the truth thereof, may
by this perceive, as well those things which were chiefly objected, as
summarily that which was answered of me unto every of them. Howbeit
(good reader) I confess this to be most true, that it is impossible to
set forth either all that was (God knoweth) tumultuously and
confusedly objected of their parts, being so many; speaking many times
all together so thick, that one could not well hear another, neither
all that was answered on my behalf to them so sundry and divers
opponents.

"Moreover, a great part of the time appointed for the disputations was
vainly consumed in opprobrious checks and reviling taunts, (with
hissing and clapping of hands,) and that in the English tongue, to
procure the people's favour withal. All which things, when I with
great grief of heart did behold, protesting openly, that such
excessive and outrageous disorder was unseemly for those schools, and
men of learning and gravity, and that they which were the doers and
stirrers of such things, did nothing else but betray the slenderness
of their cause, and their own vanities: I was so far off, by this my
humble complaint, from doing any good at all, that I was enforced to
hear such rebukes, checks, and taunts for my labour, as no person of
any honesty, without blushing, could abide to hear the like spoken of
a most vile varlet, against a most wretched ruffian.

"At the first beginning of the disputation, when I should have
confirmed mine answer to the first proposition in few words (and that
after the manner and law of schools); afore I could make an end of my
first probation, which was not very long, even the doctors themselves
cried out, 'He speaketh blasphemies! he speaketh blasphemies!' And
when I on my knees besought them, and that heartily, that they would
vouchsafe to hear me to the end (whereat the prolocutor, being moved,
cried out on high, 'Let him read it! let him read it!'): yet, when I
began to read again, there followed immediately such shouting, such a
noise and tumult, such confusion of voices, crying, 'Blasphemies!
blasphemies!' as I, to my remembrance, never heard or read the like;
except it be that one, which was in the Acts of the Apostles, stirred
up of Demetrius the silversmith, and others of his occupation, crying
out against Paul, 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians! great is Diana of
the Ephesians!' And except it be a certain disputation which the
Arians had against the orthodox, and such as were of godly judgment in
Africa; where, it is said, that such as the president and rulers of
the disputation were, such was the end of the disputations: all were
in a hurly-burly; and so great were the slanders which the Arians cast
out, that nothing could quietly be heard. This writeth Victor, in the
second book of his history.

"The which cries and tumults of them against me so prevailed, that,
will I, nill I, I was enforced to leave off the reading of my
probations, although they were short. If any man doubt of the truth
hereof, let the same ask any one that was there, and not utterly
perverted in popery; and I am assured he will say, I spake the least.
But, to complain of these things further, I will cease."

And further, speaking of this disputation, he concludeth with these
words:

"And thus was ended this most glorious disputation of the most holy
fathers, sacrificers, doctors, and masters; which fought most
manfully, as ye may see, for their God and goods, for their faith and
felicity, for their country and kitchen, for their beauty and belly,
with triumphant applauses, and favour of the whole university."

After the disputation of Master Latimer ended, which was the
eighteenth of April; the Friday following, which was the twentieth of
the said month, the commissioners sat in St. Mary's church, as they
did the Saturday before, and Dr. Weston used particularly dissuasions
with every one of them, and would not suffer them to answer in any
wise, but directly and peremptorily, as his words were, to say whether
they would subscribe, or no. And first to the archbishop of
Canterbury, he said, he was overcome in disputations. To whom the
archbishop answered, that whereas Dr. Weston said, he hath answered
and opposed, and could neither maintain his own errors, nor impugn the
verity; all that he said was false. For he was not suffered to oppose
as he would, nor could answer as he was required, unless he would have
brawled with them; so thick their reasons came one after another. Ever
four or five did interrupt him, that he could not speak. Master Ridley
and Master Latimer were asked what they would do: they replied, that
they would stand to that they had said. Then were they all called
together, and sentence read over them, that they were no members of
the church: and therefore they, their supporters and patrons, were
condemned as heretics. And in reading of it, they were asked, whether
they would turn or no: and they bade them read on in the name of God;
for they were not minded to turn. So they were condemned all three.

After which, sentence of condemnation being awarded against them, they
answered again every one in his turn, in manner and effect of words, 
as followeth: the archbishop first beginning thus:

The archbishop of Canterbury.--"From this your judgment and sentence,
I appeal to the just judgment of God Almighty; trusting to be present
with him in heaven, for whose presence in the altar I am thus
condemned."

Dr. Ridley.--"Although I be not of your company, yet doubt I not but
my name is written in another place, whither this sentence will send
us sooner, than we should by the course of nature have come."

Master Latimer.--"I thank God most heartily, that he hath prolonged my
life to this end, that I may in this case glorify God by that kind of
death."

Dr. Weston to Latimer.--" If you go to heaven in this faith, then I
will never come thither, as I am thus persuaded."

After the sentence pronounced, they were separated one from another;
videlicet, the archbishop was returned to Bocardo, Dr. Ridley was
carried to the sheriff's house, Master Latimer to the bailiff's.

On Saturday following, they had a mass with a general procession and
great solemnity. Dr. Cranmer was caused to behold the procession out
of Bocardo; Dr. Ridley out of the sheriff's house; Latimer also, being
brought to see it from the bailiff's house, thought that he should
have gone to burning, and spake to one Augustine Cooper, a catchpole,
to make a quick fire. But when he came to Carfax, and saw the matter,
he ran as fast as his old bones would carry him, to one Spenser's
shop, and would not look towards it. Last of all, Dr. Weston carried
the sacrament, and four doctors carried the canopy over him.
Immediately after the sentence was given, Dr. Ridley writeth to the
prolocutor in manner as followeth.

"Master Prolocutor, you remember, I am sure, how you promised me
openly in the schools, after my protestation, that I should see how my
answers were there taken and written of the notaries whom ye appointed
(me fateor neminem recusare) to write what should be said, and to have
had licence to have added unto them, or to have altered them, as upon
more deliberation should have seemed me best. Ye granted me also at
the delivery of my answer unto your first proposition, a copy of the
same:-- these promises are not performed. If your sudden departure be
any part of the cause thereof, yet I pray you remember that they may
be performed; for performance of promise is to be looked for at a
righteous judge's hands. Now I send you here my answers in writing to
your second and third propositions, and do desire and require
earnestly a copy of the same; and I shall, by God's grace, procure the
pains of the writer to be paid for, and satisfied accordingly. Master
Prolocutor, in the time of my answering in the schools, when I would
have confirmed my sayings with authorities and reasons, ye said then
openly, that I should have time and place, to say and bring whatsoever
I could, another time, and the same your saying was then and there
confirmed of other of the commissioners: yea, and (I dare say) the
audience also thought then, that I should have had another day, to
have brought and said what I could, for the declaration and
confirmation of mine assertions. Now that this was not done, but so
suddenly sentence given, before the cause was perfectly heard, I
cannot but marvel at it all; and the due reformation of all things
which are amiss, I commit to Almighty God my heavenly Father, who, by
his dear Son our Saviour Jesus Christ, whom he hath made the universal
judge of all flesh, shall truly and righteously judge both you and
me."

On Monday next ensuing, after these things done and past, being the
twenty-third of the said month of April, Dr. Weston, prolocutor, took
his journey up to London, with the letters certificatory from the
university unto the queen, by whom the archbishop of Canterbury
directed his letters supplicatory unto the council. The which letters,
after the prolocutor had received, and had carried them well-near half
way to London, by the way he opened the same, and seeing the contents
thereof, sent them back again, refusing to carry them, &c. Likewise
Bishop Ridley, hearing of the prolocutor's going to London, writeth to
him his letters, wherein he desireth him to carry his answers up to
certain bishops in London, the form of which letters, first of Dr.
Ridley, then of the archbishop, and lastly, another letter of Dr.
Ridley to the archbishop, here in order followeth.

Another letter of Bishop Ridley to the prolocutor.

"Master Prolocutor, I desire you, and in God's name require you, that
you truly bring forth and show all mine answers, written and
subscribed with mine own hand, unto the higher house of the
convocation, and especially to my lord chancellor, my lords of Durham,
Ely, Worcester, Norwich, and Chichester; and also to show and exhibit
this my writing unto them, which in these few lines here I write unto
you. And that I did make this request unto you by this my writing,
know ye that I did take witness of them by whom I send you this
writing, and also of those which were then with them present;
videlicet, the two bailiffs of Oxford -- and of Master Irish,
alderman, then there called to be a witness.

"By me Nicholas Ridley, the 13th of April, anno 1554."

The copy of the archbishop of Canterbury's letter to the council, sent
by Dr. Weston, who refused to deliver it.

"In right humble wise showeth unto your honourable Lordships Thomas
Cranmer, late archbishop of Canterbury, beseeching the same to be a
means for me unto the queen's Highness for her mercy and pardon. Some
of you know by what means I was brought and trained unto the will of
our late sovereign lord King Edward the Sixth, and what I spoke
against the same; wherein I refer me to the reports of your honours
and worships. Furthermore, this is to signify unto your Lordships,
that upon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last past, were open
disputations here in Oxford against me, Master Ridley, and Master
Latimer, in three matters concerning the sacrament: first, of the real
presence: secondly, of transubstantiation: and thirdly, of the
sacrifice of the mass. Upon Monday, against me; upon Tuesday, against
Dr. Ridley; and upon Wednesday, against Master Latimer. How the other
two were ordered, I know not; for we were separated, so that none of
us knoweth what the other said, nor how they were ordered. But as
concerning myself, I can report. Dr. Chedsey was appointed to dispute
against me, but the disputation was so confused, that I never knew the
like; every man bringing forth what him liked without order: and such
haste was made, that no answer could be suffered to be taken fully to
any argument, before another brought a new argument. And in such
weighty matters the disputation must needs be ended in one day, which
can scantly be ended in three months. And when we had answered them,
they would not appoint us one day to bring forth our proofs, that they
might answer us, being required by me thereunto; whereas I myself have
more to say, than can be well discussed, as I suppose, in twenty days.
The means to resolve the truth, had been to have suffered us to answer
fully to all that they could say; and then they again to answer us
fully to all that we can say. But why they would not answer us, what
other cause can there be, but that either they feared their matter,
that they were not able to answer us, or else for some consideration
they made such haste, not to seek the truth, but to condemn us, that
it must be done in post-haste before the matters could be thoroughly
heard--for in haste we were all three condemned of heresy. Thus much I
thought good to signify unto your Lordships, that you may know the
indifferent handling of matters, leaving the judgment thereof unto
your wisdoms. And I beseech your Lordships, to remember me, a poor
prisoner, unto the queen's Majesty; and I shall pray, as I do daily
unto God, for the long preservation of your good Lordships in all
godliness and felicity.

"April 23, 1554."

Bishop Ridley to Archbishop Cranmer.

"I wish ye might have seen these mine answers before I had delivered
them, that ye might have corrected them. But, I trust, in the
substance of the matter we do agree fully, both led by one Spirit of
truth, and both walking after one rule of God's word. It is reported,
that Serjeant Morgan, the chief justice of the Common Pleas, is gone
mad. It is said also, that Justice Hales hath recanted, perverted by
Dr. Moreman. Item, that Master Rogers, Dr. Crome, and Master Bradford
shall he had to Cambridge, and there be disputed with, as we were
here; and that the doctors of Oxford shall go likewise thither, as
Cambridge men came hither. When ye have read mine answers, send them
again to Austin, except ye will put any thing to them. I trust the day
of our delivery out of all miseries, and of our entrance into
perpetual rest, and into perpetual joy and felicity, draweth nigh: the
Lord strengthen us with his mighty Spirit of grace!

"If you have not to write with, you must make your man your friend.
And this bearer deserveth to be rewarded; so he may, and will do you
pleasure. My man is trusty, but it grieveth both him and me, that when
I send him with any thing to you, your man will not let him come up to
see you, as he may to Master Latimer, and yours to me. I have a
promise to see how my answers were written in the schools, but as yet
I cannot come by it. Pray for me, I pray for you, and so shall I for
you. The Lord have mercy of his church, and lighten the eyes of the
magistrates, that God's extreme plagues light not on this realm of
England! -- Turn, or burn."

$

256. OTHER THINGS WHICH HAPPENED IN THIS REALM, IN THIS TUMULTUOUS
TIME.(1)

These disputations being thus discussed and ended, which were at
Oxford in the month of April, as is aforesaid: now let us return again
to the prosecuting of our story, touching other things likewise that
happened in other parts of the realm, in this tumultuous time of Queen
Mary. And because things that happened in that time were so many and
divers, that it is hard to keep a perfect order in reciting them all -
- to the intent therefore to insert things left out before, or else to
prosecute the same more at full, we have thought here a little to
interrupt the order of time, (albeit not much,) returning again to the
month of July the year before, viz. 1553. In the which month of July,
I showed before, how the duke of Northumberland was apprehended by the
guard, and brought to London by the earl of Arundel, and other lords
and gentlemen appointed for that purpose, on St. James's day, (being
the twenty-fifth of July,) and so to the Tower, where he remained.

These be the names of them that were committed to the Tower with the
duke. First, the earl of Warwick, the earl of Huntingdon, Lord Ambrose
Dudley and Lord Henry Dudley, Lord Hastings, who was delivered again
the same night; Sir John Gates, Sir Henry Gates, Sir Andrew Dudley,
Sir Thomas Palmer, and Dr. Sands, chancellor of Cambridge.

The twenty-sixth of July, the lord marquis of Northampton, the bishop
of London, Lord Robert Dudley, and Sir Richard Corbet, were brought
and committed to the Tower.

The twenty-seventh of July, the lord chief justice of England, and the
Lord Mountacute, chief justice of the Common Pleas, were committed to
the Tower.

On the Friday, being the twenty-eighth of July, the duke of Suffolk
and Sir John Cheke were committed to the Tower.

The thirtieth of July, the Lord Russel was committed to the sheriff of
London's custody.

The thirty-first of July, the earl of Rutland was committed to the
Fleet.

On the same day, being Monday, the duke of Suffolk was delivered out
of the Tower again. On Thursday the third of August, the queen entered
into the city of London at Aldgate, and so to the Tower, where she
remained seven days, and then removed to Richmond.

On Friday the fourth of August, Dr. Day was delivered out of the
Fleet.

On Saturday the fifth of August, the Lord Ferrers was committed to the
Tower, and the same day Dr. Bonner was delivered out of the
Marshalsea. The same day at night, Dr. Coxe was committed to the
Marshalsea, and one Master Edward Underhill to Newgate. Also the same
day Dr. Tonstal and Stephen Gardiner were delivered out of the Tower,
and Gardiner received into the queen's privy council, and made lord
chancellor.

On Sunday the sixth of August, Henry Dudley. captain of the guard at
Guines, who before had been sent to the French king by his cousin the
duke of Northumberland, after the despatch of his ambassage with the
French king, returned to Guines, and so was taken, and this day
brought to the Tower.

On Monday the seventh of August, Dirige in Latin was sung within the
Tower, by all the king's chapel, and the bishop of Winchester was
chief minister; whereat was present the queen, with most part of the
council.

On Tuesday the eighth of August, the king's body was brought to
Westminster, and there buried; where Dr. Day, bishop of Chichester,
preached. The same day a mass of Requiem was sung within the Tower, by
the bishop of Winchester, who had on his mitre, and did all things as
in times past was done; at which mass the queen was present.

On Thursday the duke of Norfolk came forth of the Tower, with whom the
duchess of Somerset was also delivered this Thursday.

On Sunday the thirteenth of August, Dr. Bourn preached at Paul's
Cross: of the which sermon read before.

In the week following, commandment was given throughout the city, that
no apprentices should come to the sermon, nor bear any knife or
dagger.

On the Wednesday, being the sixteenth of August, Master Bradford,
Master Beacon, and Master Veron, were committed to the Tower: with
whom
also Master Sampson should have been committed, and was sought for the
same time at Master Elsing's house in Fleet Street, where Master
Bradford was taken; and because he was not found, the bishop of
Winchester fumed like a prelate, with the messenger.

On the Friday, being the eighteenth of August, the duke of
Northumberland, the marquis of Northampton, and the earl of Warwick,
were arraigned at Westminster, and there the same day condemned; the
duke of Norfolk that day being the high judge.

On Saturday the nineteenth of August, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John
Gates, Sir Henry Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were arraigned at
Westminster, and condemned the same day; the lord marquis of
Winchester being high judge.

On that day a letter was sent unto Sir Henry Tirril, Anthony Brown and
Edmund Brown, esquires, praying them to commit to ward all such as
should contemn the queen's order of religion, or should keep
themselves from church, there to remain until they be conformable, and
to signify their names to the council.

On Sunday the twentieth of August, Dr. Watson, the bishop of
Winchester's chaplain, preached at Paul's Cross, at whose sermon were
present the marquis of Winchester, the earl of Bedford, the earl of
Pembroke, the Lord Rich, and two hundred of the guard with their
halberts, lest the people should have made any stir against the
preacher.

On Monday the twenty-first of August, the duke of Northumberland, the
marquis of Northampton, Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John Gates, and Sir
Thomas Palmer, heard a mass within the Tower, and after mass they all
five received the sacrament in one kind only, as in the popish time
was used. On the which day also Queen Mary set forth a proclamation,
signifying to the people, that she could not hide any longer the
religion which she from her infancy had professed, &c.: inhibiting in
the said proclamation, printing and preaching. The tenor thereof read
before.

On the Tuesday, being the twenty-second of August, the duke of
Northumberland, Sir John Gates, and Sir Thomas Palmer, were beheaded
at the Tower Hill, as before is said. The same day certain noble
personages heard mass within the Tower, and likewise after mass,
received the sacrament in one kind.

On Sunday the twenty-seventh of August, Dr. Chedsey preached at Paul's
Cross; and the same day the bishop of Canterbury, Sir Thomas Smith,
and the dean of Paul's, were cited to appear the week following before
the queen's commissioners, in the bishop's consistory within Paul's.

In this mean time it was noised abroad by running rumours falsely and
craftily devised; either to stablish the credit of the mass, or else
to bring Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, out of credit, that
he, to curry favour with Queen Mary, should promise to say "Dirige
mass," after the old custom, for King Edward, and that he had already
said mass at Canterbury, &c. Wherefore, to stop the noise and slanders
of those rumours, on the seventh of September, 1553, he set forth a
letter, which was also printed, in purgation of himself, the copy of
which letter here ensueth:

"As the devil, Christ's ancient adversary, is a liar, and the father
of lies, even so hath he stirred up his servants and members to
persecute Christ, and his true word and religion, with lying: which he
ceaseth not to do most earnestly at this present time. For whereas the
prince of famous memory, King Henry the Eighth, seeing the great
abuses of the Latin mass, reformed some things therein in his
lifetime, and after, our late sovereign lord King Edward the Sixth,
took the same wholly away, for the manifold and great errors and
abuses of the same, and restored in the place thereof Christ's holy
supper, according to Christ's own institution, and as the apostles
used the same in the primitive church; the devil goeth about now, by
lying, to overthrow the Lord's supper again, and to restore his Latin
satisfactory mass, a thing of his own invention and device. And to
bring the same more easily to pass, some have abused the name of me,
Thomas, archbishop of Canterbury, bruiting abroad, that I have set up
the mass at Canterbury, and that I offered to say mass at the burial
of our late sovereign prince King Edward the Sixth, and that I offered
also to say mass before the queen's Highness, and at Paul's church,
and I wot not where. And although I have been well exercised these
twenty years to suffer and bear evil reports and lies, and have not
been much grieved thereat, but have borne all things quietly; yet,
when untrue reports and lies turn to the hinderance of God's truth,
they are in no wise to he suffered. Wherefore, these be to signify
unto the world, that it was not I that set up the mass at Canterbury,
but it was a false, flattering, lying, and dissembling monk, which
caused mass to be set up there without mine advice or counsel. And as
for offering myself to say mass before the queen's Highness, or in any
other place, I never did it; as her Grace well knoweth. But if her
Grace will give me leave, I shall be ready to prove, against all that
will say the contrary, that all that is contained in the Holy
Communion, set out by the most innocent and godly prince King Edward
the Sixth, in his high court of parliament, is conformable to that
order which our Saviour Christ did both observe, and command to be
observed; and which his apostles and the primitive church used many
years:-- whereas the mass, in many things, not only hath no foundation
of Christ, his apostles, nor the primitive church, but is manifestly
contrary to the same, and containeth many horrible abuses in it. And
although many, either unlearned or malicious, do report, that Master
Peter Martyr is unlearned, yet, if the queen's Highness will grant
thereunto, I. with the said Master Peter Martyr, and other four or
five, which I shall choose, will, by God's grace, take upon us to
defend, not only the common prayers of the church, the ministration of
the sacraments, and other rites and ceremonies, but also all the
doctrine and religion set out by our sovereign lord King Edward the
Sixth, to be more pure, and according to God's word, than any other
that hath been used in England these one thousand years: so that God's
word may be judge, and that the reasons and proofs of both parties may
be set out in writing, to the intent, as well that all the world may
examine and judge thereon, as that no man shall start back from his
writing. And whereas they boast of the faith, that hath been in the
church these fifteen hundred years, we will join with them in this
point; and that the same doctrine and usage is to be followed, which
was in the church fifteen hundred years past: and we shall prove, that
the order of the church, set out at this present in this realm by act
of parliament, is the same that was used in the church fifteen hundred
years past -- and so shall they be never able to prove theirs."

The same Thursday, being the seventh of September, 1553, Lord
Mountacute, chief justice, and the lord chief baron, were delivered
out of the Tower.

The thirteenth of September, the reverend father, Master Hugh Latimer,
was committed to the Tower.

The fourteenth of September, the archbishop of Canterbury was
committed to the Tower.

The twenty-sixth of September, one Master Gray of Cambridge, called
before him one Master Garth, for that he would not suffer a boy of
Peterhouse to help him say mass in Pembroke hall; which was before any
law was established for that behalf.

The queen came to the Tower of London upon the Thursday, the twenty-
eighth of September. And, upon the Saturday following, she rode from
the Tower through the city of London, where were made many pageants to
receive her; and so she was triumphantly brought to Westminster to
Whitehall.
(Ilustration: Queen Mary's Coronation Procession £259)

Upon the Sunday, being the first of October, 1553, the queen's
Highness went from Whitehall to Westminster Abbey, accompanied with
the most part of the nobility of this realm, namely these: the duke of
Norfolk, the earl of Arundel, the earl of Shrewsbury, the marquis of
Winchester, the earls of Derby, Bedford, Worcester, Cumberland,
Westmoreland, Oxford, Sussex, Devonshire, Pembroke, the Lord Dacres of
the north, Lord Ferrers, Lord Cobham, Lord Abergavenny, Lord
Wentworth, Lord Scrope, Lord Riche, Lord Vaux, Lord Howard, Lord
Connyers, Lord Morley, Lord Paget, and the Lord Willoughby, with other
nobles, and all the ambassadors of divers countries, and the mayor of
London, with all the aldermen. Also out of the Abbey, to receive her
coming, came three silver crosses, and to the number of fourscore, or
near upon, of singing men, all in very rich and gorgeous copes.
Amongst whom was the dean of Westminster, and divers of her chaplains,
which bare every one some ensign in their hands, and after them
followed ten bishops, mitred all, and their crosier staves in their
hands, and rich copes upon them every one. And in this order they
returned from Westminster Hall before the queen to the Abbey, where
she was crowned by Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester and lord
chancellor of England. At the time of the coronation Dr. Day, bishop
of Chichester, made a sermon to the queen's Majesty, and to the rest
of the nobility.

Also there was a general pardon proclaimed within the Abbey at the
same time of her coronation, out of which proclamation all the
prisoners of the Tower and the Fleet were excepted, and sixty-two
more; whereof Master Whitchurch and Master Grafton were two.

The third of October, the vice-chancellor of Cambridge did challenge
one Master Pierson, for that he ministered still the communion in his
own parish, and did receive strangers of other parishes to the same,
and would not say mass. Whereupon, within two days after, he was clean
discharged from further ministering in his cure.

On the Wednesday following, the archbishop of York was committed to
the Tower.

On Thursday, being the fifth of October, the queen rode to the
parliament in her robes, and all the nobility with her, and when they
were set in the parliament house, the bishop of Winchester made to
them a solemn oration, and Serjeant Pollard was chosen speaker of the
parliament. The same day the bishops of Lincoln, Hereford, and
Chester, were discharged from the parliament and convocation.

Also, the tenth of October, the earl of Huntingdon was delivered out
of the Tower.

On the Sunday after, being the fifteenth of October, Master Laurence
Saunders preached at Allhallows in Bread Street in the morning; where
he declared the abomination of the mass, with divers other matters,
very notably and godly: whereof more shall be heard (by the Lord's
leave) hereafter, when we come to his story. In which his doing, as he
showed himself to be God's faithful minister, so is he sure not to be
defrauded of God's faithful promise, who saith, Whosoever shall
confess me before men, him will I confess before my Father in heaven.
But about noon of the same day, he was sent for by the bishop of
London, and from thence committed to the Marshalsea.

On the Sunday following, being the twentieth of October, Dr. Weston
preached at Paul's Cross: who, in the beginning of his sermon, willed
the people to pray for the souls departed, on this wise: "You shall
pray for all them that be departed, that be neither in heaven, nor
hell, but in a place not yet sufficiently purged to come to heaven,
that they may be relieved by your devout prayers." He named the Lord's
table an oyster-board. He said, that the catechism in Latin, lately
set out, was abominable heresy, and likened the setters-out of the
same catechism to Julian the apostate, and the book to a dialogue set
out by the said Julian the apostate, wherein Christ and Pilate were
the speakers; with many other things. Which sermon, with all the
points thereof, Master Coverdale the same time learnedly confuted by
writing; which remaineth yet in my hands to be seen.

In the week following began the disputations in the Convocation-house
in Paul's church, whereof sufficient hath been before declared.

The twenty-sixth of October, the vice-chancellor of Cambridge went to
Clare hall, and in the presence of Dr. Walker, displaced Dr. Madew,
and placed Master Swynbourne in the mastership there, by force of the
lord chancellor's letters; for that he was (as they termed it)
uxoratus, that is, married.

The twenty-eighth of October, the papists in the King's college in
Cambridge (not tarrying the making of any law, but of their blind
zeal) had their whole service again in the Latin tongue; contrary to
the law then in force.

The last day of October, the vice-chancellor of Cambridge did sharply
reprove and threaten one Master Thrackold, for that he challenged the
said vice-chancellor, who had suffered Master Bovell (contrary to the
statutes then in force) quietly without punishment to depart,
notwithstanding that he refused to swear to the supremacy of the
queen, and the abrogation of the bishop of Rome.

The third of November the vice-chancellor sent for the curate of the
Round church in Cambridge, commanding him not to minister any more in
the English tongue; saying, he would have one uniform order of service
throughout the town, and that in Latin, with mass: which was
established the twelfth day of this month.

The sixth of November, Master Pollard preached at St. Michael's, and
in his sermon approved purgatory.

The twenty-eighth of November, the archdeacon's official visited
Hinton, where he gave in charge to present all such as did disturb the
queen's proceedings, in letting the Latin service, the setting up of
their altars, and saying of mass, or any part thereof: whereby it was
easy to see, how these good fellows meant to proceed, having the law
once on their side; that thus readily, against a manifest law, would
attempt the punishment of any man.

The fifteenth of December there were two proclamations at London; the
one for the repealing of certain acts made by King Edward, and for the
setting up of the mass, for the twentieth of December then next
following: the other was, that no man should interrupt any of those
that would say mass.

The parliament beginning about the fifth of October, continued till
the fifth of December. In the which parliament were dissolved as well
all the statutes made of pręmunire, in the time of King Henry the
Eighth, &c., as also other laws and statutes concerning religion and
administration of sacraments, decreed under King Edward the Sixth, as
is partly above touched. In the which parliament moreover was
appointed, the twentieth of December next ensuing, the same year 1553,
that all the old form and manner of church service, used in the last
year of King Henry, should now again be restored.

On new-year's even, being the last day of December, the lord marquis
of Northampton was delivered out of the Tower.

About this time a priest of Canterbury said mass on the one day, and
the next day after he came into the pulpit, and desired all the people
to forgive him; for he said, he had betrayed Christ, not as Judas did,
but as Peter did: and there made a long sermon against the mass.

The day after new-year's day, being the second of January, A. D. 1554,
four ambassadors came into London from the emperor, and were
honourably received. Their names were these: the counts of Egmont and
Lalain, the lord of Courrieres, and the sieur de Nigry.

About this time a great number of new bishops, deans, &c., were
chosen; more than were made at one time since the Conquest. Their
names are these: Holyman, bishop of Bristol; Cotes, bishop of Chester;
Hopton, bishop of Norwich; Bourn, bishop of Bath; White, bishop of
Lincoln; Mores, bishop of Rochester; Morgan, bishop of St. David's;
Poole, bishop of St. Asaph; Brookes, bishop of Gloucester; Moreman,
coadjutor to the bishop of Exeter, and, after his decease, bishop of
Exeter; Glyn, bishop of Bangor; Master Fecknam, dean of Paul's;
Rainolds, dean of Bristol, with others.

The twelfth of January, the vice-chancellor of Cambridge called a
congregation general, wherein amongst other things he showed, that the
queen would have there a mass of the Holy Ghost upon the eighteenth of
February then next following, for that it was her birthday; which was
fulfilled the day appointed, and that very solemnly.

On the Saturday, being the thirteenth of January, Dr. Crome was
committed to the Fleet. Also upon the Sunday following, one Master
Addington was committed to the Tower. Also this same Sunday knowledge
was given in the court openly by the bishop of Winchester, that the
marriage between the queen's Majesty and the king of Spain was
concluded; and the day following, being Monday, and the fifteenth of
January, the mayor with the aldermen and certain commons were at the
court; and there they were commanded by the lord chancellor to prepare
the city ready to receive the said king of Spain; who declared unto
them what a catholic, mighty, prudent, and wise prince the said king
was, with many other commendations of him.

On the Saturday following, being the twentieth of January, the court 
of the first-fruits and tenths was dissolved.

On the Thursday at night following, the twenty-fifth of January, the
lord marquis of Northampton was again committed to the Tower, and Sir
Edward Warner with him; who were brought to the Tower by the mayor.

On the Saturday following, being the twenty-seventh of January,
Justice Hales was committed to the Marshalsea, and the same day Master
Rogers was committed to Newgate. On this Saturday, and the Sunday and
Monday following, the Londoners prepared a number of soldiers (by the
queen's commandment) to go into Kent against the commons: whereof were
chief captains the duke of Norfolk, the earl of Arundel, Sir Henry
Jerningham, Sir George Hayward, and ten other captains. Which soldiers
when they came to Rochester bridge, where they should have set upon
their enemies, most of them (as it is said) left their own captains,
and came wholly to the Kentish men; and so the aforesaid captains
returned to the court both void of men and victory, leaving behind
them both six pieces of ordnance and treasure.

About the latter end of January, the duke of Suffolk with his brethren
departed from his house at Shene, and took his voyage into
Leicestershire. After whom was sent the earl of Huntingdon to take him
and bring him to London, who proclaimed the said duke traitor, by the
way as he rode.

And thus passing to the month of February, here is to be noted by way
of story, that upon the fifteenth day of the said month, being
Thursday, there were seen within the city of London, about nine of the
clock in the forenoon, strange sights. There were seen two suns both
shining at once, the one a pretty good way distant from the other. At
the same time was also seen a rainbow turned contrary, and a great
deal higher than hath been accustomed. The common standing of the
rainbow is thus n, but this stood thus U, with the head downward, and
the feet as it were upward. Both these sights were seen as well at
Westminster, in Cheapside, and on the south side of Paul's, as in very
many other places; and that by a great number of honest men. Also
certain aldermen went out of the Guildhall, to behold the sight.

$

257. THE EXECUTION OF THE KENTISH REBELS.
(Illustration: Execution of the Duke of Suffolk)

As touching the rising of Master Wyat, with Sir William Cobham and
others, in Kent, and their coming to London in the month of February;
also of the queen's coming to Guildhall, and her oration there made;
and after of the taking of the said Wyat and his company; likewise of
the apprehension of the duke of Suffolk with his brother Lord John
Gray; and, the next day after, of the beheading of the Lord Guildford
and Lady Jane, which was the twelfth of February, and how the day
before, which was the eleventh of the said month, Lord William Howard
and Sir Edward Hastings were sent for the Lady Elizabeth; and how the
same Sunday, Sir Henry Iseley, Master Culpepper, and Master Winter
were committed to the Tower, the bishop of Winchester the same day
(being the eleventh of February) preaching before the queen, and
persuading her to use no mercy toward these Kentish men, but severe
execution -- all which was in the month of February; because most of
these matters have been briefly touched before, or else may be found
in other chronicles, I will cease to make any further story of them:
having somewhat, notwithstanding, to declare touching the arraignment
and death of the duke of Suffolk.

On Saturday, the seventeenth of February, the duke of Suffolk was
arraigned at Westminster, and the same day condemned to die by his
peers: the earl of Arundel was chief judge for this day.

On the Sunday following, the eighteenth of February, sessions was kept
in London, which hath not before been kept on the Sunday.

On Monday, the nineteenth of February, the Lord Cobham's three sons,
and four other men, were arraigned at Westminster: of which sons the
youngest was condemned, whose name was Thomas, and the other two cane
not at the bar; and the other four were condemned.

On Tuesday, the twentieth of February, the Lord John Gray was
arraigned at Westminster, and there condemned the same day; and other
three men, whereof one was named Nailer.

On Wednesday, the twenty-first of February, the Lord Thomas Gray and
Sir James Croft were brought through London to the Tower, with a
number of horsemen.

On Thursday, the twenty-second of February, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton
was committed to the Tower.

On Friday, the twenty-third of February, the duke of Suffolk was
beheaded at the Tower Hill, the order of whose death here followeth.

The godly end and death of the duke of Suffolk,
beheaded at Tower Hill.

On Friday the twenty-third of February, 1554, about nine of the clock
in the forenoon, the Lord Henry Gray, duke of Suffolk, was brought
forth of the Tower of London unto the scaffold on the Tower Hill, with
a great company, &c.; and in his coming thither, there accompanied him
Dr. Weston, as his ghostly father: notwithstanding, as it should seem,
against the will of the said duke -- for when the duke went up to the
scaffold, the said Weston being on the left hand, pressed to go up
with him. The duke with his hand put him down again off the stairs;
and Weston, taking hold of the duke, forced him down likewise. And as
they ascended the second time, the duke again put him down.

Then Weston said, that it was the queen's pleasure he should so do.
Wherewith the duke casting his hands abroad, ascended up the scaffold,
and paused a pretty while after. And then he said:

"Masters, I have offended the queen and her laws, and thereby am
justly condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be
obedient. And I pray God that this my death may be an en-sample to all
men, beseeching you all to bear me witness, that I die in the faith of
Christ, trusting to be saved by his blood only, and by no other
trumpery, the which died for me, and for all them that truly repent, 
and stedfastly trust in him. And I do repent, desiring you all to pray
to God for me; and that when you see my breath depart from me, you
will pray to God that he may receive my soul."

And then he desired all men to forgive him, saying, that the queen had
forgiven him.

Then Master Weston declared with a loud voice, that the queen's
Majesty had forgiven him. With that divers of the standers-by said,
with meetly good and audible voice: "Such forgiveness God send thee"
(meaning Dr. Weston). Then the duke kneeled down upon his knees, and
said the psalm, Miserere mei Deus, unto the end, holding up his hands,
and looking up to heaven. And when he had ended the psalm, he said, In
manes tuus, Domine, commendo spiritum meum, &c. Then he arose and
stood up, and delivered his cap and his scarf unto the executioner.
Then the said executioner kneeled down, and asked the duke
forgiveness. And the duke said, "God forgive thee, and I do: and when
thou dost thine office, I pray thee do it well, and bring me out of
this world quickly; and God have mercy to thee." Then stood there a
man, and said, "My Lord, how shall I do for the money that you do owe
me?" And the duke said, " Alas, good fellow! I pray thee trouble me
not now; but go thy way to my officers." Then he knit a kercher about
his face, and kneeled down and said, "Our Father which art in heaven,"
&c., unto the end. And then he said, "Christ have mercy upon me;" and
laid down his head on the block, and the executioner took the axe,
and, at the first chop, struck off his head, and held it up to the
people, &c.

The same day a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through
the city with their halters about their necks. There were in number
about two hundred.

On Saturday, the twenty-fourth of February, Sir William Sentlow was
committed, as prisoner to the master of the horse, to be kept. This
Sir William was at this time one of the Lady Elizabeth's gentlemen.

On Sunday, the twenty-fifth of February, Sir John Rogers was committed
to the Tower.

In this week, all such priests within the diocese of London as were
married, were divorced from their livings, and commanded to bring
their wives within a fortnight, that they might be likewise divorced
from them.-- This the bishop did of his own power.

On the Tuesday in the same week, being the twenty-seventh of February,
certain gentlemen of Kent were sent into Kent, to be executed there:
their names were these, the two Mantels, two Knevets, and Bret. With
these Master Rudston, also, and certain others were condemned, and
should have been executed, but they had their pardon.

As touching the aforesaid Master Mantel the elder, here by the way is
to be noted, that as he was led to execution, and at his first casting
under the gallows, the rope brake. Then they would have had him recant
the truth, and receive the sacrament of the altar (as they term it):
and then, they said, he should have the queen's pardon. But Master
Mantel, like a worthy gentleman, refused their serpentine counsel, and
chose rather to die, than to have life for dishonouring of God.

Moreover, as touching the said Master Mantel, for that he was reported
falsely to have fallen from the constancy of his profession; to clear
himself thereof, and to reprove the sinister surmise of his
recantation, he wrote this brief apology in purgation of himself, the
copy whereof you shall hear.

The apology of Master Mantel the elder.

"Perceiving that already certain false reports are raised of me,
concerning my answer in the behalf of my belief, while I was prisoner
in the Tower of London, and considering how sore a matter it is to be
an occasion of offence to any of those little ones that believe in
Christ: I have thought it the duty of a Christian man, as near as I
can, (with the truth,) to take away this offence. It pleased the
queen's Majesty to send unto me Master Doctor Bourn, unto whom at the
first meeting I acknowledged my faith in all points to agree with the
four creeds, that is, the common creed, the creed of Nicene, Quicunque
vult, and Te Deum laudamus.

"Further, as concerning confession and penance, I declare that I could
be content to show unto any learned minister of Christ's church, any
thing that troubled my conscience; and of such a man I would most
willingly hear absolution pronounced.

"Touching the sacrament of the altar, (as he termed it,) I said that I
believed Christ to be there present as the Holy Ghost meant, when 
these words were written, Hoc en corpus meum.

"Further, when this word would not satisfy, I desired him to consider,
that I was a condemned man to die by a law, and that it was more meet
for me to seek a readiness and preparation to death. And insomuch as I
dissented not from him in any article of the Christian faith necessary
to salvation, I desired him, for God's sake, no more to trouble me
with such matters, as which to believe, is neither salvation; nor not
to believe, damnation. He answered, that if I dissented but in the
least matter from the catholic church, my soul was in great danger;
therefore much more in this great matter -- alleging this text, He
that offendeth in the least of these, is guilty of them all.-- Yea,
quoth I, 'It is true of these commandments of God.' To this I desired
him to consider, it was not my matter, nor could I in these matters
keep disputation, nor minded so to do. And therefore, to take these
few words for a full answer, that I not only in the matter of the
sacrament, but also in all other matters of religion, believe as the
holy catholic church of Christ (grounded upon the prophets and
apostles) believeth. But upon this word 'church' we agreed not; for I
took exception at the antichristian, popish church.

"Then fell we in talk of the mass, wherein we agreed not; for I, both
for the occasion of idolatry, and also the clear subversion of
Christ's institution, thought it naught; and he, e contra, upon
certain considerations supposed it good. I found fault that it was
accounted a sacrifice propitiatory for sin, and at certain other
applications of it. But he said, that it was not a propitiatory
sacrifice for sin, (for the death of Christ only was that sacrifice,)
and this but a commemoration of the same. 'Then, if ye think so,
(certain blasphemous collects left out,) I could be content (were it
not for offending my poor brethren that believe in Christ, which know
not so much) to hear your mass.' 'See,' quoth he, how vain-glory
toucheth you.' 'Not so, sir,' quoth I, 'I am not now, I thank God, in
case to be vainglorious.'

"Then I found further fault with it, that it was not a communion.
Yea,' saith he, one priest saying mass here, and another there, and
the third in another place, &c., is a communion.' 'This agreeth
scarcely with these words of Paul,' said I, 'Ye come not after a
better manner, but after a worse.' 'Yea, and it is a communion too,'
said he, 'when they come together. Now draweth on the time,' quoth he,
'that I must depart from you to the court, to say mass before the
queen, and must signify unto her in what case I find you, and methinks
I find you sore seduced.' Then I said, 'I pray you report the best;
for I trust you find me not obstinate.' What shall I say? are ye
content to hear mass, and to receive the sacrament in the mass?' 'I
beseech you,' said I, 'signify unto her Majesty, that I am neither
obstinate nor stubborn; for time and time and persuasion may alter me,
but as yet my conscience is such, that I can neither hear mass, nor
receive the sacrament after that sort.' -- Thus, after certain
requests made to the queen's Majesty concerning other matters, he
departed.

"The next day he came to me again, and brought with him St. Cyprian's
works; for so I had required him to do the day before, because I would
see his sermon 'De Mortalitate.' He had in this book turned and
interlined certain places, both concerning the church and the
sacrament, which he willed me to read. I read as much as my time would
serve, and at his next coming I said, that I was wholly of Cyprian's
mind in the matter of the sacrament. Dr. Weston and Dr. Mallet came
after to me, whom I answered much after that sort as I did the other.
Dr. Weston brought in the place of St. Cyprian, Panis iste non effigie
sed nature mutatus, &c. I asked of him how nature was taken in the
Convocation-house, in the disputation upon the place of Theodoret.

"To be short, Dr. Bourn came often unto me, and I always said unto
him, that I was not minded nor able to dispute in matters of religion:
but I believed as the holy catholic church of Christ, grounded upon
the prophets and apostles, doth believe: and namely in the matter of
the sacrament, as the holy fathers, St. Cyprian and St. Augustine, do
write and believed. And this answer, and none other, they had of me in
effect: what words soever have been spread abroad of me, that I should
be conformable to all things, &c. The truth is, I never heard mass nor
received the sacrament during the time of my imprisonment.

"One time he willed me to be confessed. I said, 'I am content.' We
kneeled down to pray together in a window. I began without
'Benedicite,' desiring him not to look, at my hand, for any
superstitious particular enumeration of my sins. Therewith he was
called away to the council; et ego liberatus. Thus much I bare only
for my life, as God knoweth. If in this I have offended any Christian,
from the bottom of my heart I ask them forgiveness. I trust God hath
forgiven me, who knoweth that I durst never deny him before men, lest
he should deny me before his heavenly Father.

"Thus I have left behind me, written with mine own hand, the effect of
all the talk, especially of the worst that ever I granted unto, to the
uttermost I can remember, as God knoweth. All the whole communication
I have not written; for it were both too long, and too foolish, so to
do. Now I beseech the living God, which hath received me to his mercy,
and brought to pass that I die stedfast and undefiled in his truth, at
utter defiance and detestation of all papistical and antichristian
doctrine -- I beseech him (I say) to keep and defend all his chosen,
for his name's sake, from the tyranny of the bishop of Rome, (that
antichrist,) and from the assault of all his satellites. God's
indignation is known: he will try and prove who be his. Amend your
lives. Deny not Christ before men, lest he deny you before his
heavenly Father. Fear not to lose your lives for him; for ye shall
find them again. God hold his merciful hand over this realm, and avert
the plagues imminent from the same! God save the queen, and send her
knowledge in his truth, Amen! Pray, pray, pray, ye Christians, and
comfort yourselves with the Scriptures.

"Written the second of March, anno 1554, by me Walter Mantel,
prisoner, whom both God and the world have forgiven his offences.
Amen."

And thus much concerning the purgation of Master Walter Mantel, who,
if he had consented unto the queen, what time she sent Dr. Bourn unto
him to deny his faith, it is not otherwise to be thought, but he had
had his pardon, and escaped with life.

On Saturday, the third of March, Sir Gawen Carew and Master Gibbs were
brought through London to the Tower with a company of horsemen.

In London, the seventeenth of March, every householder was commanded
to appear before the alderman of his ward, and there were commanded,
that they, their wives and servants, should prepare themselves to
shrift, and receive the sacrament at Easter; and that neither they,
nor any of them, should depart out of the city, until Easter was past.

On the Sunday following, being the eighteenth of March, the Lady
Elizabeth, of whom mention was made before, the queen's sister, was
brought to the Tower.

On Easter even, being the twenty-fourth of March, the lord marquis of
Northampton, the Lord Cobham, and Sir William Cobham, were delivered
out of the Tower.

The twenty-fifth day, (being Easter day,) in the morning, at St.
Pancras in Cheap, the crucifix with the pix were taken out of the
sepulchre, before the priest rose to the resurrection: so that when,
after his accustomed manner, he put his hand into the sepulchre, and
said very devoutly, Surrexit; non est hic,"-- he found his words true,
for he was not there indeed. Whereupon, being half dismayed, they
consulted amongst themselves whom they thought to be likeliest to do
this thing. In which debatement they remembered one Marsh, who, a
little before, had been put from that parsonage because he was
married, to whose charge they laid it. But when they could not prove
it, being brought before the mayor, they then burdened him to have
kept company with his wife, since that they were by commandment
divorced. Whereto he answered, "that he thought the queen had done him
wrong, to take from him both his living and his wife:" which words
were then noted, and taken very grievously, and he and his wife were
both committed to several compters, notwithstanding that he had been
very sick.
(Illustration: A cat hanged in priest's dress)

The eighth of April, there was a cat hanged upon a gallows at the
cross in Cheap, apparelled like a priest ready to say mass, with a
shaven crown. Her two fore-feet were tied over her head, with a round
paper like a wafer-cake put between them: whereon arose great evil-
will against the city of London; for the queen and the bishops were
very angry withal. And therefore the same afternoon there was a
proclamation, that whosoever could bring forth the party that did hang
up the cat, should have twenty nobles, which reward was afterwards
increased to twenty marks; but none could or would earn it.

As touching the first occasion of setting up this gallows in
Cheapside, here is to be understood, that after the sermon of the
bishop of Winchester, (above mentioned,) made before the queen for the
strait execution of Wyat's soldiers; immediately upon the same, the
thirteenth of February, were set up a great number of gallowses in
divers places of the city; namely, two in Cheapside. one at Leaden-
hall, one at Billingsgate, one at St. Magnus church, one in
Smithfield, one in Fleet Street, four in Southwark, one at Aldgate,
one at Bishopsgate, one at Aldersgate, one at Newgate, one at Ludgate,
one at St. James's park corner, one at Cripplegate: all which gibbets
and gallowses, to the number of twenty, there remained for terror of
others, from the thirteenth of February till the fourth of June; and
then, at the coming in of King Philip, were taken down.

The eleventh of April was Sir Thomas Wyat beheaded and quartered at
the Tower Hill, where he uttered these words touching the Lady
Elizabeth, and the earl of Devonshire. "Concerning," said he, "what I
have said of others in my examinations, to charge any others as
partakers of my doings, I accuse neither my Lady Elizabeth's Grace,
nor my Lord of Devonshire. I cannot accuse them, neither am I able to
say, that to my knowledge they knew any thing of my rising." And when
Dr. Weston told him, that his confession was otherwise before the
council, he answered: "That which I said then, I said; but that which
I say now, is true!"

On Tuesday, the seventeenth of April, Sir James Croft and Master
Winter were brought to the Guildhall, with whom also, the same time,
and to the same place, was brought Sir Nicholas Throgmorton, and there
arraigned of treason, for that he was suspected to be of the
conspiracy with the duke of Suffolk and the rest, against the queen:
where he so learnedly and wisely behaved himself, (as well in clearing
his own case, as also in opening such laws of the realm as were then
alleged against him,) that the quest which was charged with this
matter, could not in conscience but find him "not guilty:" for the
which, the said twelve persons of the quest, being also substantial
men of the city, were bound in the sum of five hundred pounds apiece
to appear before the queen's council at a day appointed; there to
answer such things as should be laid against them for his acquittal.
This quest appeared accordingly before the council in the Star-chamber
on Wednesday, being the twenty-fifth of April, and St. Mark's day.
From whence, after certain questioning, they were committed to prison:
Emanuel Lucas and Thomas Whetstone were committed to the Tower, and
the other ten to the Fleet.

As concerning the condemnation of Thomas archbishop of Canterbury, of
Doctor Ridley, and Master Latimer, which was the twentieth of this
month of April, and also of their disputations, because we have said
enough before, it shall not need now to bestow any further rehearsal
thereof.

The Friday next following after the condemnation of them, (the twenty-
seventh of April,) Lord Thomas Gray, the late duke of Suffolk's
brother, was beheaded at Tower Hill.

On Saturday, the twenty-eighth of April, Sir James Croft and Master
Winter were again brought to the Guildhall, where Sir James Croft was
arraigned and condemned; and because the day was far spent, Master
Winter was not arraigned.

On Thursday, the seventeenth of May, William Thomas was arraigned at
the Guildhall, and there the same day condemned, who, the next day
after, was hanged, drawn, and quartered. His accusation was, for
conspiring the queen's death: which how true it was, I have not to
say. This is certain, that he made a right godly end, and wrote many
fruitful exhortations, letters, and sonnets, in the prison before his
death.

$

258. DISPUTATION OF BRADFORD AND SAUNDERS AT CAMBRIDGE.


In the month of May it was given out, and bruited abroad, that a
solemn disputation should be holden at Cambridge, (as ye heard before
in Master Ridley's letter.) between Master Bradford, Master Saunders,
Master Rogers, and others of that side, and the doctors of both
universities on the other side, like as had been in Oxford before, as
you have heard. Whereupon the godly preachers who were in prison,
having word thereof, albeit they were destitute of their books,
neither were ignorant of the purpose of the adversaries, and how the
cause was prejudiced before; also how the disputations were confusedly
handled at Oxford: nevertheless, they thought not to refuse the offer
of disputation, so that they might be quietly and indifferently heard.
And therefore, wisely pondering the matter with themselves, by a
public consent they directed out of prison a declaration of their mind
by writing, the eighth of May. Wherein first, as touching the
disputation, although they knew that they should do no good, where all
things were so predetermined before; yet, nevertheless, they would not
deny to dispute, so that the disputation might be either before the
queen, or before the council, or before the parliament houses, or else
if they might dispute by writing: for else, if the matter were brought
to the doctors' handling in their own schools, they had sufficient
proof they said, by the experience of Oxford, what little good would
be done at Cambridge. And so consequently declaring the faith and
doctrine of their religion, and exhorting the people withal to submit
themselves with all patience and humility, either to the will or
punishment of the higher powers, they appealed in the end from them to
be their judges in this behalf; and so ended their protestation, the
copy and contents whereof I thought not unfit here to be inserted.

A copy of a certain declaration drawn and sent abroad out of prison by
Master Bradford, Master Saunders, and divers other godly preachers,
concerning their disputation, and doctrine of their religion, as
followeth:

"Because we hear that it is determined of the magistrates, and such as
be in authority, especially of the clergy, to send us speedily out of
the prisons of the King's Bench, the Fleet, the Marshalsea, and
Newgate, where at this present we are, and of long time some of us
have been, not as rebels, traitors, seditious persons, thieves, or
transgressors of any laws of this realm, inhibitions, proclamations,
or commandments of the queen's Highness, or of any of the council's,
(God's name be praised therefore,) but alonely for the conscience we
have to God, and his most holy word and truth, upon most certain
knowledge:-- because, we say, we hear that it is determined, we shall
be sent to one of the universities of Cambridge or Oxford, there to
dispute with such as are appointed in that behalf: in that we purpose
not to dispute otherwise than by writing, except it may be before the
queen's Highness and her council, or before the parliament houses; and
therefore perchance it will be bruited abroad, that we are not able to
maintain by the truth of God's word, and the consent of the true and
catholic church of Christ, the doctrine we have generally and
severally taught, and some of us have written and set forth; through
which the godly and simple may be offended, and somewhat weakened: we
have thought it our bounden duty now, while we may, by writing to
publish and notify the causes why we will not dispute otherwise than
is above-said, to prevent the offences which might come thereby:--

"First, Because it is evidently known unto the whole world; that the
determinations of both the universities in matters of religion,
especially wherein we should dispute, are directly against God's word,
yea, against their own determinations in the time of our late
sovereign lord and most godly prince, King Edward: and further it is
known they be our open enemies, and have already condemned our causes,
before any disputation had of the same.

"Secondly, Because the prelates and clergy do not seek either us or
the verity, but our destruction and their glory. For if they had
sought us, (as charity requireth,) then would they have called us
forth hereabouts before their laws were so made, that frankly and
without peril we might have spoken our consciences. Again, if they had
sought for the verity, they would not have concluded of controversies
before they had been disputed: so that it easily appeareth, that they
seek their own glory and our destruction, and not us and the verity:
and therefore we have good cause to refuse disputation, as a thing
which shall not further prevail than to the setting forth of their
glory, and the suppression of the verity.

"Thirdly, Because the censors and judges (as we hear who they be) are
manifest enemies to the truth, and that which worse is, obstinate
enemies, before whom pearls are not to be cast, by the commandment of
our Saviour Jesus Christ, and by his own example. That they be such,
their doings of late at Oxford, and in the Convocation-house in
October last past, do most evidently declare.

"Fourthly, Because some of us have been in prison these eight or nine
months, where we have had no books, no paper, no pen, no ink, or
convenient place for study, we think we should do evil thus suddenly
to descend into disputation with them, who may allege, as they list,
the fathers and their testimonies; because our memories have not that
which we have read so readily, as to reprove, when they shall report
and wrest the authors to their purpose, or to bring forth that we may
hate there for our advantage.

"Fifthly, Because in disputation we shall not be permitted to
prosecute our arguments, but be stopt when we should speak; one saying
this, another that, the third his mind, &c. As was done to the godly
learned fathers, especially Dr. Ridley, at Oxford, who could not be
permitted to declare his mind and meaning of the propositions, and had
oftentimes half a dozen at once speaking against him, always letting
him to prosecute his argument, and to answer accordingly: we will not
speak of the hissing, scoffing, and taunting, which wonderfully then
was used. If on this sort, and much worse, they handled these fathers,
much more will they be shamelessly bold with us, if we should enter
into disputation with them.

"Sixthly, Because the notaries, that shall receive and write the
disputations, shall be of their appointment, and such as either do not
or dare not favour the truth, and therefore must write either to
please them, or else they themselves (the censors and judges we mean)
at their pleasure will put to, and take from, that which is written by
the notaries; who cannot, or must not, have in their custody that
which they write, longer than the disputation endureth; as their
doings at Oxford declare. No copy nor scroll could any man have, by
their good will: for the censors and judges will have all delivered
into their hands. Yea, if any man was seen there to write, as the
report is, the same man was sent for, and his writings taken from him:
so must the disputation serve only for the glory, not of God, but of
the enemies of his truth.

"For these causes we all think it so necessary not to dispute with
them, as, if we did dispute, we should do that which they desire and
purposely seek, to promote the kingdom of antichrist, and to suppress
(as much as may be) the truth. We will not speak of the offence that
might come to the godly, when they should hear, by the report of our
enemies, our answers and arguments framed (you may be sure) for their
fantasies, to the slandering of the verity.

"Therefore we publish, and by this writing notify, unto the whole
congregation and church of England, that for these aforesaid causes we
will not dispute with them, otherwise than with the pen, unless it be
before the queen's Highness and her council, or before the houses of
the parliament, as is abovesaid. If they will write, we will answer,
and by writing confirm and prove out of the infallible verity, even
the very word of God, and by the testimony of the good and most
ancient fathers in Christ's church, this our faith and every piece
thereof, which hereafter we, in a sum, do write and send abroad
purposely, that our good brethren and sisters in the Lord may know it.
And, to seal up the same, we are ready. through God's help and grace,
to give our lives to the halter or fire; or otherwise, as God shall
appoint: humbly requiring, and in the bowels of our Saviour Jesus
Christ beseeching, all that fear God, to behave themselves as obedient
subjects to the queen's Highness and the superior powers, which are
ordained of God under her; rather, after our example, to give their
heads to the block, than in any point to rebel, or once to mutter
against the Lord's anointed; we mean our sovereign lady Queen Mary:
into whose heart we beseech the Lord of mercy plentifully to pour the
wisdom and grace of his Holy Spirit, now and for ever. Amen!

"First, We confess and believe all the canonical hooks of the Old
Testament, and all the books of the New Testament, to be the very true
word of Cod, and to be written by the inspiration of the Holy Ghost,
and are therefore to be heard accordingly, as the judge in all
controversies and matters of religion.

"Secondly, We confess and believe, that the catholic church, which is
the spouse of Christ, as a most obedient and loving wife, doth embrace
and follow the doctrine of these books in all matters of religion; and
therefore is she to be heard accordingly: so that those which will not
hear this church thus following and obeying the word of her Husband,
we account as heretics and schismatics, according to this saying, If
he will not hear the church, let him be to thee as a heathen.

"Thirdly, we believe and confess all the articles of faith and
doctrine set forth in the symbol of the apostles, which we commonly
call the creed, and in the symbols of the councils of Nice, kept A. D.
324; of Constantinople, A. D. 384; of Ephesus, kept A. D. 432; of
Chalcedon, kept A. D. 454; of Toledo, the first and fourth. Also in
the symbols of Athanasius, Irenęus, Tertullian, and of Damasus, (which
was about the year of our Lord 376,) we confess and believe (we say)
the doctrine of the symbols generally and particularly; so that
whosoever doth otherwise, we hold the same to err from the truth.

"Fourthly, We believe and confess concerning justification, that as it
cometh only from God's mercy through Christ, so it is perceived and
had of none which be of years of discretion, otherwise than by faith
only: which faith is not an opinion, but a certain persuasion wrought
by the Holy Ghost in the mind and heart of man, through whom as the
mind is illuminated, so the heart is suppled to submit itself to the
will of God unfeignedly; and so showeth forth an inherent
righteousness, which is to be discerned, in the article of
justification, from the righteousness which God endueth us withal,
justifying us; although inseparably they go together. And this we do,
not for curiosity or contention's sake, but for conscience' sake, that
it might be quiet; which it can never be, if we confound without
distinction forgiveness of sins, and Christ's justice imputed to us,
with regeneration and inherent righteousness. By this we disallow the
papistical doctrine of free-will, of works of supererogation, of
merits, of the necessity of auricular confession, and satisfaction to
God-ward.

"Fifthly, We confess and believe concerning the exterior service of
God, that it ought to be according to the word of God: and therefore,
in the congregation, all things public ought to be done in such a
tongue as may be most to edify; and not in Latin, where the people
understand not the same.

"Sixthly, We confess and believe that God only by Christ Jesus is to
be prayed unto and called upon; and therefore we disallow invocation
or prayer to saints departed this life.

"Seventhly, we confess and believe, that as a man departeth this life,
so shall he be judged in the last day generally, and in the mean
season is entered either into the state of the blessed for ever, or
damned for ever; and therefore is either past all help, or else needs
no help of any in this life. By reason whereof we affirm purgatory,
masses of Scala cœli, trentals, and such suffrages as the popish
church doth obtrude as necessary, to be the doctrine of antichrist.

"Eighthly, We confess and believe the sacraments of Christ, which be
baptism and the Lord's supper, that they ought to be ministered
according to the institution of Christ, concerning the substantial
parts of them: and that they be no longer sacraments, than they be had
in use, and used, to the end for which they were instituted.

"And here we plainly confess, that the mutilation of the Lord's
supper, and the subtraction of the one kind from the lay people, is
antichristian. And so is the doctrine of transubstantiation of the
sacramental bread and wine after the words of consecration, as they be 
called. Item, the adoration of the sacrament with honour due unto God.
[Item,] the reservation and carrying about of the same. Item, the mass
to be a propitiatory sacrifice for the quick and dead, or a work that
pleaseth God.

"All these we believe and confess to be antichrist's doctrine: as is
the inhibition of marriage as unlawful to any state. And we doubt not,
by God's grace, but we shall be able to prove all our confessions here
to be most true by the verity of God's word, and consent of the
catholic church, which followeth, and hath followed, the governance of
God's Spirit, and the judgment of his word.

"And this, through the Lord's help, we will do, either in disputation
by word, before the queen's Highness and her council, or before the
parliament houses, of whom we doubt not but to be indifferently heard,
or else with our pens, whensoever we shall be thereto, by them that
have authority, required and commanded.

"In the mean season, as obedient subjects, we shall behave ourselves
towards all that be in authority, and not cease to pray to God for
them, that he would govern them all, generally and particularly, with
the Spirit of wisdom and grace. And so we heartily desire and humbly
pray all men to do, in no point consenting to any kind of rebellion or
sedition against our sovereign lady the queen's Highness: but where
they cannot obey, but they must disobey God, there to submit
themselves with all patience and humility to suffer as the will and
pleasure of the higher powers shall adjudge: as we are ready, through
the goodness of the Lord, to suffer whatsoever they shall adjudge us
unto, rather than we will consent to any doctrine contrary to this
which we here confess; unless we shall be justly convinced thereof,
either by writing or by word, before such judges as the queen's
Highness and her council, or the parliament houses, shall appoint. For
the universities and clergy have condemned our causes already by the
bigger, but not by the better part, without all disputation of the
same: and therefore most justly we may, and do, appeal from them to be
our judges in this behalf, except it may be in writing; that to all
men the matter may appear. The Lord of mercy endue us all with the
Spirit of his truth, and grace of perseverance therein unto the end!
Amen.
"The eighth day of May, A. D. 1554.
Robert St. David's; alias Robert Ferrar.
Glouc. Episcopus; alias John Hooper.
Rowland Taylor.
Edward Crome.
John Philpot.
John Rogers.
John Bradford.
Laurence Saunders.
John Wigorn, and
Edmund Laurence. J. P., and T. M."

"To these things abovesaid, do I, Miles Coverdale, late of Exon,
consent and agree, with these mine afflicted brethren being prisoners
(mine own hand)."

And thus much concerning this present declaration subscribed by these
preachers; which was on the eighth of May.

$

259. PRINCESS ELIZABETH IMPRISONED.

Furthermore, the nineteenth of the said month, the Lady Elizabeth,
sister to the queen, was brought to the Tower, and committed to the
custody of Sir John Williams, after Lord Williams of Thame; of whom
her Highness was gently and courteously entreated; who afterward was
had to Woodstock, and there committed to the keeping of Sir Henry
Benifield, knight, of Oxborough in Norfolk; who, on the other side,
both forgetting her estate, and his own duty, (as it is reported,)
showed himself more hard and strait unto her, than either cause given
of her part, or reason of his own part, would have led him, if either
grace or wisdom in him might have seen before, what danger afterward
might have ensued thereof. But herein have we to see and note, not so
much the uncivil nature and disposition of that man, as the singular
lenity and gracious mansuetude of that princess, who, after coming to
her crown, showed herself so far from revenge of injuries taken, that
whereas other monarchs have oftentimes requited less offences with
loss of life, she hath scarce impaired any piece of his liberty or
estimation, save only that he was restrained from coming to the court.
And whereas some, peradventure, of her estate would here have used the
bloody sword, her Majesty was contented with scarce a nipping word;
only bidding him to repair home, and saying, "If we have any prisoner,
whom we would have sharply and straitly kept, then we will send for
you."

This virtuous and noble lady, in what fear she was the mean time, and
in what peril greater than her fear, the Lord only best doth know:
and, next, it is not unknown to herself, to whose secret intelligence
I leave this matter further to be considered. This I may say, which
every man may see; that it was not without a singular miracle of God
that she could or did escape, in such a multitude of enemies, and
grudge of minds so greatly exasperated against her; especially Stephen
Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, whose head and devices were chiefly
bent, as a bow, against that only person, to make her away: and no
doubt would have brought it by some means to pass, had not the Lord
prevented him with death; to preserve her life, to the preservation of
this realm. Wherefore that is false which Dr. Story said in the
parliament house, lamenting, as I heard say, "that when they went so
much about the branches, they had not shot at the root herself." For
why? They neither lacked their darts, or no good will, to shoot at the
root, all they possibly might; but, what God's providence will have
kept, it shall be kept, when all Dr. Stories have shot all their
artillery in vain. But of this matter it is sufficient at this
present, for of it we have to entreat more at large (the Lord willing)
hereafter, in the story and life of Queen Elizabeth.

$

260. MARRIAGE OF QUEN MARY AND PHILIP OF SPAIN. FURTHER ACTIONS TO RE-
ESTABLISH PAPISM

On the Friday following, being the twentieth of July, and St.
Margaret's day, the prince of Spain landed at Southampton. The prince
himself was the first that landed; who, immediately as he set foot
upon the land, drew out his sword, and carried it naked in his hand a
good pretty way.

Then met him, a little without the town, the mayor of Southampton with
certain commoners, who delivered the keys of the town unto the prince,
who removed his sword (naked as it was) out of his right into his left
hand, and so received the keys of the mayor without any word speaking,
or countenance of thankfulness; and after a while delivered the keys
to the mayor again. At the town-gate met him the earl of Arundel and
the Lord Williams, and so he was brought to his lodging.

On the Wednesday following, being St. James's day, and the twenty-
fifth of July, Philip prince of Spain, and Mary queen of England, were
married together solemnly in the cathedral church at Winchester, by
the bishop of Winchester, in the presence of a great number of
noblemen of both the realms. At the time of this marriage, the
emperor's ambassador, being present, openly pronounced, that in
consideration of that marriage the emperor had granted and given unto
his son the kingdom of Naples, &c.

Whereupon, the first day of August following, there was a
proclamation, that from that time forth the style of all manner of
writings should be altered, and this following should be used:

"Philip and Mary, by the grace of God, king and queen of England,
France, Naples, Jerusalem, and Ireland; defenders of the faith;
princes of Spain and Sicily; archdukes of Austria; dukes of Milan,
Burgundy, and Brabant; counts of Hapsburg, Flanders, and Tyrol."

Of this marriage as the papists chiefly seemed to be very glad, so
divers of them, after divers studies, to show forth their inward
affections, made interludes and pageants: some drew forth genealogies,
deriving his pedigree from Edward the Third, and John of Gaunt; some
made verses.

After the consummation of which marriage, they both removed from
Winchester to sundry other places, and by easy journeys came to
Windsor castle, where he was installed in the order of the garter, on
Sunday the twelfth of August. At which time a herald took down the
arms of England at Windsor, and in the place of them would have set up
the arms of Spain, but he was commanded to set them up again by
certain lords. From thence they both removed to Richmond, and from
thence by water came to London, and landed at the bishop of
Winchester's house, through which they passed, both, into Southwark
park, and so to Southwark House, called Suffolk Place, where they lay
that night, being the seventeenth of August.

And the next day, being Saturday, and the eighteenth of August, the
king and queen's Majesties rode from Suffolk Place (accompanied with a
great number, as well of noblemen as gentlemen) through the city of
London to Whitehall; and at London bridge, as he entered at the draw-
bridge, was a vain great spectacle set up, two images representing two
giants, the one named Chorinęus, and the other, Gogmagog, holding
between them certain Latin verses, which for the vain ostentation of
flattery I overpass.

And as they passed over the bridge, there were a number of ordnance
shot off at the Tower, such as by old men's report the like hath not
been heard or seen these one hundred years.

From London bridge they passed the conduit in Gracious Street, which
was finely painted; and among other things, the nine worthies, whereof
King Henry the Eighth was one. He was painted in harness, having in
one hand a sword, and in the other hand a book, whereupon was written
Verbum Dei; delivering the same book (as it were) to his son King
Edward, who was painted in a corner by him.

But hereupon was no small matter made: for the bishop of Winchester,
lord chancellor, sent for the painter, and not only called him knave,
for painting a book in King Henry's hand, and specially for writing
thereupon Verbum Dei, but also rank traitor and villain; saying to him
that he should rather have put the book into the queen's hand, (who
was also painted there,) for that she had reformed the church and
religion, with other things, according to the pure and sincere word of
God indeed.

The painter answered and said, that if he had known that had been the
matter wherefore his Lordship sent for him, he could have remedied it,
and not have troubled his Lordship.

The bishop answered and said, that it was the queen's Majesty's will
and commandment, that he should send for him: and so, commanding him
to wipe out the book and Verbum Dei too, he sent him home. So the
painter departed; but, fearing lest he should leave some other part
either of the book, or of Verbum Dei, in King Henry's hand, he wiped
away a piece of his fingers withal!

Here I pass over and cut off other gaudes and pageants of pastime
showed to him in passing through London, with the flattering verses
set up in Latin; wherein were blazed out in one place the five
Philips, as the five worthies of the world: Philip of Macedonia,
Philip the emperor, Philip the bold, Philip the good, Philip prince of
Spain and king of England.

In another poetry King Philip was resembled by an image representing
Orpheus, and all English people resembled to brute and savage beasts
following after Orpheus's harp, and dancing after King Philip's pipe -
- not that I reprehend the art of the Latin verses, which was fine and
cunning, but that I pass over the matter, having other graver things
in hand: and therefore pass over, also, the sight at Paul's church-
side, of him that came down upon a rope tied to the battlements with
his head before, neither staying himself with his hand nor foot; which
shortly after cost him his life.

But one thing by the way I cannot let pass, touching the young
flourishing rood, newly set up against this present time to welcome
King Philip into Paul's church. The setting up of which rood was this,
and may make as good a pageant as the best: In the second year of
Mary, Bonner in his royalty, and all his prebendaries about him in
Paul's choir, the rood laid along upon the pavements, and also, the
doors of Paul's being shut -- the bishop with others said and sung
divers prayers by the rood. That being done, they anointed the rood
with oil in divers places; and, after the anointing, crept unto it,
and kissed it.

After that, they took the said rood, and weighed him up, and set him
in his old accustomed place; and all the while they were doing
thereof, the whole choir sang Te Deum; and when that was ended, they
rang the bells, not only for joy, but also for the notable and great
fact they had done therein.

Not long after this, a merry fellow came into Paul's, and spied the
rood with Mary and John new set up; whereto, among a great sort of
people, he made a low courtesy, and said: "Sir, your Mastership is
welcome to town. I had thought to have talked further with your
Mastership, but that ye be here clothed in the queen's colours. I hope
that ye be but a summer's bird, in that ye be dressed in white and
green."

The prince thus being in the church of Paul's, after Dr. Harpsfield
had finished his oration in Latin, set forward through Fleet Street,
and so came to Whitehall, where he with the queen remained four days
after; and from thence removed unto Richmond.

After this, all the lords had leave to depart into their countries,
with strait commandment to bring all their harness and artillery into
the Tower of London with all speed. Now remained there no English lord
at the court but the bishop of Winchester. From Richmond they removed
to Hampton Court, where the hall door within the court was continually
shut, so that no man might enter, unless his errand were first known;
which seemed strange to Englishmen that had not been used thereto.

About the eighth of September Bishop Bonner began his visitation, who
charged six men in every parish to inquire, (according their oaths,)
and to present before him the day after St. Matthew's day, being the
twenty-second of September, all such persons as either had or should
offend in any of his articles, which he had set forth to the number of
thirty-seven; of the which visitation of Bonner I have somewhat more
largely to entreat, after that first I shall overpass a few other
things following in course of this present story.

The seventeenth of September was a proclamation in London, that all
vagabonds and masterless men, as well strangers as Englishmen, should
depart the city within five days; and straitly charging all
innholders, victuallers, taverners, and alehouse-keepers, with all
others that sell victuals, that they (after the said five days) should
not sell any meat, drink, or any kind of victual to any servingman
whatsoever, unless he brought a testimonial from his master to declare
whose servant he was, and were in continual household with his said
master; upon pain to run in danger of the law, if they offended
herein.

On the Sunday following, being the thirtieth of September, the bishop
of Winchester, lord chancellor of England, preached at Paul's Cross,
at whose sermon were present all the council that were at the court:
namely, the marquis of Winchester, the earl of Arundel, Lord North,
Sir Anthony Brown, Master Rochester, Master Walgrave, Master
Englefield, Lord Fitzwater, and Secretary Peter; and the bishops of
London, Durham, and Ely; which three sat under the bishop's arms. The
gospel whereof he made his sermon, is written in Matt. xxii., where
the Pharisees came unto Christ; and amongst them, one asked Christ
which was the greatest commandment. Christ answered, Thou shalt love
thy Lord God with all thy heart, &c., and thy neighbour as thyself; in
these two are comprehended the law and the prophets.

After his long declaration of these words, speaking very much of love
and charity, at last he had occasion, upon St. James's words, to speak
of the true teachers, and of the false teachers; saying, that all the
preachers almost in King Edward's time, preached nothing but
voluptuousness, and filthy and blasphemous lies; affirming their
doctrine to be that false doctrine whereof St. James speaketh; saying,
that it was full of perverse zeal, earthly, full of discord and
dissension, that the preachers aforenamed would report nothing truly,
and that they taught, that it was lawful for a man to put away his
wife for adultery, and marry another; and that if a man vowed to-day,
he might break it to-morrow at his pleasure; with many other things
which I omit. And when he spake of the sacrament, he said, that all
the church from the beginning have confessed Christ's natural body to
be in heaven, and here to be in the sacrament; and so concluded that
matter. And then willed all men to say with Joseph's brethren, "We
have all sinned against our brother:" -- "and so," said he, "have I
too." Then he declared what a noble king and queen we have, saying,
that if he should go about to show that the king came hither for no
necessity or need, and what he had brought with him, it should be
superfluous, seeing it is evidently known, that he hath ten times as
much as we are in hope and possession of; affirming him to be as wise,
sober, gentle, and temperate a prince, as ever was in England; and if
it were not so proved, then to take him for a false liar for his so
saying: exhorting all men to make much of him, and to win him whilst
we had him; and so should we also win all such as he hath brought with
him. And so made an end.

On the Tuesday following, being the second of October, twenty carts
came from Westminster, laden (as it was noised) with gold and silver,
and certain of the guard with them through the city to the Tower, and
there it was received in by a Spaniard, who was the king's treasurer,
and had custody of it within the Tower. It was matted about with mats,
and mailed in little bundles about two feet long, and almost half a
foot thick; and in every cart were six of those bundles. What it was
indeed, God knoweth; for it is to us uncertain.

About the same time, or a little before, upon Corpus Christi day, the
procession being made in Smithfield, where, after the manner, the
priest with his box went under the canopy, by chance there came by the
way a certain simple man, named John Street, a joiner of Coleman
Street, who, having some haste in his business, and finding no other
way to pass through, by chance went under the canopy by the priest.
The priest, seeing the man so to presume to come under the canopy,
being belike afraid, and worse feared than hurt, for fear let his pix
fall down. The poor man, being straightways apprehended, was had to
the Compter, the priest accusing him unto the council as though he had
conic to slay him; whereas the poor man (as himself hath since 
declared unto us) had no such thought ever in his mind. Then from the
Compter he was had unto Newgate, where he was cast into the dungeon,
there chained to a post; where he was cruelly and miserably handled,
andso extremely dealt withal, that being but simple before, he was now
feared out of his wits altogether, and so upon the same had to Bedlam.
Whereupon the brief chronicle of London in this point is not to be
credited, which untruly reported that he feigned himself in Newgate to
be mad; which thing we, in writing of this history, by due inquisition
of the party, have found to be contrary.

About the fifth of October, and within a fortnight following, were
divers, as well householders as servants and apprentices, apprehended
and taken, and committed to sundry prisons, for the having and selling
of certain books which were sent into England by the preachers that
fled into Germany and other countries; which books nipped a great
number so near, that within one fortnight there were little less than
threescore imprisoned for this matter: among whom was Master Brown a
goldsmith, Master Spark a draper, Randal Tirer a stationer, Master
Beston a merchant, with many others. On the Sunday, the fourteenth of
October, the old bishop of Durham preached in the Shrouds.

On St. Luke's day following, being the eighteenth of October, the
king's Majesty came from Westminster to Paul's church along the
streets, accompanied with a great number of noblemen; and there he was
received under a canopy at the west door, and so came in to the
chancel, where he heard mass, which a Spanish bishop and his own
chaplain sung: and that done, he returned to Westminster to dinner
again.

On Friday, the twenty-sixth of October, certain men, whereof I spake
before, who were of Master Throgmorton's quest, being in number eight
(for the other four were delivered out of prison, for that they
submitted themselves, and said they had offended -- like weaklings,
not considering truth to be truth; but of force for fear said so):
these eight men, I say, whereof Master Emanuel Lucas and Master
Whetstone were chief, were called before the council of the Star-
chamber; where they all affirmed, that they had done all things in
that matter according to their knowledge, and with good consciences;
even as they should answer before God at the day of judgment. Where
Master Lucas said openly before all the lords, that they had done in
the matter like honest men, and true and faithful subjects; and
therefore they humbly besought the lord chancellor, and the other
lords, to be means to the king and queens Majesties that they might be
discharged and set at liberty: and said, that they were all contented
humbly to submit themselves to their Majesties, saving and reserving
their truth, consciences, and honesty.-- Some of the lords said, that
they were worthy to pay a thousand pounds apiece; and others said,
that Master Lucas and Master Whetstone were worthy to pay a thousand
marks apiece, and the rest five hundred pounds apiece. In conclusion,
sentence was given by the lord chancellor, that they should pay a
thousand marks apiece; and that they should go to prison again, and
there remain, till further order were taken for their punishment.

On Tuesday, being the thirtieth of October, the Lord John Gray was
delivered out of the Tower, and set at liberty.
(Illustration: Priests doing penance for having taken wives)

On Sunday, the fourth of November, five priests did penance at Paul's
Cross, who were content to put away their wives, and take upon them
again to minister. Every of them had a taper in his hand, and a rod,
wherewith the preacher did disple them.

On Wednesday, the seventh of November, the Lord Paget, and Sir Edward
Hastings, master of the horse, were sent as ambassadors, I know not
whither; but, as it was adjudged, to Cardinal Pole, who lay all that
summer before at Brussels: and it was thought they were sent to
accompany and conduct him into England, whereas at that time he was
nominated and appointed bishop of Canterbury.

On the Friday following, being the ninth of November, Master Barlow,
late bishop of Bath, and Master Cardmaker, were brought before the
council in the Star-chamber, where, after communication, they were
commanded to the Fleet.

On the Saturday, the tenth of November, the sheriffs of London had
commandment to take an inventory of every one of their goods who were
of Master Throgmorton's quest, and to seal up their doors; which was
done the same day. Master Whetstone, Master Lucas, and Master Kytely,
were judged to pay a thousand pounds apiece, and the rest a thousand
marks apiece, to be paid within a fortnight after. From this payment
were exempted those four who confessed a fault, and submitted
themselves; whose names are these, Master Loe, Master Poynter, Master
Beswike, and Master Carter. Mention was made a little before, of the
visitation of Edmund Bonner bishop of London, which began (as is said)
about the month of September: for the better preparation whereof were
set forth certain articles to the number of thirty-seven. These
articles, partly for the tediousness of them, partly for that Master
Bale in a certain treatise hath sufficiently painted out the same in
their colours, partly also because I will not infect this book with
them, I slip over, proceeding in the progress of this bishop in his
visitation in the county of Essex; who, passing through the said
county of Essex, being attended with divers worshipful of the shire,
(for so they were commanded,) arrived at Stortford in Hertfordshire,
where he rested certain days; solacing himself after that painful
peregrination with no small feasting and banqueting with his
attendants aforesaid, at the house of one Parsons his nephew, whose
wife he commonly called his fair niece (and fair she was indeed). He
took there great pleasure to hear her play upon the virginals, wherein
she excelled; insomuch that every dinner (sitting by his sweet side)
she arose and played three several times at his request, of his good
and spiritual devotion towards her. These certain days thus passed in
this bishoplike fashion, he proceeded in his popish visitation towards
Hadham, his own house and parish, not past two miles from Stortford,
being there most solemnly rung out, as in all other places where he
passed. At length drawing near unto Hadham, when he heard no bells
stirring there in honour of his holiness, he grew into some choler;
and the nearer he approached, the hotter was his fit; and the quieter
the bells were, the unquieter was his mood. Thus he rode on, chafing
and fuming with himself. "What meaneth," saith he, "that knave the
clerk, that he ringeth not? and the parson, that he meeteth me not?"
with sundry other furious words of fiery element. There this patient
prelate, coming to the town, alighted, calling for the key of the
church, which was then all unready, for that (as they then pretended)
he had prevented his time by two hours; whereupon he grew from choler
to plain melancholy, so as no man willingly would deal with him to
qualify the raging humour so far incorporated in his breast. At last,
the church door being opened, the bishop entered, and finding no
sacrament hanged up, nor rood-loft decked after the popish precept,
(which had commanded about the same time a well-favoured rood, and of
tall stature, universally in all churches to be set up,) curtailed his
small devotions, and fell from all choler and melancholy to flat
madness in the uttermost degree, swearing and raging with a hunting
oath or two, and by no beggars, that in his own church, where he hoped
to have seen best order, he found most disorder, to his Honour's most
heavy discomfort, as he said; calling the parson (whose name was Dr.
Bricket) knave, and heretic. Who there humbled himself, and yielded,
as it were, to his fault, saying: He was sorry his Lordship was come
before that he and his parish looked for him; and therefore could not
do their duties to receive him accordingly. And as for those things
lacking, he trusted in short time hereafter he should compass that,
which hitherto he could not bring about. Therefore if it pleased his
Lordship to come to his poor house, (where his dinner was prepared,)
he would satisfy him in those things which his Lordship thought amiss.
Yet this so reasonable an answer nothing could satisfy or assuage his
passion unreasonable: for the catholic prelate utterly defied him and
his cheer, commanding him out of his sight; saying, as his by-word
was, "Before God, thou art a knave: avaunt, heretic!" and therewithal,
whether thrusting or striking at him, so it was, that with his hand he
gave Sir Thomas Jocelyn, knight, (who was then amongst the rest, and
stood next the bishop,) a good flewet upon the upper part of the neck
-- even under his ear, as some say which stood by; but, as he himself
said, he hit him full upon the ear: whereat he was somewhat astonied
at the suddenness of the quarrel for that time. At last he spake and
said, "What meaneth your Lordship? have you been trained in Will
Sommers's school, to strike him that standeth next you?" The bishop
still in rage either heard not, or would not hear.

Then Master Fecknam, dean of Paul's, seeing the bishop still in this
bitter rage, said, "O Master Jocelyn! you must bear with my Lord; for
truly his long imprisonment in the Marshalsea, and the misusing of him
there, hath altered him, that in these passions he is not ruler of
himself, nor it booteth any man to give him counsel until his heat be
past; and then, assure yourself, Master Jocelyn, my Lord will be sorry
for those abuses that now he cannot see in himself." Whereunto he
merrily replied and said, "So it seems, Master Fecknam; for now that
he is come forth of the Marshalsea, he is ready to go to Bedlam." At
which merry conceit some laughed, and more smiled; because the nail
was so truly hit upon the head. The bishop, nothing abashed at his own
folly, gave a deaf ear; as no marvel it was that he shamed little to
strike a stranger, who spared not the burning of so many good men.

After this worthy combat thus finished and achieved, this martial
prelate presently taketh him to his horse again, notwithstanding he
was minded to tarry at Hadham three or four days, and so had made
provision in his own house; and, leaving his dinner, rode that night
with a small company of his household to Ware, where he was not looked
for till three days after, to the great wonder of all the country, why
he so prevented his day aforestalled.

At this hasty posting-away of this bishop, his whole train of
attendants there left him. Also his doctors and chaplains (a few
excepted) tarried behind and dined at Dr. Bricket's as merrily, as he
rode towards Ware all chafingly which dinner was prepared for the
bishop himself. Now, whether the bishop were offended at those
solemnities which he wanted, and was accustomed to be saluted withal
in other places where he journeyed; joining to that, that his "great
god "was not exalted aboveground over the altar, nor his "block
almighty" set seemly in the rood-loft to entertain strangers, and
thereupon took occasion to quarrel with Dr. Bricket, (whose religion
perchance he somewhat suspected,) I have not perfectly to say: but so
it was supposed of divers the cause thereof to rise, which drave the
bishop so hastily from such a dinner.

A story of a rood set up in Lancashire.

IN this visitation of Bishop Bonner above mentioned, ye see how the
bishop took on for not setting up the rood, and ringing the hells at
Hadham. Ye heard also of the precept, which commanded in every parish
a rood to be erected, both well favoured and of a tall stature. By the
occasion whereof it cometh in mind (and not out of place) to story,
likewise, what happened in a certain town in Lancashire near to
Lancaster, called Cockram, where the parishioners and churchwardens,
having the same time a like charge for the erecting of a rood in their
parish church, had made their bargain, and were at a price with one
that could cunningly carve and paint such idols, for the framing of
their rood: who, according to his promise, made them one, and set it
up in their church. This done, he demanded his money: but they,
misliking his workmanship, refused to pay him; whereupon he arrested
them, and the matter was brought before the mayor of Lancaster, who
was a very meet man for such a purpose, and an old favourer of the
gospel; which is rare in that country. Then the carver began to
declare how they covenanted with him for the making of a rood with the
appurtenances, ready carved and set up in their church, which he,
according to his promise, had done; and now, demanding his money, they
refused to pay him. "Is this true?" quoth the mayor to the wardens.
"Yea, sir," said they. "And why do you not pay the poor man his due?"
quoth he. "And it please you, Master Mayor," quoth they, "because the
rood we had before was a well-favoured man; and he promised to make us
such another: but this that he hath set us up now, is the worst-
favoured thing that ever you set your eyes on; gaping and grinning in
such sort, that none of our children dare once look him in the face,
or come near him!" The mayor, thinking that it was good enough for
that purpose if it had been worse --"My masters," quoth he, "howsoever
the rood like you, the poor man's labour hath been never the less; and
it is pity that he should have any hinderance or loss thereby:
therefore I will tell you what you shall do. Pay him the money ye
promised him, and go your ways home and look on it, and if it will not
serve for a god, make no more ado, but clap a pair of horns on his
head, and so he will make an excellent devil." This the parishioners
took well in worth; the poor man had his money; and divers laughed
well thereat -- but so did not the Babylonish priests.

This mayor above-mentioned continued a protestant almost fifty years,
and was the only reliever of Marsh the martyr (whose story followeth
hereafter) with meat, drink, and lodging, while he lay in Lancaster
castle, the space of three quarters of a year, before he was had to
Chester to be burned.

About this time, or the month next before, which was October, there
came a precept or mandate from Bonner, bishop of London, to all
parsons and curates within his diocese, for the abolishing of such
Scriptures and writings as had been painted upon church walls before,
in King Edward's days. The copy of which precept or mandate here we
thought good to express in their own style and words, that the world
might see the wicked proceedings of their impious zeal, or rather
their malicious rage against the Lord and his word, and against the
edifying of Christian people: whereby it might appear, by this
blotting out of Scriptures, not only how blasphemously they spake
against the Holy Scriptures of God, but also how studiously they
sought, by all manner of means, to keep the people still in ignorance.

A mandate of Bonner, bishop of London, to abolish the Scriptures and
writings painted upon the church walls.

"Edmund, by God's permission bishop of London -- to all and every
parsons, vicars, clerks, and lettered, within the parish of Hadham, or
within the precinct of our diocese of London, wheresoever being --
sendeth greeting, grace, and benediction.

"Because some children of iniquity, given up to carnal desires and
novelties, have by many ways enterprised to banish the ancient manner
and order of the church, and to bring in and establish sects and
heresies; taking from thence the picture of Christ, and many things
besides instituted and observed of ancient time laudably in the same;
placing in the room thereof such things, as in such a place it behoved
them not to do; and also have procured, as a stay to their heresies,
(as they thought,) certain Scriptures wrongly applied to be painted
upon the church walls; all which persons tend chiefly to this end --
that they might uphold the liberty of the flesh, and marriage of
priests, and destroy, as much as lay in them, the reverent sacrament
of the altar, and might extinguish and enervate holy-days, fasting 
days, and other laudable discipline of the catholic church; opening a
window to all vices, and utterly closing up the way unto virtue:
Wherefore we, being moved with a Christian zeal, judging that the
premises are not to be longer suffered, do, for discharge of our duty,
commit unto you jointly and severally, and by the tenor hereof do
straitly charge and command you, that at the receipt hereof, with all
speed convenient, you do warn, or cause to be warned, first, second,
and third time, and peremptorily, all and singular churchwardens and
parishioners whosoever, within our aforesaid diocese of London,
(wheresoever any such Scriptures or paintings have been attempted,)
that they abolish and extinguish such manner of Scriptures, so that by
no means they be either read or seen; and therein to proceed,
moreover, as they shall see good and laudable in this behalf. And if,
after the said monition, the said churchwardens and parishioners shall
be found remiss and negligent, or culpable, then you, jointly and
severally, shall see the foresaid Scriptures to be rased, abolished,
and extinguished forthwith; citing all and singular those
churchwardens and parishioners, (whom we, also, for the same do cite
here, by the tenor hereof,) that all and singular the churchwardens
and parishioners, being slack and negligent, or culpable therein,
shall appear before us, our vicar-general and principal official, or
our commissary special, in our cathedral church of St. Paul at London,
in the consistory there, at the hour appointed for the same, the sixth
day next after their citation, if it be a court day, or else at the
next court day after ensuing, where either we or our official or
commissary shall sit: there to say and allege for themselves some
reason. able cause, if they have or can tell of any, why they ought
not to be excommunicated, or otherwise punished, for their such
negligence, slackness, and fault; to say and to allege, and further to
do and receive, as the law and reason requireth. And what you have
done in the premises, do you certify us, or our vicar, principal
official, and such our commissary, diligently and duly in all things,
and through all things; or let him among you thus certify us, which
hath taken upon him to execute this mandate: In witness whereof we
have set our seals to these presents.

Dated in the bishop's palace at London, the twenty-fifth day of the
month of October, in the year of our Lord 1554, and of our translation
the sixteenth."

About this time the lord chancellor sent Master Christopherson unto
the university of Cambridge,with these three articles, which he
enjoined them to observe.

The first, that every scholar should wear his apparel according to his
degree in the schools.

The second was touching the pronunciation of the Greek tongue.

The third, that every preacher there should declare the whole style of
the king and queen in their sermons.

In this university of Cambridge, and also of Oxford, by reason of the
bringing of these things, and especially for the alteration of
religion, many good wits and learned men departed the universities: of
whom, some of their own accord gave over, some were thrust out of
their fellowships, some were miserably handled: insomuch that in
Cambridge, in the college of St. John, there were four-and-twenty
places void together, in whose rooms were taken in four-and-twenty
others, who, neither in virtue nor in religion, seemed to answer to
them before. And no less miserable was the state of Oxford, by reason
of the time, and the strait dealing of the visitors, that, for setting
forward their papistical proceedings, had no regard or respect to the
forwardness of good wits, and the maintenance of good letters,
beginning then more and more to flourish in that university.

And forasmuch as we have entered into the mention of Oxford, we may
not pass over in silence the famous exhortation of Dr. Tresham, who,
supplying the room of the sub-dean in Christ-church, after he had
called all the students of the college together, with great eloquence
and art persuasory, began to commend the dignity of the mass unto
them; declaring, that there was stuff enough in the Scripture to prove
the mass good. Then, to allure them to the catholic service of the
church, he used these reasons -- declaring that there were a company
of goodly copes, that were appointed to Windsor; but he had found the
queen so gracious unto him, that they should come to Christ-church.
Now if they, like honest men, would come to church, they should wear
them on holy-days. And besides all this, he would get them the lady
bells of Hampton, and that should make the sweetest ring in all
England. And as for a holy-water-sprinkle, he had already the fairest
that was within the realm. Wherefore he thought that no man would be
so mad, to forego these commodities, &c.

These things I rehearse, that it may appear what want of discretion is
in the fathers of popery, and into what idle follies such men do fall;
whom, I beseech the Lord, if it be his pleasure, to reduce to a better
truth, and to open their eyes to see their own blindness.

To proceed now further in the course and race of our story where we
left, being before in the month of November, it followeth more, that
on the twelfth day of the same month of November, being Monday, began
the parliament holden at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both
the king and queen rode in their parliament robes, having two swords
borne before them. The earl of Pembroke bare his sword, and the earl
of Westmoreland bare the queen's. They had two caps of maintenance
borne before them, whereof the earl of Arundel bare one, and the earl
of Shrewsbury the other.

Cardinal Pole landed at Dover on Wednesday, the twenty-first of
November; on which day one act passed in the parliament for his
restitution in blood, utterly repealing as false and most slanderous,
that act made against him in King Henry the Eighth's time; and on the
next day, being Thursday, and the twenty-second of November, the king
and the queen came both to the parliament house, to give their royal
assent, and to establish this act against his coming.

On Saturday, being the twenty-fourth of November, the said cardinal
came by water to London, and so to Lambeth House, which was ready
prepared against his coming.

On the Wednesday following, being the twenty-eighth of November, there
was a general procession in Paul's, for joy that the queen was
conceived and quick with child, as it was declared in a letter sent
from the council to the bishop of London.

The same day were present at this procession ten bishops, with all the
prebendaries of Paul's, and also the lord mayor with the aldermen, and
a great number of commons of the city in their best array. The copy of
the council's letter here followeth:--

"After our hearty commendations unto your good Lordship: whereas it
hath pleased Almighty God, amongst other his infinite benefits of late
most graciously poured upon us and this whole realm, to extend his
benediction upon the queen's Majesty in such sort as she is conceived
and quick of child: whereby (her Majesty being our natural liege lady,
queen, and undoubted inheritor of this imperial crown) good hope of
certain succession in the crown is given unto us, and consequently the
great calamities, which, for want of such succession, might otherwise
have fallen upon us and our posterity, shall, by God's grace, be well
avoided, if we thankfully acknowledge this benefit of Almighty God,
endeavouring ourselves with earnest repentance to thank, honour, and
serve him, as we be most bounden: these be not only to advertise you
of these good news, to be by you published in allplaces within your
diocese, but also to pray and require you, that both yourself do give
God thanks with us for this his especial grace, and also give order
that thanks may be openly given by singing of Te Deum in all the
churches within your said diocese; and that likewise all priests and
other ecclesiastical ministers, in their masses, and other Divine
services, may continually pray to Almighty God, so to extend his holy
hand over her Majesty, the king's Highness, and this whole realm, as
that this thing, being by his omnipotent power graciously thus begun,
may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the
glory of his name. Whereunto, albeit we doubt not ye would of yourself
have had special regard without these our letters, yet, for the
earnest desire we have to have this thing done out of hand, and
diligently continued, we have also written these our letters, to put
you in remembrance; and so bid your Lordship most heartily well to
fare.

"From Westminster the twenty-seventh of November, 1554.

"Your assured loving friends,
Stephen Winton. Cancel.
John Bathon.
Arundel.
R. Riche.
F. Shrewsbury.
Thomas Wharton.
Edward Darby.
John Huddilstone.
Henry Sussex.
R. Southwell."

Also the same day in the afternoon, Cardinal Pole came to the
parliament house, which, at that present, was kept in the great
chamber of the court at Whitehall, for that the queen was then sick,
and could not go abroad; where the king and queen's Majesties, sitting
under the cloth of state, and the cardinal sitting on the right hand,
with all the other estates of the parliament being present, the bishop
of Winchester, being lord chancellor, began in this manner:

"My Lords of the upper house, and you my Masters of the nether house,
here is present the right reverend father in God my Lord Cardinal
Pole, come from the apostolic see of Rome, as ambassador to the king
and queen's Majesties, upon one of the weightiest causes that ever
happened in this realm, and which pertaineth to the glory of God, and
your universal benefit. The which ambassage, it is their Majesties'
pleasure, that it be signified unto you all by his own mouth; trusting
that you will receive and accept it in as benevolent and thankful
wise, as their Highnesses have done, and that you will give an attent
and inclinable ear unto him."

When the lord chancellor had thus ended his talk, the cardinal. taking
the time then offered, began his oration, wherein he declared the
causes of his coming, and what were his desires and requests. In the
mean time the court gate was kept shut until he had made an end of his
oration.

The tenor of Cardinal Pole's oration, made in the parliament house.

My Lords all, and you that are the commons of this present parliament
assembled, (which, in effect, is nothing else but the state and body
of the whole realm,) as the cause of my repair hither hath been most
wisely and gravely declared by my Lord Chancellor, so, before that I
enter to the particularities of my commission, I have somewhat
touching myself, and to give most humble and hearty thanks to the king
and queen's Majesties, and after them to you all, which of a man
exiled and banished from this commonwealth, have restored me to be a
member of the same, and of a man having no place either here, or
elsewhere within this realm, have admitted me in a place, where to
speak and to be heard. This I protest unto you all, that though I was
exiled my native country without just cause, as God knoweth, yet the
ingratitude could not pull from me the affection and desire that I had
to profit and do you good. If the offer of my service might have been
received, it was never to seek, and where that could not be taken, you
never failed of my prayer, nor ever shall.

"But leaving the rehearsal thereof, and coming more near to the matter
of my commission, I signify unto you all, that my principal travail
is, for the restitution of this noble realm to the ancient nobility,
and to declare unto you, that the see apostolic, from whence I come,
hath a special respect to this realm above all others; and not without
cause, seeing that God himself, as it were by providence, hath given
this realm prerogative of nobility above all others; which to make
more plain unto you, it is to be considered that this island, first of
all islands, received the light of Christ's religion. For as stories
testify, it was prima provinciarum quę amplexa est fidem Christi.

"For the Britons, being first inhabitants of this realm,
(notwithstanding the subjection of the emperors and heathen princes,)
did receive Christ's faith from the apostolic see universally: and not
in parts, as other countries; nor by one and one, as clocks increase
their hours by distinction of times; but altogether at once, as it
were in a moment. But after that their ill merits, or forgetfulness of
God, had deserved expulsion, and that strangers, being infidels, had
possessed this land, yet God of his goodness, not leaving where he
once loved, so illuminated the hearts of the Saxons, being heathen
men, that they forsook the darkness of heathen errors, and embraced
the light of Christ's religion: so that within a small space idolatry
and heathen superstition were utterly abandoned in this island.

"This was a great prerogative of nobility; the benefit whereof, though
it be to be ascribed to God, yet the mean occasion of the same came
from the Church of Rome, in the faith of which church we have ever
since continued and consented with the rest of the world in unity of
religion. And to show further the fervent devotion of the inhabitants
of this island towards the Church of Rome, we read that divers princes
in the Saxons' time, with great travail and expenses went personally
to Rome, as Offa and Adulphus, who thought it not enough to show
themselves obedient to the said see, unless that in their own persons
they had gone to that same place from whence they had received so
great a grace and benefit.

"In the time of Charlemagne, who first founded the university of
Paris, he sent into England for Alcuinus, a great learned man, which
first brought learning to that university; whereby it seemeth that the
greatest part of the world fetched the light of religion from England.

"Adrian the Fourth, being an Englishman, converted Norway from
infidelity; which Adrian afterwards, upon great affection and love
that he bare to this realm, being his native country, gave to Henry
the Second, king of England, the right and seigniory of the dominion
of Ireland, which pertained to the see of Rome.

"I will not rehearse the manifold benefit that this realm hath
received from the apostolic see, nor how ready the same hath been to
relieve us in all our necessities. Nor will I rehearse the manifold
miseries and calamities that this realm hath suffered by swerving from
that unity. And even as in this realm, so also in all other countries
which, refusing the unity of the catholic faith, have followed
fantastical doctrine, the like plagues have happened. Let Asia and the
empire of Greece be a spectacle unto the world, which, by swerving
from the unity of the Church of Rome, are brought into captivity and 
subjection of the Turk. All stories be full of like examples. And to
come unto the later time, look upon our neighbours in Germany, who, by
swerving from this unity, are miserably afflicted with diversity of
sects, and divided into factions.

"What shall I rehearse unto you the tumults and effusion of blood that
hath happened there of late days; or trouble you with the rehearsal of
those plagues that have happened since this innovation of religion,
whereof you have felt the bitterness, and I have heard the report? of
all which matters I can say no more but -- such was the misery of the
time. And see how far forth this fury went. For those that live under
the Turk, may freely live after their conscience; and so was it not
lawful here.

"If men examine well upon what grounds these innovations began, they
shall well find that the root of this, as of many other mischiefs, was
avarice; and that the lust and carnal affection of one man confounded
all laws, both Divine and human. And notwithstanding all these devices
and policies practised within this realm against the Church of Rome,
they needed not to have lost you, but that they thought rather as
friends to reconcile you, than as enemies to infest you: for they
wanted not great offers of the most mighty potentates in all Europe to
have aided the church in that quarrel. Then mark the sequel: there
seemed by these changes to rise a great face of riches and gain,
which, in proof, came to great misery and lack. See how God then can
confound the wisdom of the wise, and turn unjust policy to mere folly;
and that thing which seemed to be done for relief, was cause of plain
ruin and decay. Yet see that goodness of God, which at no time failed
us, but most benignly offered his grace, when it was of our parts
least sought and worse deserved.

"And when all light of true religion seemed utterly extinct, the
churches defaced, the altars overthrown, the ministers corrupted --
even like as in a lamp, the light being covered, yet it is not
quenched -- even so, in a few remained the confession of Christ's
faith; namely, in the breast of the queen's Excellency, of whom, to
speak without adulation; the saying of the prophet may be verified,
Ecce quasi derelicta!

"And see how miraculously God of his goodness preserved her Highness,
contrary to the expectation of man, that when numbers conspired
against her, and policies were devised to disinherit her, and armed
power prepared to destroy her; yet she, being a virgin helpless,
naked, and unarmed, prevailed, and had the victory of tyrants; which
is not to be ascribed to any policy of man, but to the almighty great
goodness and providence of God, to whom the honour is to be given: and
therefore it may be said, Da gloriam Deo. For in man's judgment, on
her Grace's part was nothing in appearance but despair.

"And yet for all these practices and devices of ill men, here you see
her Grace established in her estate, being your lawful queen and
governess, born among you; whom God hath appointed to reign over you
for the restitution of true religion, and extirpation of all errors
and sects. And to confirm her Grace the more strongly in this
enterprise, lo! how the providence of God hath joined her in marriage
with a prince of like religion, who, being a king of great might,
armour, and force, yet useth towards you neither armour nor force, but
seeketh you by the way of love and amity: in which respect great cause
you have to give thanks to Almighty God, that hath sent you such a
catholic sovereign. It shall he, therefore, your part again to love,
obey, and serve them.

"And as it was a singular favour of God to conjoin them in marriage,
so it is not to be doubted but that he shall send them issue, for the
comfort and surety of this commonwealth.

"Of all princes in Europe, the emperor hath travailed most in the
cause of religion, as it appeareth by his acts in Germany; yet haply,
by some secret judgment of God, he hath not achieved the end: with
whom in my journey hitherwards, I had conference touching my legation;
whereof when we had understanding, he showed a great appearance of
most earnest joy and gladness, saying, that it rejoiced him no less of
the reconcilement of this realm unto Christian unity, than that his
son was placed by marriage in the kingdom,-- and most glad he was of
all, that the occasion thereof should come by me, being an Englishman
born, which is (as it were) to call home ourselves. I can well compare
him to David, which, though he were a man elect of God, yet, for that
he was contaminate with blood and war, he could not build the temple
of Jerusalem, but left the finishing thereof to Solomon, who was rex
pacificus. So may it be thought, that the appeasing of controversies
of religion in Christianity, is not appointed to this emperor, but
rather to his son, who shall perform the building that his father had
begun. Which church cannot he perfectly builded, unless universally in
all realms we adhere to one head, and do acknowledge him to be the
vicar of God, and to have power from above: for all power is of God,
according to the saying, Non est potestas, nisi a Deo. And therefore I
consider that all power being in God, yet, for the conservation of
quiet and godly life in the world, he hath derived that power from
above into two parts here in earth; which is into the powers imperial
and ecclesiastical. And these two powers, as they be several and
distinct, so have they two several effects and operations: for secular
princes, to whom the temporal sword is committed, be ministers of God
to execute vengeance upon transgressors and evil livers, and to
preserve the well-doers and innocents from injury and violence. Which
power is represented in these two most excellent persons, the king and
queen's Majesties here present, who have this power committed unto
them immediately from God, without any superior in that behalf.

"The other power is of ministration, which is the power of the keys,
and order in the ecclesiastical state, which is, by the authority of
God's word, and examples of the apostles, and of all old holy fathers
from Christ hitherto, attributed and given to the apostolic see of
Rome by special prerogative: from which see, I am here deputed legate
and ambassador. having full and ample commission from thence, and have
the keys committed to my hands. I confess to you that I have the keys,
not as mine own keys, but as the keys of him that sent me, and yet
cannot open: not for want of power in me to give, but for certain
impediments in you to receive, which must be taken away before my
commission can take effect. This I protest before you, my commission
is not of prejudice to any person. I come not to destroy, but to
build: I come to reconcile, not to condemn: I am not come to compel,
but to call again: I am not come to call any thing in question already
done, but my commission is of grace and clemency, to such as will
receive it. For touching all matters that be past, they shall be as
things cast into the sea of forgetfulness.

"But the mean whereby you shall receive this benefit, is to revoke and
repeal those laws and statutes, which be impediments, blocks, and
bars, to the execution of my commission. For, like as I myself had
neither place nor voice to speak here among you, but was in all
respects a banished man, till such time as ye had repealed those laws
that lay in my way; even so cannot you receive the benefit and grace
offered from the apostolic see, until the abrogation of such laws,
whereby you have disjoined and dissevered yourselves from the unity of
Christ's church.

"It remaineth therefore that you, like true Christians and provident
men, for the weal of your souls and bodies, ponder what is to be done
in this so weighty a cause; and so to frame your acts and proceedings,
as they may first tend to the glory of God, and next to the
conservation of your commonwealth, surety, and quietness."

The next day after, the three estates assembled again in the great
chamber of the court at Westminster; where the king and the queen's
Majesties and the cardinal being present, they did exhibit (all
kneeling on their knees) a supplication to their Highnesses, the tenor
whereof ensueth.

"We, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons of this present
parliament assembled -- representing the whole body of the realm of
England and dominions of the same, in our own names particularly, and
also of the said body universally, in this supplication directed to
your Majesties with most humble suit, that it may, by your gracious
intercession and means, be exhibited to the most reverend father in
God, the Lord Cardinal Pole, legate, sent especially hither from our
most holy father Pope Julius the Third, and the see apostolic of Rome
-- do declare ourselves very sorry and repentant for the schism and
disobedience committed in this realm and dominions of the same,
against the said see apostolic, either by making, agreeing, or
executing any laws, ordinances, or commandments, against the supremacy
of the said see, or otherwise doing or speaking what might impugn the
same: offering ourselves, and promising by this our supplication, that 
for a token and knowledge of our said repentance, we be, and shall be
alway, ready, under and with the authority of your Majesties, to the
uttermost of our power, to do that which shall be in us for the
abrogation and repealing of the said laws and ordinances in this
present parliament; as well for ourselves, as for the whole body whom
we represent.

"Whereupon we most humbly beseech your Majesties, as persons undefiled
in the offence of this body towards the said see, which nevertheless
God, by his providence, hath made subject unto your Majesties, so to
set forth this our most humble suit, that we may obtain from the see
apostolic, by the said most reverend father, as well particularly as
universally, absolution, release, and discharge from all danger of
such censures and sentences, as by the laws of the church we be fallen
in; and that we may, as children repentant, be received into the bosom
and unity of Christ's church, so as this noble realm, with all the
members thereof, may, in unity and perfect obedience to the see
apostolic, and pope for the time being, serve God and your Majesties,
to the furtherance and advancement of his honour and glory. Amen."

The supplication being read, the king and queen delivered the same
unto the cardinal, who (perceiving the effects thereof to answer his
expectation) did receive the same most gladly from their Majesties:
and after he had in few words given thanks to God, and declared what
great cause he had to rejoice above all others, that his corning from
Rome into England had taken most happy success; he, by the pope's
authority, did give them this absolution following.

"Our Lord Jesus Christ, which with his most precious blood hath
redeemed and washed us from all our sins and iniquities, that he might
purchase unto himself a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, and
whom the Father hath appointed Head over all his church, he by his
mercy absolve you! And we, by apostolic authority, (given unto us by
the most holy lord Pope Julius the Third, his vicegerent in earth,) do
absolve and deliver you, and every of you, with the whole realm and
dominions thereof, from all heresy and schism, and from all and every
judgment, censure, and pain, for that cause incurred; and also we do
restore you again unto the unity of our mother the holy church, (as in
our letters more plainly it shall appear,) in the name of the Father,
of the Son. and of the Holy Ghost."

When all this was done, they went into the chapel, and there, singing
Te Deum, with great solemnity declared the joy and gladness that for
this reconciliation was pretended.

The report of this was with great speed sent unto Rome; as well by the
king and cardinal's letters, which hereafter follow, as also
otherwise; whereupon the pope caused there at Rome processions to be
made, and thanks to be given to God with great joy, for the conversion
of England to his church; and therefore, (praising the cardinal's
diligence, and the devotion of the king and queen,) on Christmas even,
by his bulls he set forth a general pardon to all such as did truly
rejoice for the same.

A copy of King Philip's letter, written with his own hand to Pope
Julius, touching the restoring of the realm of England: translated out
of Spanish into English.

"Most holy father, I wrote yesterday unto Don John Maurique, that he
should declare by word of mouth, or else write to your Holiness, in
what good state the matter of religion stood in this realm, and of the
submission to your Holiness, as to the chief. As this day, which is
the feast of St. Andrew, late in the evening, we have done God that
service, (to whose only goodness we must impute it, and to your
Holiness, who have taken so great pain to gain these souls,) that this
realm, with full and general consent of all them that represent the
state, being very penitent for that was past, and well bent to what
they come to do, submitted themselves to your Holiness, and to that
holy see; whom, at the request of the queen and me, your legate did
absolve. And forasmuch as the said Don John shall signify unto your
Holiness all that passed in this matter, I will write no more thereof;
but only that the queen and I, as most faithful and devout children of
your Holiness, have received the greatest joy and comfort thereof that
may be expressed with tongue: considering that, besides the service
done to God hereby, it hath chanced, in the time of your Holiness, to
place as it were in the lap of the holy and catholic church such a
kingdom as this is. And therefore I think I cannot be thankful enough
for that is done this day. And I trust in him, that your Holinessshall
alway understand, that the holy see hath not had a more obedient son
than I, nor more desirous to preserve and increase the authority of
the same. God guide and prosper the most holy personage of your
Holiness, as I desire.

"From London, the thirtieth of November, 1554. 
"Your Holiness's most humble son, the king," &c.

Here followeth, likewise, the cardinal's letter to the said pope
concerning the same matter.

"Those things which I wrote unto your Holiness of late, of that hope
which I trusted would come to pass, that in short space this realm
would be reduced to the unity of the church, and obedience of the
apostolic see; though I did write then not without great cause, yet,
nevertheless, I could not be void of all fear, not only for that
difficulty which the minds of our countrymen did show, being so long
alienated from the see apostolic, and for the old hatred which they
had borne so many years to that name; but much more I feared, lest the
first entry into the cause itself, should be put off by some other by-
matter or convention coming betwixt. For the avoiding whereof, I made
great means to the king and queen, which little needed; for their own
godly forwardness, and earnest desire to bring the thing to pass, far
surmounted my great and earnest expectation.

"This day in the evening, being St. Andrew's day, (who first brought
his brother Peter to Christ,) it is come to pass by the providence of
God, that this realm is reclaimed to give due obedience unto Peter's
seat and your Holiness, by whose means it may be conjoined to Christ
the Head, and to his body which is the church. The thing was done and
concluded in parliament (the king and queen being present) with such
full consent and great rejoicing, that incontinently after I had made
my oration, and given the benediction, with a great joy and shout
there was divers times said, "Amen, Amen." Which doth evidently
declare, that that holy seed, although it hath been long oppressed,
yet was not utterly quenched in them; which chiefly was declared in
the nobility.

"Returning home to my house, these things I wrote unto your Holiness
upon the sudden, rejoicing that I had so luckily brought to pass so
weighty a matter by the Divine Providence, thinking to have sent my
letters by the king's post, who (as it was said) should have departed
shortly: but afterwards, changing my purpose, when I had determined to
send one of my own men, I thought good to add thus much to my letters,
for the ample gratulation and rejoicing at that good chance. Which
thing, as it was right great gladness to me, through the event of the
same (being itself very great, and so holy, so profitable to the whole
church, so healthful to this my country which brought me forth, so
honourable to the same which received me): so likewise I took no less
rejoicing of the princes themselves, through whose virtue and
godliness the matter did take success and perfection.

"Of how many and how great things may the church (which is the spouse
of Christ, and our mother) make her account through those her
children! O notable zeal of godliness! O ancient faith! which
undoubtedly doth so manifestly appear in them both, that whoso seeth
them, must needs (whether he will or no) say the same which the
prophet spake of the first children of the church: 'These are the seed
which the Lord hath blessed. This is the Lord's planting to glory in.'
How holily did your Holiness with all your authority and earnest
affection favour this marriage! which truly seemeth to express a great
similitude of the highest King, which, being heir of the world, was
sent down by his Father from the regal seat to be spouse and son of
the Virgin, and by this means to comfort all mankind. For even so this
king himself, the greatest heir of all men which are in the earth,
leaving his father's kingdoms that are most great, is come into this
little kingdom, and is become both the spouse and son of this virgin,
(for he so behaveth himself as though he were a son, whereas indeed he
is a husband,) that he might, as he hath in effect already performed,
show himself an aider and helper to reconcile this people to Christ,
and to his body, which is the church. Which things, seeing they are
so, what may not our mother the church herself look for at his hands,
that hath brought this to pass, to convert the hearts of the fathers
towards their sons, and the unbelievers to the wisdom of the
righteous? which virtue, truly, doth wonderfully shine in him. But the
queen, which at that time, when your Holiness sent me legate unto her,
did rise up as a rod of incense springing out of the trees of myrrh,
and as frankincense out of the desert -- she, I say, which a little
before was forsaken of all men, how wonderfully doth she now shine!
What a savour of myrrh and frankincense doth she give forth unto her
people, who (as the prophet saith of the mother of Christ) brought
forth, before she laboured; before she was delivered, brought forth a
man-child! Whoever heard of such a thing, and who hath seen the like
of this? Shall the earth bring forth in one day, or shall a whole
nation be brought forth together? But she now hath brought forth a
whole nation before the time of that delivery, whereof we are in most
great hope.

"How great cause is given to us to rejoice! How great cause have we to
give thanks to God's mercy, your Holiness, and the emperor's Majesty,
which have been causers of so happy and so godly a marriage, by which
we, being reconciled, are joined to God the Father, to Christ, and to
the church! of the which although I cannot comprehend in words the joy
that I have taken, yet I cannot keep silence of it. And to this my
rejoicing, this was also joined, (which when I had perceived by the
letters of the reverend archbishop of Cocenza, your Holiness's nuncio
with the emperor's Majesty, brought me marvellous great gladness,)
that your said Holiness began to restore to the ancient beauty those
things, which, in the Church of Rome, through the corruption of times,
were deformed; which truly, when it shall be finished, then indeed may
we well cry out with the prophet, and speak unto your Holiness with
these words 'Put off the stole of sorrow and vexation; and put on
comeliness, which thou hast of God in everlasting glory. For thy name
shall be named of God everlasting, peace of righteousness, and honour
of godliness; and then it shall be said, Look about and see thy sons
gathered together from the sun-rising to the going down of the same,
rejoicing in the holy word.' There is nothing truly (to speak of thy
children gathered together in the west, which prepare themselves to
meet their mother) which they had rather see, than her apparelled
(that I may use the words of the prophet) in that garment of
righteousness, wherewith God adorned her in times past. This one thing
remaineth: that your Holiness's joy, and the joy of all the universal
church, may be perfected; which, together with us her unworthy
children, ceaseth not to pray to God for it. The Almighty God preserve
your Holiness long to continue in health, for the profit of his
church!

"From London, the last of November, 1554,
"Your most humble servant,
REGINALD POLE, cardinal."

On the Sunday, the second of December, the bishop of Winchester, lord
chancellor of England, preached at Paul's Cross, at which sermon was
present the king and Cardinal Pole. He took for his theme this part of
the Epistle of St. Paul to the Romans, This also we know, the season,
brethren, that we should now awake out of sleep; for now is our
salvation nearer, than when we believed, &c. Some notes thereof, as
they came to my hands, faithfully gathered, (as it appeareth by sundry
copies,) I have here thought good to set forth.

First, he showed how the saying of St. Paul was verified upon the
Gentiles, who had a long time slept in dark ignorance, not knowing
God: "Therefore St. Paul," quoth he, "to stir up their heavy dulness,
willed them to awake out of their long sleep, because their salvation
was nearer, than when they believed."

In amplifying this matter, and comparing our times with theirs, he
took occasion to declare what difference the Jewish sacraments had
from those of the Christians, wherein he used these words:

"Even as the sacrament of the Jews did declare Christ to come, so do
our sacraments declare Christ to be already come: but Christ to come,
and Christ to be come, is not all one. For now that he is come, the
Jews' sacraments be done away, and ours only remain, which declare
that he is already come, and is nearer us, than he was to the fathers
of the old law: for they had him but in signs, but we have him in the
sacrament of the altar, even his very body. Wherefore now, also, it is
time that we awake out of our sleep, who have slept, or rather
dreamed, these twenty years past; as shall more easily appear by
declaring at large some of the properties and effects of a sleep or a
dream. And first, as men intending to sleep do separate themselves
from company, and desire to be alone; even so have we separated
ourselves from the see apostolic of Rome; and have been alone, no
realm in Christendom like us.

"Secondly, as in sleep men dream sometimes of killing, sometimes of
maiming, sometimes of drowning or burning, sometimes of such
beastliness as I dare not name, but will spare your ears: so we have
in this our sleep not only dreamed of beastliness, but we have done it
indeed. For in this our sleep hath not one brother destroyed another?
hath not half our money been wiped away at one time? -- And again,
those that would defend their conscience, were slain, and others also
otherwise troubled; besides infinite other things, which you all know
as well as I, whereof I report me to your own consciences. Further, in
a man's sleep all his senses are stopped, so that he can neither see,
smell, nor hear: even so, whereas the ceremonies of the church were
instituted to move and stir up our senses, they being taken away, were
not our senses (as ye would say) stopped, and we fast asleep?
Moreover, when a man would gladly sleep, he will put out the candle,
lest peradventure it may let his sleep, and awake him: so of late all
such writers as did hold any thing with the apostolic see, were
condemned, and forbidden to be read; and images (which were laymen's
books) were cast down and broken.

"This sleep hath continued with us these twenty years, and we all that
while without a head: for when King Henry did first take upon him to
be head of the church, it was then no church at all. After whose
death, King Edward (having over him governors and protectors which
ruled as them listed) could not be head of the church, but was only a
shadow or sign of a head: and, at length, it came to pass that we had
no head at all; no, not so much as our two archbishops. For on the one
side, the queen, being a woman, could not be head of the church; and
on the other side, they both were convicted of one crime, and so
deposed. Thus, while we desired to have a supreme head among us, it
came to pass that we had no head at all. When the tumult was in the
north, in the time of King Henry the Eighth, I am sure the king was
determined to have given over the supremacy again to the pope: but the
hour was not then come, and therefore it went not forward, lest some
would have said, that he did it for fear.

"After this, Master Knevet and I were sent ambassadors unto the
emperor, to desire him that he would be a mean between the pope's
Holiness and the king, to bring the king to the obedience of the see
of Rome: but the time was not yet come; for it might have been said,
that it had been done for a civil policy. Again, in the beginning of
King Edward's reign the matter was moved, but the time was not yet;
for it would have been said, that the king (being but a child) had
been bought and sold. Neither in the beginning of the queen's reign
was the hour come; for it would have been said, that it was done in a
time of weakness. Likewise when the king first came, if it had been
done, they might have said it had been by force and violence. But now,
even now, hora est, the hour is come, when nothing can be objected,
but that it is the mere mercy and providence of God. Now hath the
pope's Holiness, Pope Julius the Third, sent unto us this most
reverend father, Cardinal Pole, an ambassador from his side. What to
do? Not to revenge the injuries done by us against his Holiness, sed
benedicere maledicentibus, to give his benediction to those that
defamed and persecuted him.

"And that we may be the more meet to receive the said benediction, I
shall desire you that we may alway acknowledge ourselves offenders
against his Holiness -- I do not exclude myself forth of the number. I
will weep with them that weep, and rejoice with them that rejoice. And
I shall desire you that we may defer the matter no longer; for now,
the hour is come. The king and queen's Majesties have already restored
our holy father the pope to his supremacy, and the three estates
assembled in the parliament, representing the whole body of the realm,
have also submitted themselves to his Holiness, and his successors for
ever; wherefore let us not any longer stay. And even as St. Paul said
to the Corinthians, that he was their father, so may the pope say,
that he is our father: for we received our doctrine first from Rome --
therefore he may challenge us as his own. We have all cause to
rejoice, for his Holiness hath sent hither and prevented us, before we
sought him: such care hath he for us. Therefore let us say, Hęc est
dies quam fecit Dominus, emultemus et lętemur in ea: Rejoice in this
day, which is of the Lord's working, that such a nobleman of birth is
come, yea, such a holy father, (I mean, my Lord Cardinal Pole,) which
can speak unto us as unto brethren, and not as unto strangers; who
hath a long time been absent. And let us now awake, which so long have
slept, and in our sleep have done so much naughtiness against the
sacraments of Christ, denying the blessed sacrament of the altar, and
pulled down the altar, which thing Luther himself would not do, but
rather reproved them that did, examining them of their belief in
Christ."

This was the sum of his sermon before his prayers, wherein he prayed
first for the pope, Pope Julius the Third, with all his college of
cardinals; the bishop of London, with the rest of that order. Then for
the king and queen, and the nobility of this realm; and last, for the
commons of the same, with the souls departed, lying in the pains of
purgatory. This ended, the time being late, they began in Paul's to
ring for their evening song, whereby the preacher could not be well
heard, which caused him to make a short end of his clerkly sermon.

About this very time a post or messenger was sent from the whole
parliament to the pope, to desire him to confirm and establish the
sale of abbey-lands and chantry-lands; for the lords and the
parliament would grant nothing in the pope's behalf, before their
purchases were fully confirmed.

On the Thursday following, being the sixth of December, and St.
Nicholas's day, all the whole convocation, both bishops and others,
were sent for to Lambeth to the cardinal, who the same day forgave
them all their perjurations, schisms, and heresies, and they all there
kneeled down and received his absolution; and after an exhortation and
gratulation for their conversion to the catholic church made by the
cardinal, they departed.

On Wednesday, the twelfth of December, five of the eight men which lay
in the Fleet, that were of Master Throgmorton's quest, were
discharged, and set at liberty upon their fine paid, which was two
hundred and twenty pounds apiece; and the other three put up a
supplication, therein declaring, that their goods did not amount to
the sum that they were appointed to pay; and so, upon that declaration
paying forty pounds apiece, they were delivered out of prison upon St.
Thomas's day before Christmas, being the twenty-first of December.

On the Saturday following, being the twenty-second of December, all
the whole parliament had strict commandment, that none of them should
depart into their country this Christmas, nor before the parliament
were ended: which commandment was wonderful contrary to their
expectations; for as well many of the lords, as also many of the
inferior sort, had sent for their horses, and had them brought hither.

On the Friday following, being the twenty-eighth of December, and
Childermas-day, the prince of Piedmont came to the court at
Westminster.

On new-year's day the act of supremacy passed in the parliament. Also
the same day at night was a great tumult between Spaniards and
Englishmen at Westminster, whereof was like to have ensued great
mischief through a Spanish friar, which got into the church and rung
alarum. The occasion was about two loose women which were in the
cloister of Westminster, with a sort of Spaniards, whereof, whilst
some played the knaves with them, others did keep the entry of the
cloister with dags, in harness. In the mean time certain of the dean's
men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at
them, and hurt some of them. By and by the noise of this doing came
into the streets, so that the whole town was up almost; but never a
stroke was stricken. Notwithstanding, the noise of this doing with the
dean's men, and also the ringing of the alarum, made much ado; and a
great number also to be sore afraid.

$

261. JOHN BOLTON


A lamentable example of cruelty showed upon John Bolton, a man of
Reading, imprisoned for the true testimony of a Christian conscience.

The Lent following the coronation of Queen Mary, which Lent was in the
year 1554, there was a writing set upon the church-door at Reading in
. Berkshire, containing matter against the mass, but the author
thereof then, and a long time after, was unknown; although now
certainly known to be indeed one John Moyer, who afterwards confessed
the fact, recanted, and is now made minister. Great inquisition was in
every place thereabouts, but nothing, as I said, could be found
certainly. Amongst many others one John Bolton was suspected, who,
being asked his mind of the mass, answered, that he took it to be
against the word of God, and contumelious to Christ: upon which words,
he was by the mayor, (whose name was Boyer, and by science a tanner,)
with other officers, committed to the gaol about three weeks before
Easter; where being kept by the space of a week or a fortnight, in the
under prison or dungeon, afterwards he was had up to a chamber of the
gaoler's, (whose name was Welch,) having his bed and other necessaries
to help himself withal, and so continued until Gardiner, the bishop of
Winchester, came through the town with King Philip and Queen Mary,
straight upon their marriage at Winchester.

Then the said bishop, hearing of the said John Bolton, sent for him to
talk with him, persuading him, what he could, to relent from the
truth. But he stood stedfast, and most boldly reproved the said bishop
to his face, and replied most earnestly against his persuasions;
whereby the bishop, being greatly moved, commanded that he should be
had to prison again, there to be kept with bread and water, and
nothing else: charging, further, that whosoever came to him should, in
anywise, immediately be set by him. Well, John Bolton was, thereupon,
carried again to the gaol and put into the dungeon, or under prison,
where he was before; which is under the ground about twelve feet deep,
compassed about with most thick walls, without any light saving only
that which cometh down at the entry; but (which is the best) both
above the head and under foot, it is boarded. And alas! to no purpose,
(poor John Bolton might say,) for he was not suffered to walk any part
therein, but was most cruelly stocked and chained, as hereafter
followeth. In the same dungeon is a marvellous evil scent or odour,
and the whole proportion most terrible to see. In the midst thereof is
a huge pair of stocks, of a great height, wherein they did put both
his hands and his feet; on the other side of the stocks, his legs were
tied with a great chain of iron, being surely fastened to a great and
mighty block unmovable. And hanging on this sort by the hands and
feet, sometimes for a day and a night together, (his body not touching
any part of the ground,) the gaoler often would ease him and loose his
hands sometimes at night, but his feet he would keep in the stocks
still, three or four whole days together. And, being in this woeful
and most miserable case, the gaoler and his family would wickedly, in
the night season, to trouble the good poor man, oftentimes cast squibs
of fire into the dungeon, whereby his empty and careful head might be
troubled with vain and fond fantasies; which came to pass, as
hereafter shall be showed.

Now his honest good neighbours, hearing of his perplexity, were not a
little careful for him, and sent their benevolence liberally to him;
such as wholesome meats and drinks to comfort his weak body, which
always were either eaten up by the gaoler and his household, or else
brought to the grate of the prison, and there given to dogs before his
face: so cruel and unmerciful was this wicked gaoler. Whereby the said
poor John Bolton was enforced (alas! the pity) to eat what cannot be
named for hunger; some think for the space of six days, some think
more, some less; but although how long the time is uncertain, yet,
that he did it, is most true.

Thus was he in the lower prison just twelve months and ten weeks,
having sometimes his hand and feet in the stocks; sometimes his feet
only, sometimes neither; sometimes having checks, taunts, scornings,
threatenings, and mockings; otherwhiles having meat; otherwhiles in
loathsome extremity: until at last, with terrible torments, solitary
sighings, lack of liberty, meat, drink, with such like, and also with
eating that which nature most abhorreth, and what never was heard of
before in any tyrant's days, he began, I say, at the last, to be full
of ravings and strange fantasies, in such sort, that men took him as
one without reason and distracted of mind. This being once known to
Sir Francis Englefield, he, with his blood-thirsty brother the parson
of Englefield, thought good to rid the prison of him; and so he was
discharged.

It is not to be forgotten, amongst so many troubles, that in prison
was laid awhile, for fornication, a collar-maker by his science; who,
being of nature very tender, and feeling not one quarter of John
Bolton's troubles and miserable torments, fell mad. And, through
friendship of them that were more mad than he, liberty was given him
to sit at the grate of the dungeon, to work for his living and to have
the benefit of the light; which is (as prisoners say) no small
benefit. This madman having his tools, that is to say an awl and a
stretcher, and his liberty therewith, used the same almost to the
destruction of his own wife and the said John Bolton. For she, coming
to visit him, being great with child and thinking of no danger (poor
woman) towards her, the wretched madman, ungraciously, thrust his awl
in her body, and slew the little babe within her. And vet, not content
therewith, but to increase his mischief more and more, he also with
the same instrument did, in divers places, hurt the said John Bolton
sitting in the stocks, to the great peril of his life, and no less
danger of the same continually, while the said collar-maker remained
in prison; as it appeareth evidently at this present upon his body,
for them that list to see.

By such cruelty, and so greatly, was truth handled and whoredom
maintained by this wicked gaoler, that the evil person could have
liberty to do his mischief when he would, while the poor simple John
Bolton (laid in for conscience' sake to God-ward) might not once have
so much favour as to be free from the stocks, and to walk a little for
his comfort. This is the truth of this story, approved by sufficient
and credible testimonies, as well of the inhabitants of the said town
of Reading, (whose letters, at this present, for the certification
thereof we have to show, dated to us the twelfth day of May,) as also
by the confirmation of the party himself on whom this cruelty was
showed, being, although, through the same their extreme handling, weak
and feeble, yet, God be praised! a man alive.

$

262. THE QUEEN WTH CHILD

Ye heard a little before the council's letter sent to Bishop Bonner,
signifying the good news of Queen Mary to be not only conceived, but
also quick with child, which was in the month of November, the twenty-
eighth day. Of this child great talk began at this time to rise in
every man's mouth, with busy preparation, and much ado, especially
amongst such as seemed in England to carry Spanish hearts in English
bodies. In number of whom is here not to be forgotten, nor defrauded
of his condign commendation for his worthy affection towards his
prince and her issue, one Sir Richard Southwell, who, being the same
time in the parliament house, when the lords were occupied in other
affairs and matters of importance, suddenly starting up, for fulness
of joy burst out in these words following: "Tush, my masters," quoth
he, "what talk ye of these matters? I would have you take some order
for our young master that is now coming into the world apace, lest he
find us unprovided," &c. By the which words both of him, and also by
the aforesaid letters of the council, and the common talk abroad, it
may appear what an assured opinion was then conceived in men's heads
of Queen Mary to be conceived and quick with child: insomuch that at
the same time, and in the same parliament, there was eftsoons a bill
exhibited, and an act made upon the same, the words whereof, for the
more evidence, I thought good here to exemplify, as followeth.

Extract of an Act for the government of Queen Mary's issue.

"Albeit we, the lords spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this
present parliament assembled, have firm hope and confidence in the
goodness of Almighty God, that like as he hath hitherto miraculously
preserved the queen's Majesty from many great imminent perils and
dangers; even so he will, of his infinite goodness, give her Highness
strength, the rather by our continual prayers, to pass well the danger
of deliverance of child, wherewith it hath pleased him (to all our
great comforts) to bless her: yet forasmuch as all things of this
world be uncertain. and having before our eyes the dolorous experience
of the inconstant government, during the time of the reign of the late
King Edward the Sixth, do plainly see the manifold inconveniences,
great dangers and perils, that may ensue in this whole realm, if
foresight be not used to prevent all evil chances, if they should
happen: for the eschewing hereof, we, the lords spiritual and
temporal, and the commons in this present parliament assembled, for
and in consideration of a most special trust and confidence that we
have and repose in the king's Majesty, for and concerning the politic
government, order, and administration of this realm in the time of the
young years of the issue or issues of her Majesty's body to be born
(if it should please God to call the queen's Highness out of this
present life, during the tender years of such issue or issues; which
God forbid)-- according to such order and manner, as hereafter, in
this present act, his Highness's most gracious pleasure is, should be
declared and set forth, have made our humble suit, by the assent of
the queen's Highness, that his Majesty would vouchsafe to accept and
take upon him the rule, order, education, and government of the said
issue or issues to be born, as is aforesaid: upon which our suit being
of his said Majesty most graciously accepted, it hath pleased his
Highness not only to declare, that like as for the most part his
Majesty verily trusteth that Almighty God (who hath hitherto preserved
the queen's Majesty, to give this realm so good a hope of certain
succession in the blood royal of the same realm) will assist her
Highness with his graces and benedictions, to see the fruit of her
body well brought forth, live, and able to govern, (whereof neither
all this realm, nay, all the world besides, should or could receive
more comfort than his Majesty should and would,) yet, if such chance
should happen, his Majesty at our humble desires is pleased and
contented, not only to accept and take upon him the cure and charge of
the education, rule, order, and government of such issues as of this
most happy marriage shall be born between the queen's Highness and
him; but also, during the time of such government, would, by all ways
and means, study, travail, and employ himself to advance the weal both
public and private of this realm and dominion thereunto belonging,
according to the said trust in his Majesty reposed, with no less
goodwill and affection, than if his Highness had been naturally born
amongst us. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the king and
the queen's most excellent Majesties, by the assent of the lords
spiritual and temporal, and the commons in this present parliament
assembled, and by the authority of the same," &c.

Thus much out of the act and statute I thought to rehearse, to the
intent the reader may understand, not so much how parliaments may
sometimes be deceived, (as by this child of Queen Mary may appear,) as
rather what cause we Englishmen have to render most earnest thanks
unto Almighty God, who so mercifully, against the opinion,
expectation, and working of our adversaries, hath helped and delivered
us in this case; which otherwise might have opened such a window to
the Spaniards, to have entered and replenished this land, that
peradadventure, by this time, Englishmen should have enjoyed no great
quiet in their own country. The Lord therefore make us perpetually
mindful of his benefits! Amen.

Thus we see then how man doth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth
him. For all this great labour, provision, and order taken in the
parliament house for their young master long looked for, coming so
surely into the world, in the end appeared neither young master, nor
young mistress, that any man yet to this day can hear of. Furthermore,
as the labour of the lay sort was herein deluded; so no less
ridiculous it was to behold, what little effect the prayers of the
pope's churchmen had with Almighty God, who travailed no less with
their processions, masses, and collects, for the happy deliverance of
this young master to come, as here followeth to be seen.

A prayer made by Dr. Weston, dean of Westminster, daily to be said for
the queen's deliverance.-- Out of Latin into English.

"O most righteous Lord God, which, for the offence of the first woman,
has threatened unto all women, a common, sharp, and inevitable
malediction, and hath enjoined them that they should conceive in sin,
and, being conceived, should be subject to many and grievous torments;
and finally, be delivered with the danger and jeopardy of their lives:
we beseech thee for thine exceeding great goodness and bottomless
mercy, to mitigate the strictness of that law. Assuage thine anger for
a while, and cherish in the bosom of thy favour and mercy our most
gracious Queen Mary, being now at the point to be delivered. So help
her, that without danger of her life she may overcome the sorrow, and
in due season bring forth a child, in body beautiful and comely, in
mind noble and valiant. So that afterward, she, forgetting the
trouble, may, with joy, laud and praise the bountifulness of thy
mercy, and, together with us, praise and bless both thee and thy holy
name, world without end. This, O Lord, we desire thee, we beseech
thee, and most heartily crave of thee. Hear us, O Lord, and grant us
our petition: let not the enemies of thy faith and of thy church say,
'Where is their God?'"

A solemn prayer made for King Philip and Queen Mary's child, that it
may be a male child, well-favoured, and witty, &c.

"O most mighty Lord God, which regardest the prayer of the humble, and
despisest not their request; bow down from thine high habitation of
the heavens, the eyes of thy mercy unto us wretched sinners, bowing
the knees of our hearts, and with many and deep sighs bewailing our
sins and offences; humbly, with eyes intent and hands displayed,
praying and beseeching thee, with the shield of thy protection, to
defend Mary thy servant, and our queen, who hath none other helper but
thee, and whom, through thy grace, thou hast willed to be conceived
with child: and at the time of her travail graciously, with the help
of thy right hand, deliver her; and from all danger, with the child in
her conceived, mercifully preserve.

"It hath seemed good in thy sight, merciful Father, by thy servant
Mary, to work these wonders; that is to say, in her hands to vanquish
and overthrow the stout enemy, and to deliver us, thy people, out of
the hands of heretics, infidels, enemies to thee and to the cross of
thy beloved Son Jesus Christ; that of thy servant thou mightest speak
in far countries. Therefore, for these wonderful works which thou dost
to thy servants, thou art magnified, Lord God, for ever; and we thy
people bless thee, the God of heaven, which hath wrought upon us this
great mercy, and Lath excluded from us the heretic, the enemy of
truth, the persecutor of thy church. We know, we know, that we have
grievously, Lord, sinned; that we have been deceived by vanity, and
that we have forsaken thee our God. Our iniquities be multiplied on 
our head, and our sins be increased up to heaven: and we ourselves,
having offended, and our princes and our priests, for these our sins
have deserved a hypocrite to our prince; our sins have deserved a
tyrant to our governor, that should bring our life to a bitterness. We
be not worthy to have so gentle and merciful a queen, so godly a
ruler, and finally, so virtuous a prince; at the very beginning of
whose reign, a new light, as it were, of God's religion seemed to us
for to spring and rise. The Jews did bless the widow Judith with one
voice, saying, 'Thou art the glory of Jerusalem, thou art the joy of
Israel, thou art the honour of our people, for that thou hast loved
chastity; and thou shalt be blessed for ever.'

"And we, the English people, with one agreeable consent do cry: 'Thou
Mary art the glory of England,' our joy, the honour of thy people; for
that thou hast embraced chastity. Thine heart is strengthened, for the
hand of our Lord hath comforted thee, and therefore thou shalt be
blessed for ever. But bow down, O most merciful Father, thine ear, and
open thine eyes, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession.
Thou knowest, Lord, that against Philip, (not by human, but by thy
ordinance, our king,) and against thy servant Mary, (by thy providence
our queen,) the restorers and maintainers of thy testament of the
faith, and most constant defenders of thy church: thou knowest, I say,
that against these, our two governors, the enemies of thy holy
Testament, and of the church thy spouse, be most rank rebels and
spiteful murmurers, walking after their lusts; whose mouth speaketh
words of pride, to the end they may set up the kingdom of heretics and
schismatics. By the power of their hands they would change thy
promises, and destroy thine inheritance, and stop and shut up the
mouths of them that praise thee, and extinguish the glory of thy
catholic church and altar.

"It is manifest and plain, how many contentions, how many conspiracies
and seditions, how great wars, what tumults, how many and how great
troublesome vexations, how many heresies and schisms, (for these be
the most ready devices and evident tokens of heretics,) for our sins
do hang over us, if thy servant be taken from this life: for we
acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his
dwelling-place in the midst of his people, to the intent to deliver us
out of the hands of our enemies. Turn therefore thy countenance unto
us, show unto us, O Lord, thy face. Punish us for our sins according
to thy will and pleasure; only now deliver us. We, bowing the knees of
our heart, beseech thee, that thou wilt not reserve unto us punishment
for ever; and we shall praise thee all the days of our life. Hear our
cry, and the prayer of thy people, and open to them the treasure of
thy mercy, thy gracious favour, the spring of lively water. Thou that
hast begun, make in the hand of thy servant a perfect work. Suffer
not, we pray thee, the faithless rebels to say of thy servant and her
councillors, that they have devised matters which they cannot perform.
And grant unto thy servant a happy and an easy travail: for it is not
impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy justice, nor unwonted to
thy mercy.

"It is well known unto us, how marvellously thou didst work in Sarah
of the age of ninety years, and in Elizabeth, the barren, and also far
stricken in age: for thy counsel is not in the power of men. Thou,
Lord, that art the searcher of hearts and thoughts, thou knowest that
thy servant never lusted after man, never gave herself to wanton
company, nor made herself partaker with them that walk in lightness:
but she consented to take a husband with thy fear, and not with her
lust. Thou knowest that thy servant took a husband not for carnal
pleasure, but only for the desire and love of posterity, wherein thy
name might be blessed for ever and ever.

"Give therefore unto thy servants Philip our king and Mary our queen,
a male issue, which may sit in the seat of thy kingdom. Give unto our
queen thy servant a little infant, in fashion and body comely and
beautiful, in pregnant wit notable and excellent. Grant the same to be
in obedience like Abraham, in hospitality like Lot, in chastity and
brotherly love like Joseph, in meekness and mildness like Moses, in
strength and valour like Samson. Let him be found faithful as David
after thy heart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Solomon.
Let him be like Job, a simple and an upright man, fearing God and
eschewing evil. Let him, finally, be garnished with the comeliness of
all virtuous conditions, and in the same let him wax old and live,
that he may see his children's children to the third and fourth
generation. And give unto our sovereign lord and lady, King Philip and
Queen Mary, thy blessings and long life upon earth; and grant that of
them may come kings and queens, which may stedfastly continue in
faith, love, and holiness. And blessed be their seed of our God, that
all nations may know, thou art only God in all the earth, which art
blessed for ever and ever: Amen!"

Another prayer for Queen Mary, and her conceived child.

"O Almighty Father, which didst sanctify the blessed Virgin and mother
Mary in her conception, and in the birth of Christ our Saviour thine
only Son; also, by thine omnipotent power, didst safely deliver the
prophet Jonas out of the whale's belly: defend, O Lord, we beseech
thee, thy servant Mary, our queen, with child conceived; and so visit
her in and with thy godly gift of health, that not only the child thy
creature, within her contained, may joyfully come from her into this
world, and receive the blessed sacraments of baptism and confirmation,
enjoying therewith daily increase of all princely and gracious gifts
both of body and soul; but that also she, (the mother,) through thy
special grace and mercy, may in time of her travail avoid all
excessive dolour and pain, and abide perfect and sure from all peril
and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, through Christ our
Lord. Amen."

It followeth now further, in process of the story, that upon the
Tuesday, being the tenth of January, nineteen of the lower house of
the parliament, with the speaker, came to Whitehall to the king, and
offered him the government of the realm and of the issue, if the queen
should fail, which was confirmed by act of parliament within ten days
after.

On Wednesday following, being the sixteenth of January, the parliament
was clean dissolved. In this parliament, amongst other tidings, the
bishop of Rome was established, and all such laws as were made against
him since the twentieth year of King Henry the Eighth, were repealed,
and also Cardinal Pole, Bishop Pates, Lilly, and others were restored
to their blood. Also there was an act made for speaking of words; that
whoever should speak any thing against the king or queen, or that
might move any sedition or rebellion, at the first time to have one of
his ears cut off, or to forfeit a hundred marks; and at the second
time to have both his ears cut off, or else to forfeit a hundred
pounds; and whosoever should write, cipher, or print any of the
premises, to have their right hand cut off.

Also in this parliament three statutes were revived for trial of
heresy; one made in the fifth year of Richard the Second: another in
the second year of Henry the Fourth: and the third in the second year
of Henry the Fifth. Also the doing of Master Rose, and the others that
were with him, was communed of in this parliament; and upon that
occasion an act was made, that certain evil prayers should be treason
against the queen's Highness. The prayers of these men were thus: "God
turn the heart of Queen Mary from idolatry; or else shorten her days."

$

263. THE BOW CONGREGATION

Master Rose with thirty persons taken at a communion in Row
Churchyard. Anno 1555.

ON new-year's day at night following, certain honest men and women of
the city, to the number of thirty, and a minister with them named
Master Rose, were taken as they were in a house in Bow Churchyard at
the communion, and the same night they were all committed to prison.
And on the Thursday following, being the third of January, Master Rose
was before the bishop of Winchester, being lord chancellor; and from
thence the same day he was committed to the Tower, after certain
communication had between the bishop and him.

As touching the taking of Master Rose and his fellows, word was
brought thereof to that godly man and dear martyr of God, Master
Hooper, being then in the Fleet, in words as followeth.

A letter sent to Master Hooper, concerning the taking of a godly
company in Bow Churchyard, at their prayer.

"My duty humbly remembered:-- You hear, I know, of a godly company
imprisoned, which were taken upon new-year night. Yet notwithstanding,
forasmuch, perhaps, as you know not perfectly how nor wherefore, you
shall understand that being upon their knees in ending of prayer,
(wherein they gave God thanks, prayed for the magistrates and estates
of the realm, and required things necessary at his bountiful hands,)
two of my Lord Chancellor's men, as I am informed, came first into the
chamber where they were, in Bow Churchyard; and, immediately
afterwards, followed Master Sheriff with others, who commanded them
all to stay, in the king's and queens Majesty's names: whereunto they
humbly obeyed. For they came not thither weaponed, to conspire or make
any tumult, but only like Christians, Christianly to pray, and to be
instructed, in the vulgar tongue, by the reading and hearing of God's
word; as their conscience did enforce them, without the displeasure of
God, to do.

"For, as you well know, there is nothing so grievous to the patient in
this world, as the gnawing and biting worm of a troubled conscience;
being accused by God's law for the wilful transgression of the same.
This, by experience, we know by Judge Hales: who, contrary to the
knowledge of God's word, consented to the wicked traditions of the
papists, who, although in name they would be of the holy church and
preachers of the gospel of Christ, yet, in fact and deed, do dissent
from the same, and most detest that godly society; as by the cruel
handling of the Christians by the prelates, at this present time, it
doth evidently appear. Therefore, I say, that they might, without the
offence of God, quietly pray together, as they he taught by his word,
there assembled a godly company together, to the number of thirty:
divided and sent to both the compters, where, at commandment, they yet
remain. And with Master Chambers, Master Monger, and the rest in the
compter at Bread Street, I was yesterday; who (God he thanked!) be
strong, and do rejoice that for well-doing they are imprisoned: not
doubting, but that as God hath vouchsafed to accept them worthy to
sustain imprisonment for his sake, so he will strengthen them, rather
to suffer death than to deny his truth; as the Lord knoweth, who
assist you with his Holy Spirit, that unto the end you may persevere
in his truth: unto whose tuition, in my poor prayer, I humbly commend
you. January the third, 1555. Master Chambers, Master Monger, Master
Sh * * *, and the rest in the compter do pray for you, and, in Christ,
salute you most heartily."

Whereupon the said Master Hooper sendeth answer again, with a letter
also of consolation sent to the said prisoners; the copy whereof I
thought here not to overpass.

The answer of Master Hooper to a letter sent unto him concerning
certain prisoners taken in Bow Churchyard.

"The grace of God be with you, Amen. I perceive by your letter, how
that upon new-year's day at night, there were taken a godly company of
Christians, whilst they were praying. I do rejoice in that men can be
so well occupied in this perilous time, and flee unto God for remedy
by prayer, as well for their own lacks and necessities, as also
charitably to pray for them that persecute them. So doth the word of
God command all men to pray charitably for them that hate them, and
not to revile any magistrate with words, or to mean him evil by force
or violence. They also may rejoice, that in well-doing they were taken
to the prison. Wherefore I have thought it good to send them this
little writing of consolation; praying God to send them patience,
charity, and constancy in the truth of his most holy word. Thus fare
you well, and pray God to send his true word into this realm again
amongst us, which the ungodly bishops have now banished.

"January 4, A.D. 1555."

A letter of consolation sent from .Master Hooper, to the godly
brethren taken in Bow Churchyard in prayer, and laid in the compter in
Bread Street.

"The grace, favour, consolation, and aid of the Holy Ghost, be with
you now and ever. So be it.

"Dearly beloved in the Lord, ever since your imprisonment I have been
marvellously moved with great affections and passions, as well of
mirth and gladness, as of heaviness and sorrow. Of gladness in this,
that I perceived how ye be bent and given to prayer and invocation of
God's help in these dark and wicked proceedings of men against God's
glory. I have been sorry to perceive the malice and wickedness of men
to be so cruel, devilish, and tyrannical, to persecute the people of
God for serving of God, saying and hearing of the holy Psalms, and the
word of eternal life. These cruel doings do declare, that the papists'
church is more bloody and tyrannical, than ever was the sword of the
Ethnics and Gentiles.

"When I heard of your taking, and what ye were doing, wherefore, and
by whom ye were taken, I remembered how the Christians, in the
primitive church, were used by the cruelty of unchristened heathens,
in the time of Trajan the emperor, about seventy-seven years after
Christ's ascension into heaven; and how the Christians were persecuted
very sore, as though they had been traitors and movers of sedition:
whereupon the gentle emperor Trajan required to know the true cause of
Christian men's trouble. A great learned man, called Pliny, wrote unto
him, and said, It was because the Christians said certain Psalms
before day unto one called Christ, whom they worshipped for God. When
Trajan the emperor understood it was for nothing but for conscience
and religion, he caused by his commandments every where, that no man
should be persecuted for serving of God. Lo! a Gentile and heathen man
would not have such as were of a contrary religion punished for
serving of God: but the pope and his church hath cast you into prison,
being taken even doing the work of God, and one of the excellentest
works that is required of Christian men: that is to wit, whilst ye
were in prayer, and not in such wicked and superstitious prayers as
the papists use, but in the same prayer that Christ hath taught you to
pray. And in his name only ye gave God thanks for that ye have
received, and for his sake ye asked for such things as ye want. Oh!
glad may ye be that ever ye were born, to be apprehended whilst ye
were so virtuously occupied. Blessed be they that suffer for
righteousness' sake: for if God had suffered them that took your
bodies, then to have taken your life also, now had you been following
the Lamb in perpetual joys, away from the company and assembly of
wicked men. But the Lord would not have you suddenly so to depart, but
reserveth you, gloriously to speak and maintain his truth to the
world.

"Be ye not careful what ye shall say, for God will go out and in with
you, and will be present in your hearts, and in your mouths to speak
his wisdom, although it seemeth foolishness to the world. He that hath
begun this good work in you, continue you in the same unto the end;
and pray unto him that ye may fear him only, that hath power to kill
both body and soul, and to cast them into hell-fire. Be of good
comfort. All the hairs of your head are numbered, and there is not one
of them can perish, except your heavenly Father suffer it to perish.
Now ye be in the field, and placed in the fore-front of Christ's
battle. Doubtless it is a singular favour of God, and a special love
of him towards you, to give you this fore-ward and pre-eminence, as a
sign that he trusteth you before others of his people. Wherefore, dear
brethren and sisters, continually fight this fight of the Lord. Your
cause is most just and godly; ye stand for the true Christ, (who is
after the flesh in heaven,) and for his true religion and honour,
which is amply, fully, sufficiently, and abundantly contained in the
holy Testament, sealed with Christ's own blood. How much be ye bound
to God, who puts you in trust with so holy and just a cause!

"Remember what lookers-on you have, to see and behold you in your
fight: God and all his angels, who be ready always to take you up into
heaven, if ye be slain in this fight. Also you have standing at your
backs all the multitude of the faithful, who shall take courage,
strength, and desire, to follow such noble and valiant Christians as
you be. Be not afraid of your adversaries: for he that is in you, is
stronger than he that is in them. Shrink not, although it be pain to
you: your pains be not now so great, as hereafter your joys shall be.
Read the comfortable eighth, tenth, and fifteenth chapters to the
Romans, and the eleventh and twelfth to the Hebrews. And upon your
knees thank God that ever ye were accounted worthy to suffer any thing
for his name's sake. Read the second chapter of St. Luke's Gospel, and
there you shall see how the shepherds that watched upon their sheep
all night, as soon as they heard that Christ was born at Bethlehem, by
and by went to see him. They did not reason nor debate with
themselves, who should keep the wolf from the sheep in the mean time,
but did as they were commanded, and committed their sheep unto him,
whose pleasure they obeyed. So let us do, now we be called; commit all
other things to him that calleth us. He will take heed that all things
shall be well. He will help the husband, he will comfort the wife, he
will guide the servants, he will keep the house, he will preserve the
goods; yea, rather than it should be undone, he will wash the dishes, 
and rock the cradle. Cast therefore all your care upon God, for he
careth for you.

"Besides this, you may perceive by your imprisonment, that your
adversaries' weapons against you be nothing but flesh, blood, and
tyranny. For if they were able, they would maintain their wicked
religion by God's word: but, for lack of that, they would violently
compel us, as they cannot by Holy Scripture persuade; because the holy
word of God, and all Christ's doings, be contrary unto them. I pray
you, pray for me; and I will pray for you. And although we be asunder
after the world, yet in Christ (I trust) for ever joining in the
Spirit: and so shall meet in the palace of the heavenly joys, after
this short and transitory life is ended. God's peace be with you.
Amen.

"The 14th of January, 1555."

On the Friday following, being the eighteenth of January, all the
council went unto the Tower, and there the same day discharged and set
at liberty all the prisoners of the Tower, or the most part of them,
namely, the late duke of Northumberland's sons, Ambrose, Robert, and
Henry; Sir Andrew Dudley, Sir John Rogers, Sir James Crofts, Sir
Nicholas Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas Arnold, Sir George Harper, Sir
Edward Warner, Sir William Sent-low, Sir Gawin Carew, Master Gibbs,
Cuthbert Vaughan, with many others.

On the Tuesday following, being the twenty-second of January, all the
preachers that were in prison were called before the bishop of
Winchester, lord chancellor, and certain others, at the bishop's house
at St. Mary Overy's; from whence (after communication, being asked
whether they would convert and enjoy the queen's pardon, or else stand
to that they had taught; they all answering, that they would stand to
that they had taught) they were committed to straiter prison than
before they were, with charge that none should speak with them.

Among this number of prisoners, one James George the same time died in
prison, being there in bands for religion and righteousness' sake; who
therefore was exempted to be buried in the popish churchyard, and was
buried in the fields.

On the Wednesday following, being the twenty-third of January, all the
bishops with the rest of the Convocation-house were before the
cardinal at Lambeth, where he willed them to repair every man where
his cure and charge lay, exhorting them to entreat the people and
their flock with all gentleness, and to endeavour themselves, to win
the people rather by gentleness, than by extremity and rigour: and so
let them depart.

On the Friday following, being the twenty-fifth of January, and the
day of the conversion of St. Paul, there was a general and solemn
procession through London, to give God thanks for their conversion to
the catholic church: wherein (to set out their glorious pomp) there
were fourscore and ten crosses, and one hundred and sixty priests and
clerks, who had every one of them copes upon their backs, singing very
lustily. There followed also, for the better estimation of the sight,
eight bishops; and, last of all, came Bonner, the bishop of London,
carrying the popish pix under a canopy.

Besides, there was also present the mayor, aldermen, and all the
livery of every occupation. Moreover, the king also himself, and the
cardinal, came to Paul's church the same day. From whence, after mass,
they returned to Westminster again. As the king was entered the church
at the steps going up to the choir, all the gentlemen that of late
were set at liberty out of the Tower, kneeled before the king, and
offered unto him themselves and their services.

After the procession there was also commandment given to make bonfires
at night; whereupon did rise among the people a doubtful talk, why all
this was done. Some said it was that the queen, being (as they said)
with child, might have a safe delivery. Others thought that it was for
joy that the realm was joined again to the see of Rome; which opinion,
of both, seemed most true.

On the Monday following, being the twenty-eighth of January, the
bishop of Winchester and the other bishops had commission from the
cardinal to sit upon, and order, according to the laws, all such
preachers and heretics (as they termed them) as were in prison; and
according to this commission, the same day the bishop of Winchester
and the other bishops, with certain of the council, sat in St. Mary
Overy's church, and called before them these three, Master Hooper,
Master Rogers, and Master Cardmaker, who were brought thither by the
sheriffs; from whence after communication they were committed to
prison till the next day, but Cardmaker this day submitted himself
unto them.

On the Tuesday, being the twenty-ninth of January, Hooper, Rogers, Dr.
Taylor, and Bradford were brought before them; where sentence of
excommunication and judgment ecclesiastical was pronounced upon Master
Hooper and Master Rogers, by the bishop of Winchester, who sat as
judge in Caiaphas's seat; who drave them out of the church, according 
to their law and order. Dr. Taylor and Bradford were committed to
prison till the next day.

On the Wednesday, being the thirtieth of January, Dr. Taylor, Dr.
Crome, Master Bradford, Master Saunders, and Dr. Ferrar, sometime
bishop of St. David's, were before the said bishops; where three of
them, that is to say, Dr. Taylor, Master Saunders, and Master
Bradford, were likewise excommunicated, and sentence pronounced upon
them; and so committed to the sheriffs. Dr. Crome desired two months'
respite, and it was granted him; and Master Ferrar was again committed
to prison till another time. All these men showed themselves to be
learned, as indeed they were no less: but what availeth either
learning, reason, or truth itself, where will beareth rule?

After the examination and condemnation of these good men and preachers
above recited, commissions and inquisitors were sent abroad likewise
into all parts of the realm: by reason whereof, a great number of most
godly and true Christians out of all the quarters of the realm (but
especially Kent, Essex, Norfolk, and Suffolk) were apprehended,
brought up to London, cast into prison; and afterwards, most of them,
either consumed cruelly by fire, or else through evil handling died in
the prisons, and were buried on the dunghills abroad in the fields, or
in some backside of the prison. Of all which matters, concerning the
tragical handling of the blessed martyrs and witnesses of Jesus Christ
-- of all the bloody persecution of this time -- now followeth (the
Lord so granting) severally and more particularly in this next book in
order to be declared: after that I shall first recite a general
supplication, given up in the name of the preachers aforesaid lying in
prison, unto the king and queen, during the time of the parliament, as
followeth

"Unto the king and queen's most excellent Majesties, and to their most
honourable and high court of parliament.

"In most humble and lamentable wise complain unto your Majesties, and
to your high court of parliament, your poor desolate and obedient
subjects, H. F. T. B., P. R. S., &c. That whereas your said subjects,
living under the laws of God and of this realm, in the days of the
late most noble King Edward the Sixth, did in all things show
themselves true, faithful, and diligent subjects, according to their
vocation, as well in the sincere ministering of God's most holy word,
as in due obedience to the higher powers, and in the daily practice of
such virtues and good demeanour, as the laws of God at all times, and
the statutes of the realm did then, allow: your said subjects
nevertheless, contrary to all laws of justice, equity, and right, are
in very extreme manner not only cast into prison, (where they have
remained now these fifteen or sixteen months,) but their livings also,
their houses and possessions, their goods and books, taken from them,
and they slandered to be most heinous heretics, their enemies
themselves being both witnesses, accusers, and judges; belying,
slandering, and misreporting your said subjects at their pleasure,
whereas your said subjects, being straitly kept in prison, cannot yet
be suffered to come forth, and make answer accordingly.

"In consideration whereof, may it please your most excellent
Majesties, and this your high court of parliament, graciously to
tender the present calamity of your said poor subjects, and to call
them before your presence, granting them liberty, either by mouth or
writing, in the plain English tongue, to answer before you, or before
indifferent arbiters to be appointed by your Majesties, unto such
articles of controversy in religion as their said adversaries have
already condemned them of, as of heinous heresies: provided that all
things may be done with such moderation and quiet behaviour, as
becometh subjects and children of peace, and that your said subjects
may have the free use of all their own books, and conference together
among themselves.

"Which thing being granted, your said subjects doubt not but it shall
plainly appear, that your said subjects are true and faithful
Christians, and neither heretics, neither teachers of heresy, nor cut
off from the true catholic universal church of Christ: yea, that
rather their adversaries themselves be unto your Majesties as were the
charmers of Egypt to Pharaoh, Zedechias and his adherents unto the
king of Israel, and Bar-Jesu to the proconsul Sergius Paulus. And if
your said subjects be not able, by the testimony of Christ, his
prophets, apostles, and godly fathers of his church, to prove that the
doctrine of the church, homilies, and service taught and set forth in
the time of our late most godly prince and king, Edward the Sixth, is
the true doctrine of Christ's catholic church, and most agreeable to
the articles of the Christian faith; your said subjects offer
themselves then to the most heavy punishment that it shall please your
Majesties to appoint.

"Wherefore, for the tender mercy of God in Christ, (which you look for
at the day of judgment,) your said poor subjects in bonds most humbly
beseech your most excellent Majesties, and this your high court of
parliament, benignly and graciously to hear and grant this their
petition, tending so greatly to the glory of God, to the edifying of
his church, to the honour of your Majesties, to the commendation and
maintenance of justice, right, and equity both before God and man. And
your said subjects, according to their bounden duty, shall not cease
to pray unto Almighty God for the gracious preservation of your most
excellent Majesties long to endure."

END OF PART 4.